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The new white race: settler colonialism and the press in French Algeria, 1860-1914 新的白人种族:法属阿尔及利亚的移民殖民主义和媒体,1860-1914
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2248803
Megan R. Brown
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引用次数: 0
Salah Ben Youssef et les youssefistes: Au tournant de l’indépendance tunisienne, 1955–1956 萨拉赫·本·优素福和优素福主义者:在突尼斯独立的转折点,1955 - 1956
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2248802
Clement M. Henry
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引用次数: 0
Biographies of insecurity: labour migration from the Moroccan margins 不安全的传记:来自摩洛哥边缘的劳工移民
Pub Date : 2023-08-09 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2237494
Hamdi Echkaou, J. Frische
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引用次数: 0
War, resistance, and memory in Libya’s oral history project 利比亚口述历史项目中的战争、抵抗和记忆
Pub Date : 2023-07-29 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2241016
Eileen Ryan
ABSTRACT This article examines the Libyan Oral History Project, an archive created in the 1970s to record the memories of mujahidin involved in anti-Italian resistance in Libya. Though it was not the original intention of the archive, this article argues that the memories of the mujahidin contribute to an effort among historians to reconceptualise the global significance of the First World War. A careful reading of the accounts of the mujahidin reveals a chronological continuity from the initial struggle against the Italian occupation to armed warfare against European forces throughout the region in the interwar era. By interpreting the First World War from the southern coast of the Mediterranean, we gain new appreciation for the significance of the war not just as a conflict among empire, but also as the beginning of a longer struggle between imperial forces and anti-imperial resistance.
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引用次数: 0
Tunisian harga: facts, theories, and conclusions 突尼斯哈尔加:事实、理论和结论
Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2229166
Chamseddine Mnasri
‘Burn the papers, burn the borders, burn from the inside.’ Nothing is more accurate to define the harga phenomenon than these words from Leila Chaïbi’s documentary La Brûlure. Following from Chaïbi’s description, harga is a one-way journey to a better life that soon degenerates into a process of self-burning, a process whose meanings include but also much exceed definitions as ‘illegal’ or ‘irregular’ migration. Yahrag, the verb form of harga, implies that ‘nothing will be left from me’ when I burn my travel documents, the borders, and despair while trying desperately to survive the high waves. It is a journey that the harraga are compelled to choose due to the condition of desperation at home; a journey that also frequently ends in utter failure due the contentious immigration policies of many Global North countries, which criminalise the harraga simply for wishing for a better future away from home. Such a journey was succinctly depicted by one of the harraga in 2017. ‘I’d rather die trying than live in despair,’ he boldly put it (cited in Tabbabi 2020). ‘To die trying’ means essentially to burn your misery by courting death, or to live in the twilight zone between life and death, when you take a gamble regardless of the outcome. It is a process that supplements hope for a better future with a death wish, which one deportee voiced fervently while boarding a plane back home:
烧掉文件,烧掉边界,从里面烧掉。没有什么比莱拉Chaïbi的纪录片《La br》中的这些话更准确地定义了哈尔加现象。根据Chaïbi的描述,harga是通往更美好生活的单程旅程,很快就退化为自我燃烧的过程,这个过程的含义包括但也远远超过了“非法”或“非正规”移民的定义。Yahrag是harga的动词形式,意思是当我烧掉我的旅行证件、边界、绝望地试图在巨浪中生存时,“我什么都不会留下”。这是一个旅程,哈拉加被迫选择由于绝望的条件在国内;由于许多全球北方国家有争议的移民政策,这一旅程也经常以彻底失败告终。这些政策将哈拉加人定罪,仅仅是因为他们希望离开家有更好的未来。2017年,一位哈拉加人简洁地描述了这样一段旅程。他大胆地说:“我宁愿在努力中死去,也不愿在绝望中生活。”(引自《Tabbabi 2020》)“试着去死”本质上意味着通过追求死亡来燃烧你的痛苦,或者当你不顾结果地赌博时,生活在生与死之间的模糊地带。在这个过程中,除了对更美好未来的希望之外,还有一种死的愿望,一名被驱逐者在登上回国的飞机时强烈地表达了这种愿望:
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引用次数: 0
The Libyan Novel: Humans, Animals and the Poetics of Vulnerability 利比亚小说:人类、动物和脆弱的诗学
Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2022.2087266
Gretchen Head
analysis of how the structures of racial violence underpinning settler society in Algeria compare to other settler contexts, historical and contemporary, would have enhanced both the reach and the depth of the book’s contribution to the scholarship. There is somewhat of a missed opportunity here to bring the wider colonial world into Algerian history and to bring Algeria into the history of the wider colonial world. This minor critique notwithstanding, Sylvie Thénault has produced a piece of scholarship that is both accessible and original, representing a significant contribution to the field. The reflection she offers on the structural racism and violence of the settler colonial polity and its minimisation and occlusion in the archival record is sure to open new and exciting avenues for research into the future.
分析阿尔及利亚定居者社会的种族暴力结构如何与其他历史和当代定居者环境相比较,将提高本书对学术贡献的广度和深度。我们错过了把更广泛的殖民世界带入阿尔及利亚历史和把阿尔及利亚带入更广泛的殖民世界历史的机会。尽管有这些小小的批评,Sylvie thsamnault还是创造了一份既容易理解又新颖的学术成果,代表了对该领域的重大贡献。她对移民殖民政体的结构性种族主义和暴力的反思,以及档案记录中对其的最小化和封锁,肯定会为未来的研究开辟新的、令人兴奋的途径。
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引用次数: 0
Première guerre mondiale, panislamisme et nationalisme tunisien: Parcours de figures tunisiennes en Allemagne au début du XXe siècle 第一次世界大战、泛伊斯兰主义和突尼斯民族主义:20世纪初突尼斯人物在德国的旅程
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2229999
Stuart Schaar
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引用次数: 0
Les jeunes et la guerre d'Algérie: Une nouvelle génération face à son histoire 青年与阿尔及利亚战争:面对历史的新一代
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2229606
Emmanuelle Comtat
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引用次数: 0
Kais Saied and the demise of democracy 凯斯赛义德和民主的消亡
Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2211838
Zoe Petkanas
This spring, Rached Ghannouchi, leader of the Tunisian opposition and founder of Islamist party Ennahdha, was arrested and sentenced to one year in prison for allegedly using the word ’tyrant’ in a funeral eulogy. His arrest is only the latest in a series of escalating crackdowns on dissent and political opposition by Tunisian President Kais Saied. Since executing a presidential coup in July 2021, Saied has emerged as the region’s latest authoritarian strongman. Some analysts cite Saied’s populist anti-institutionalism and conspiracy-driven political paranoia as reminiscent of Donald Trump, Hugo Chavez, and Silvio Berlusconi (Cordall 2023). Others place him the company of Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi – whose security officers were advising Saied and were present when former Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi was beaten at the Presidential Palace on 25 July (Middle East Eye 2021). Although often compared in the early days after the revolutions, Tunisia and Egypt’s paths drastically diverged only two years later when Sisi overthrew Egypt’s first democratically elected president just one year after his election. Nearly ten years later, however, Saied appears to be following Sisi’s hyper-presidentialist playbook on seising and consolidating power, systematically dismantling Tunisia’s painstakingly built democratic institutions in the process.
今年春天,突尼斯反对派领袖、伊斯兰政党复兴运动党(Ennahdha)创始人加努希(rach Ghannouchi)被捕,并被判处一年监禁,原因是他被指在葬礼悼词中使用了“暴君”一词。他的被捕只是突尼斯总统赛义德对持不同政见者和政治反对派的一系列不断升级的镇压中最新的一次。自2021年7月发动总统政变以来,赛义德已成为该地区最新的独裁强人。一些分析人士指出,赛义德的民粹主义反制度主义和阴谋论驱动的政治偏执让人想起唐纳德·特朗普、乌戈·查韦斯和西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼(Cordall 2023)。尽管在革命初期经常被拿来比较,但仅仅两年后,塞西就推翻了埃及第一位民选总统,突尼斯和埃及的道路就出现了巨大分歧。然而,近十年后,赛义德似乎在追随塞西夺取和巩固权力的超级总统主义剧本,在此过程中系统地瓦解了突尼斯苦心建立的民主制度。
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引用次数: 0
Degeneration and the demos in North Africa: towards a ‘critical’ study of democratisation? 北非的退化与民众:走向民主化的“批判性”研究?
Pub Date : 2023-05-24 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207227
L. Sadiki, L. Saleh
ABSTRACT This article frames the problematic explored in the Special Issue, namely, the Maghreb and North Africa's ‘crisis of democratization.' Across cases, the crisis is multi-layered, involving first, counter-revolution since the 2011 (and 2019) uprisings and revolutions; second, the breakup of states, particularly those mired in violence (e.g. Libya); and third, setbacks even among states that have to an extent transcended the democratic threshold (e.g. Tunisia). We lay the groundwork for localized and contextualized exploration of ‘degenerations of democratizations' playing out in the region. This involves rethinking the teleological ambit of transitology studies as well as the ‘reverse transitology' scholarship on democratic backsliding. We propose an alternative ‘critical democratization' frame that emphasizes emancipation and attends to the demos. This people-centered approach is fitting for exploring democratization and its setbacks in the context of popular uprisings and revolution. It allows for investigations of local democratic learning and un-learning; local-global and local-regional interactions; entrenched socioeconomic and military structures and disparities; and popular forces of resistance (al-hirak) challenging democratic setbacks. Critical study of democratization necessitates case-by-case explorations probing regional commonalities as well as country-level specificities to investigate how ‘degeneration’ manifests in the Maghreb, North Africa, and the wider Arab region.
本文将讨论特刊中探讨的问题,即马格里布和北非的“民主化危机”。在各个案例中,危机是多层的,首先是2011年(和2019年)起义和革命以来的反革命;第二,国家分裂,尤其是那些深陷暴力的国家(如利比亚);第三,甚至在那些已经在一定程度上超越了民主门槛的国家(如突尼斯)也会遭遇挫折。我们为在该地区进行的“民主化退化”的本地化和情境化探索奠定了基础。这包括重新思考过渡学研究的目的论范围,以及关于民主倒退的“反向过渡学”学术。我们提出了另一种“批判民主化”框架,强调解放并关注民众。这种以人民为中心的方法适合在人民起义和革命的背景下探索民主化及其挫折。它允许对当地民主学习和不学习进行调查;地方-全球和地方-区域的相互作用;根深蒂固的社会经济和军事结构和差距;民众抵抗力量(al-hirak)挑战民主挫折。对民主化的批判性研究需要逐一探索区域共性以及国家层面的特殊性,以调查“退化”如何在马格里布、北非和更广泛的阿拉伯地区表现出来。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The Journal of North African Studies
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