Pub Date : 2023-03-27DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2195083
Émilie Hautemont
the 37 years covered in her study. In the new afterword to this 2022 edition, she comments briefly on the role of the contemporary army in the current political challenge posed by the hirak. She expects that the institution whose construction she has so admirably chronicled will play an important role in the management of this protest movement, while undergoing further transformations of its own. The book contains several appendices in addition to the ‘répertoire biographique’mentioned above. These include impressive sections on methodology (297– 308) and sources (309–321), as well as a mammoth bibliography, maps and photos. So much for impossible tasks.
{"title":"Transforming Family: Queer Kinship and Migration in Contemporary Francophone Literature","authors":"Émilie Hautemont","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2195083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2195083","url":null,"abstract":"the 37 years covered in her study. In the new afterword to this 2022 edition, she comments briefly on the role of the contemporary army in the current political challenge posed by the hirak. She expects that the institution whose construction she has so admirably chronicled will play an important role in the management of this protest movement, while undergoing further transformations of its own. The book contains several appendices in addition to the ‘répertoire biographique’mentioned above. These include impressive sections on methodology (297– 308) and sources (309–321), as well as a mammoth bibliography, maps and photos. So much for impossible tasks.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"1574 - 1577"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79856758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-19DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2178757
C. Henry
Tunisia (post-Jasmine Revolution), only Kais Saied emerges as the country’s shining light. Among reputable Tunisian analysts, Mansouri remains one of the few enthusiastic and uncritical supporters of Saied’s autocratic rule. The author’s writings in this regard are unequivocal and with abundant examples provided. In chapter eight, for example, devoted to ‘Kaïs Saïed en Tunisie,’ the author provides this embellished view of the Tunisian autocrat:
突尼斯(茉莉花革命后)，只有凯斯·赛义德成为这个国家的耀眼之光。在突尼斯著名的分析人士中，曼苏里仍然是赛义德独裁统治的少数热情和不加批判的支持者之一。作者在这方面的著作是明确的，并提供了大量的例子。例如，在专门讨论“Kaïs Saïed en Tunisie”的第八章中，作者对突尼斯独裁者进行了这样的美化:
{"title":"Markets of civilization: Islam and racial capitalism in Algeria","authors":"C. Henry","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2178757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2178757","url":null,"abstract":"Tunisia (post-Jasmine Revolution), only Kais Saied emerges as the country’s shining light. Among reputable Tunisian analysts, Mansouri remains one of the few enthusiastic and uncritical supporters of Saied’s autocratic rule. The author’s writings in this regard are unequivocal and with abundant examples provided. In chapter eight, for example, devoted to ‘Kaïs Saïed en Tunisie,’ the author provides this embellished view of the Tunisian autocrat:","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"1562 - 1565"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83093237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-06DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2183604
Safouene Ghannouchi
Examining the use of emergency powers in Tunisia is worthwhile because of the political and security upheavals in the MENA region in general since 2011. Indeed, political upheaval in many countries of the region has pushed the different governments to adopt emergency provisions with the aim of restoring security order. Emergency provisions are legal rules specifying who can announce a state of emergency and what powers political actors have once a state of emergency is declared (Ackerman 2004). This analysis could be even more valuable if we consider governments that have allowed a deep opening of the political system, with the aim of enabling more freedom. Indeed, from the moment the state of emergency is declared, these governments find themselves between the security need to suspend rights and freedoms at a time when rights and freedoms need to be protected. Writing about the Tunisian case would have a particular significance since the political change that happened in the country since 2011. This revolution was also unique during the Arab Spring since it was peaceful and not sanguinary, in contradiction with other revolutions that happened in the MENA region at that period, and in all over the world in the past. It is difficult to speak of emergency provisions under an authoritarian or a totalitarian regime. Indeed, since the executive has no countervailing power and cannot be held accountable for his decisions, it would not be beneficial to grant him more powers for a temporary period, since he already enjoys all the powers during ordinary circumstances. Hence, the constitutional history of emergency provisions is, generally speaking, rather close to democratic governments than to dictatorial ones. The effectivenesś of the adoption of emergency provisions or exceptional measures – considering that the substantial role of these provisions consists in the restoration of the constitutional order, and that the legal rule in the transitional law should be exceptional, necessary, and limited in time – can
{"title":"Emergency provisions and exceptional measures in Tunisia: establishment of a new constitutional order","authors":"Safouene Ghannouchi","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2183604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2183604","url":null,"abstract":"Examining the use of emergency powers in Tunisia is worthwhile because of the political and security upheavals in the MENA region in general since 2011. Indeed, political upheaval in many countries of the region has pushed the different governments to adopt emergency provisions with the aim of restoring security order. Emergency provisions are legal rules specifying who can announce a state of emergency and what powers political actors have once a state of emergency is declared (Ackerman 2004). This analysis could be even more valuable if we consider governments that have allowed a deep opening of the political system, with the aim of enabling more freedom. Indeed, from the moment the state of emergency is declared, these governments find themselves between the security need to suspend rights and freedoms at a time when rights and freedoms need to be protected. Writing about the Tunisian case would have a particular significance since the political change that happened in the country since 2011. This revolution was also unique during the Arab Spring since it was peaceful and not sanguinary, in contradiction with other revolutions that happened in the MENA region at that period, and in all over the world in the past. It is difficult to speak of emergency provisions under an authoritarian or a totalitarian regime. Indeed, since the executive has no countervailing power and cannot be held accountable for his decisions, it would not be beneficial to grant him more powers for a temporary period, since he already enjoys all the powers during ordinary circumstances. Hence, the constitutional history of emergency provisions is, generally speaking, rather close to democratic governments than to dictatorial ones. The effectivenesś of the adoption of emergency provisions or exceptional measures – considering that the substantial role of these provisions consists in the restoration of the constitutional order, and that the legal rule in the transitional law should be exceptional, necessary, and limited in time – can","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"43 1","pages":"477 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85445908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2183388
Helen L. Murphey
ABSTRACT Populism has often been considered to thrive on polarisation. By identifying a ‘people’ and an ‘elite’, populist political actors encourage a dichotomy between self and other; further, placing political opponents outside the lines of normative national identity promotes a praxis discouraging compromise and indicting those who seek to understand the other. At the same time, populists come to prominence during times of grievance. The simplified discourses they espouse offer culprits and straightforward explanations for disillusioned citizens. What occurs when two polarised populists advance narratives addressing similar grievances? In this article, I engage in a frame analysis of the discourses advanced by Tunisian populist actors from 2019-2021: Itilaf al-Karama and the Parti Destourien Libre, who fall on opposing ends of the Islamist-secularist spectrum. I argue that these two populisms have an intensifying effect upon polarisation by substantiating the threat discourses advanced by their opposition.
{"title":"The intensifying effects of polarised populisms: opposed Islamist and Bourguibist discourses in post-revolutionary Tunisia","authors":"Helen L. Murphey","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2183388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2183388","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Populism has often been considered to thrive on polarisation. By identifying a ‘people’ and an ‘elite’, populist political actors encourage a dichotomy between self and other; further, placing political opponents outside the lines of normative national identity promotes a praxis discouraging compromise and indicting those who seek to understand the other. At the same time, populists come to prominence during times of grievance. The simplified discourses they espouse offer culprits and straightforward explanations for disillusioned citizens. What occurs when two polarised populists advance narratives addressing similar grievances? In this article, I engage in a frame analysis of the discourses advanced by Tunisian populist actors from 2019-2021: Itilaf al-Karama and the Parti Destourien Libre, who fall on opposing ends of the Islamist-secularist spectrum. I argue that these two populisms have an intensifying effect upon polarisation by substantiating the threat discourses advanced by their opposition.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"1104 - 1123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89244023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-20DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2177085
Yoav Di-Capua
{"title":"The story of the banned book: Naguib Mahfouz’s children of the alley","authors":"Yoav Di-Capua","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2177085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2177085","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"108 1","pages":"1297 - 1299"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74650317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-12DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2172783
Y. Warshel
ABSTRACT Much has been claimed with pride about Morocco's advance onto the semi-finals of the World Cup as the so-called first ‘Muslim,' ‘African,' and ‘Arab' state to have achieved such status, as well as from a post-colonial and anti-colonial perspective, given the symbolism of its beating Spain. Even more could have been said if Morocco also beat France, from whom it gained independence. Yet, amid all these claims to firsts, there are errors and oversights. To understand the multiple meanings of Morocco's legitimately earned victories, I take a closer look. Morocco is not the first Muslim team to reach the semi-finals, rather Turkey is. The African state of Senegal came close too, and 20 years prior. Though predicated on Arab identity, much of Morocco is Amazigh, and the World Cup may rather be viewed as a series of victories by Amazigh players. From a post-colonial or anti-colonial perspective, while the Moroccan players chose to commemorate their victory over Spain by displaying a Palestinian flag; stunningly, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, whose flag is nearly identical, was entirely ignored by myriad commentators expressing pride in Morocco and its post-colonial and so-called anticolonialist stances. Such expressions of pride in Morocco's victories, along with justified critiques of double-standards by ‘Northern' states disregarding their own human rights records to criticize Qatar's; nevertheless, neglected Morocco's own governance over and annexation of Western Sahara. Such disregard called into question why Sahrawi human rights were ignored, and the complexity of how to characterize the meaning of Morocco's victories. Ultimately, if these are truly meant to be a (Men’s) World Cup, why do not all peoples play and/or are at least allowed to be represented?
{"title":"So-called firsts scored by the Moroccan ‘Muslim, Arab, African, post-colonial’ and Amazigh Atlas Lions at the 2022 World Cup football games","authors":"Y. Warshel","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2172783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2172783","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Much has been claimed with pride about Morocco's advance onto the semi-finals of the World Cup as the so-called first ‘Muslim,' ‘African,' and ‘Arab' state to have achieved such status, as well as from a post-colonial and anti-colonial perspective, given the symbolism of its beating Spain. Even more could have been said if Morocco also beat France, from whom it gained independence. Yet, amid all these claims to firsts, there are errors and oversights. To understand the multiple meanings of Morocco's legitimately earned victories, I take a closer look. Morocco is not the first Muslim team to reach the semi-finals, rather Turkey is. The African state of Senegal came close too, and 20 years prior. Though predicated on Arab identity, much of Morocco is Amazigh, and the World Cup may rather be viewed as a series of victories by Amazigh players. From a post-colonial or anti-colonial perspective, while the Moroccan players chose to commemorate their victory over Spain by displaying a Palestinian flag; stunningly, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, whose flag is nearly identical, was entirely ignored by myriad commentators expressing pride in Morocco and its post-colonial and so-called anticolonialist stances. Such expressions of pride in Morocco's victories, along with justified critiques of double-standards by ‘Northern' states disregarding their own human rights records to criticize Qatar's; nevertheless, neglected Morocco's own governance over and annexation of Western Sahara. Such disregard called into question why Sahrawi human rights were ignored, and the complexity of how to characterize the meaning of Morocco's victories. Ultimately, if these are truly meant to be a (Men’s) World Cup, why do not all peoples play and/or are at least allowed to be represented?","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"219 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81139739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-02DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2171998
Simona Berhe
ABSTRACT The article focuses on the issue of the press in Western Libya, starting from the Ottoman period, up to early 1920. In particular, the author analyses the newspaper al-Liwā' al-Ṭarābulusī, the official mouthpiece of the National Reform Party, whose secretary was Azzam and president al-Qīzānī, both involved in the newspaper activities. The article also aims to shed light on the editorial network that linked Libya to Italy, focusing on the League of oppressed peoples propaganda.
{"title":"Ink battles: the press and political struggle in Western Libya","authors":"Simona Berhe","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2171998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2171998","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article focuses on the issue of the press in Western Libya, starting from the Ottoman period, up to early 1920. In particular, the author analyses the newspaper al-Liwā' al-Ṭarābulusī, the official mouthpiece of the National Reform Party, whose secretary was Azzam and president al-Qīzānī, both involved in the newspaper activities. The article also aims to shed light on the editorial network that linked Libya to Italy, focusing on the League of oppressed peoples propaganda.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":"741 - 766"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78152698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-30DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2171719
Jonathan Lewis
heresy in the 1990s, to cite only two famous examples – the question of the making of an Egyptian cultural scandal does get something of an answer. Indeed, The Story of the Banned Book revisits all the contentious signposts that made the book and its author so scandalous: the fraught relationship between intellectuals and the state; the contested right to administer morality to the public; the role of religion within the moral public sphere; the struggle over who speaks for religion and by what right; competitiveness between intellectuals; the role of public media within and outside of Egypt; and the force of public opinion. As he blends these many different facets of the story together, Shoair takes the reader on a captivating investigative journey. Indeed, The Story of the Banned Book is not only a literary and intellectual achievement, but also a methodological triumph, which is where its true value lies for scholars. Search the history of almost any Nobel laureate and you will be directed to an organized archive. That is no more the case here than it is for almost any Arab intellectual of equal, let alone lesser, stature. Thus, to know Arab intellectuals fully and intimately, one has to devise a research method that circumvents the absence of the archive as it constructs its own record of the person and event in question. To do so is to follow Shoair’s method of combining critical oral history, investigative journalism skills into forgotten records, as well as more conventional explorations of the intellectual and cultural record of the era, and the books and debates that made it. Beyond the sheer pleasure of reading this investigation, there is the lesson of what it means to represent and bring to life a writer, a text and a community that, for a variety of reasons, left no organized record of their history.
{"title":"Les Vertueux","authors":"Jonathan Lewis","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2171719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2171719","url":null,"abstract":"heresy in the 1990s, to cite only two famous examples – the question of the making of an Egyptian cultural scandal does get something of an answer. Indeed, The Story of the Banned Book revisits all the contentious signposts that made the book and its author so scandalous: the fraught relationship between intellectuals and the state; the contested right to administer morality to the public; the role of religion within the moral public sphere; the struggle over who speaks for religion and by what right; competitiveness between intellectuals; the role of public media within and outside of Egypt; and the force of public opinion. As he blends these many different facets of the story together, Shoair takes the reader on a captivating investigative journey. Indeed, The Story of the Banned Book is not only a literary and intellectual achievement, but also a methodological triumph, which is where its true value lies for scholars. Search the history of almost any Nobel laureate and you will be directed to an organized archive. That is no more the case here than it is for almost any Arab intellectual of equal, let alone lesser, stature. Thus, to know Arab intellectuals fully and intimately, one has to devise a research method that circumvents the absence of the archive as it constructs its own record of the person and event in question. To do so is to follow Shoair’s method of combining critical oral history, investigative journalism skills into forgotten records, as well as more conventional explorations of the intellectual and cultural record of the era, and the books and debates that made it. Beyond the sheer pleasure of reading this investigation, there is the lesson of what it means to represent and bring to life a writer, a text and a community that, for a variety of reasons, left no organized record of their history.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"1299 - 1302"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86298277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-30DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2167279
Jennifer Howell
{"title":"Attaquer la terre et le soleil","authors":"Jennifer Howell","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2167279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2167279","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89690578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-24DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2167351
Salim Chena
{"title":"La question kabyle dans le nationalisme algérien: 1949-1962","authors":"Salim Chena","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2167351","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2167351","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"12 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91469292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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