Pub Date : 2023-05-14DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2203469
Yasmina Abouzzohour, Tarik M. Yousef
ABSTRACT This article investigates the conditions that lead to heightened trust in the military in non-democracies through an empirical study of post-2011 Libya. Drawing on the political science and sociology literatures on institutional trust in non-democratic contexts, we develop hypotheses linking public trust in the military to personal safety, political interest, Islamist orientation, trust in institutions, regionalism, and support for democracy. Using survey data collected by the Arab Barometer between 2014 and 2019, we empirically test these hypotheses. Our findings reveal a confluence of factors driving trust in the military in Libya, including regional, generational, educational, and class divides. Being older, male, and from the East contribute positively to trust in the military as well as perceived personal safety, trust in government, interest in politics, and support for democracy. On the other hand, an Islamist orientation, education and income are negatively correlated. These results allow us to speculate about the drivers of trust in the military. In particular, the positive impact of personal safety and support for democracy could reflect the public's perception of the army as responsible for ensuring safety and protecting a nation in turmoil. The role of interest in politics could be attributed to the charged context of politics and security after the 2014 elections. Notably, regional exceptionalism in the East could be related to the role and behaviour of the eastern-based, self-proclaimed Libyan National Army. Our paper contributes to the limited empirical research on trust in the military in non-democracies, backsliding in conflict countries, and political attitudes in Libya.
{"title":"What drives public trust in the military in non-democracies: Evidence from Libya (2014-2019)","authors":"Yasmina Abouzzohour, Tarik M. Yousef","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2203469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2203469","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates the conditions that lead to heightened trust in the military in non-democracies through an empirical study of post-2011 Libya. Drawing on the political science and sociology literatures on institutional trust in non-democratic contexts, we develop hypotheses linking public trust in the military to personal safety, political interest, Islamist orientation, trust in institutions, regionalism, and support for democracy. Using survey data collected by the Arab Barometer between 2014 and 2019, we empirically test these hypotheses. Our findings reveal a confluence of factors driving trust in the military in Libya, including regional, generational, educational, and class divides. Being older, male, and from the East contribute positively to trust in the military as well as perceived personal safety, trust in government, interest in politics, and support for democracy. On the other hand, an Islamist orientation, education and income are negatively correlated. These results allow us to speculate about the drivers of trust in the military. In particular, the positive impact of personal safety and support for democracy could reflect the public's perception of the army as responsible for ensuring safety and protecting a nation in turmoil. The role of interest in politics could be attributed to the charged context of politics and security after the 2014 elections. Notably, regional exceptionalism in the East could be related to the role and behaviour of the eastern-based, self-proclaimed Libyan National Army. Our paper contributes to the limited empirical research on trust in the military in non-democracies, backsliding in conflict countries, and political attitudes in Libya.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"1373 - 1401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90094503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-14DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207229
S. Colombo
ABSTRACT In the North African context, Morocco is a clear example of democratic backsliding. Since popular protests broke out in 2011, institutional reforms were implemented under the leadership of the monarchy, leading the Moroccan polity to change without altering its defining features. The previous decade had indeed seen Morocco trailing a thin line between social moderation and repression and between political openings and counter-revolution. Between 2011 and 2022 the process of democratic backsliding accelerated, thus turning Morocco into a ‘hybrid regime'. By tracing continuities and changes in the past decade mainly at the political and institutional levels, this article explores the pattern of democratic backsliding undertaken by Morocco by empirically contextualising it within the deterioration of the main features of citizenship understood according to the categorisation introduced by Marshall and Bottomore (1987) that distinguishes between civic, political and social rights. To explain this pattern, the article argues that external factors linked to the deterioration of the regional context (the conflict with Algeria over the Western Sahara and the spill-over of Libyan instability) as well as the rising tensions with the European Union (EU) have not only underpinned Morocco’s geopolitical reorientation but also sustained its domestic crisis of (unfinished) democratisation.
{"title":"Morocco’s domestic crisis of (derailed) democratisation","authors":"S. Colombo","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2207229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the North African context, Morocco is a clear example of democratic backsliding. Since popular protests broke out in 2011, institutional reforms were implemented under the leadership of the monarchy, leading the Moroccan polity to change without altering its defining features. The previous decade had indeed seen Morocco trailing a thin line between social moderation and repression and between political openings and counter-revolution. Between 2011 and 2022 the process of democratic backsliding accelerated, thus turning Morocco into a ‘hybrid regime'. By tracing continuities and changes in the past decade mainly at the political and institutional levels, this article explores the pattern of democratic backsliding undertaken by Morocco by empirically contextualising it within the deterioration of the main features of citizenship understood according to the categorisation introduced by Marshall and Bottomore (1987) that distinguishes between civic, political and social rights. To explain this pattern, the article argues that external factors linked to the deterioration of the regional context (the conflict with Algeria over the Western Sahara and the spill-over of Libyan instability) as well as the rising tensions with the European Union (EU) have not only underpinned Morocco’s geopolitical reorientation but also sustained its domestic crisis of (unfinished) democratisation.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"1492 - 1514"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91360597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207230
Ilhem Rachidi, Abdallah Aballagh
ABSTRACT This article examines democratic backsliding in Algeria through a focus on the Hirak movement, born in 2019. Specifically, it explores government repression and the resulting impact on political action (the use of terrorism charges, the banning of parties, the prosecution of political activists and leaders). To this end, the article will present a ‘timeline’ of repression over the past four years, showcasing relevant numbers and trends that speak to the movement’s activism and responses by the government. The article incorporates primary data collected from the country, including through interlocutor activists who have borne the brunt of government crackdowns. Ultimately, the article seeks to investigate the ways in which Tebboune’s government has made it impossible for a viable opposition force to emerge from the Hirak – The obstacles to democratic progress Some of those who haven't took part in initiatives within the Hirak such as the platform for discussions ‘Nida 22’ or joined groups for the support and the defense of political prisoners.
{"title":"Algeria’s Hirak: fading prospects for democratisation?","authors":"Ilhem Rachidi, Abdallah Aballagh","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2207230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207230","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines democratic backsliding in Algeria through a focus on the Hirak movement, born in 2019. Specifically, it explores government repression and the resulting impact on political action (the use of terrorism charges, the banning of parties, the prosecution of political activists and leaders). To this end, the article will present a ‘timeline’ of repression over the past four years, showcasing relevant numbers and trends that speak to the movement’s activism and responses by the government. The article incorporates primary data collected from the country, including through interlocutor activists who have borne the brunt of government crackdowns. Ultimately, the article seeks to investigate the ways in which Tebboune’s government has made it impossible for a viable opposition force to emerge from the Hirak – The obstacles to democratic progress Some of those who haven't took part in initiatives within the Hirak such as the platform for discussions ‘Nida 22’ or joined groups for the support and the defense of political prisoners.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":"1515 - 1537"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88074171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-08DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207225
L. Sadiki, L. Saleh
Democratisation in revolutionary times matters to academia and to our social world. Reflecting on the urgent scholarly need among students of Arab and Middle Eastern politics to address the crisis of democratisation is imperative. A line-up of social scientists comes together to do just that: a focused and in-depth engagement with the problematic of the crisis of democratisation. To this end, the contributors in this Special Issue offer a ‘soft’ theorisation of the crisis of democratisation in the context of the ‘Arab Spring’ and its aftermath. Such an undertaking seeks at once context-focused analysis and sensitivity to the ‘specific’. That is, a set of articles that embraces multivocality of specialism, interpretation, methodology and positionality. We address the problematic by focusing on what qualifies as ‘democratic backsliding,’ alternatively called ‘setbacks,’ ‘regressions,’ etc. This is one means for outlining the anatomy of the Arab region’s own ‘democratisation crisis’ over twelve years after the ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings that heralded cascading socio-political changes in the region, Maghreb included. What possible comparative representations can be gleaned from our attempt to deconstruct the Arab democratisation crisis? How are they manifested and experienced empirically and discursively? The articles in this Special Issue attempt to contextualise and analyse this phenomenon through diverse case studies, accounting for the social and political matrices in which democratic backsliding is incubated. In so doing, the contributors collectively bring to the fore both commonalities and particularities of Arab polities that can no longer escape the conundrum of ‘reform or perish’. Against the backdrop of haunting ghosts from authoritarian pasts (presents?), the Special Issue is an attempt to study the crisis of democratisation, a confirmation that despite backsliding the imaginaries and horizons of democratic futures have not dimmed.
{"title":"Crisis of Democratisation in the Maghreb and North Africa","authors":"L. Sadiki, L. Saleh","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2207225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207225","url":null,"abstract":"Democratisation in revolutionary times matters to academia and to our social world. Reflecting on the urgent scholarly need among students of Arab and Middle Eastern politics to address the crisis of democratisation is imperative. A line-up of social scientists comes together to do just that: a focused and in-depth engagement with the problematic of the crisis of democratisation. To this end, the contributors in this Special Issue offer a ‘soft’ theorisation of the crisis of democratisation in the context of the ‘Arab Spring’ and its aftermath. Such an undertaking seeks at once context-focused analysis and sensitivity to the ‘specific’. That is, a set of articles that embraces multivocality of specialism, interpretation, methodology and positionality. We address the problematic by focusing on what qualifies as ‘democratic backsliding,’ alternatively called ‘setbacks,’ ‘regressions,’ etc. This is one means for outlining the anatomy of the Arab region’s own ‘democratisation crisis’ over twelve years after the ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings that heralded cascading socio-political changes in the region, Maghreb included. What possible comparative representations can be gleaned from our attempt to deconstruct the Arab democratisation crisis? How are they manifested and experienced empirically and discursively? The articles in this Special Issue attempt to contextualise and analyse this phenomenon through diverse case studies, accounting for the social and political matrices in which democratic backsliding is incubated. In so doing, the contributors collectively bring to the fore both commonalities and particularities of Arab polities that can no longer escape the conundrum of ‘reform or perish’. Against the backdrop of haunting ghosts from authoritarian pasts (presents?), the Special Issue is an attempt to study the crisis of democratisation, a confirmation that despite backsliding the imaginaries and horizons of democratic futures have not dimmed.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"1317 - 1323"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80341444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-08DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207231
Shimaa Elsharkawy
ABSTRACT In 2011, Egypt saw one of the largest protest movements in its modern history: the 25th of January revolution. One of its major demands was the call for democracy and end of dictatorship after 30 years of Mubarak’s rule. After ousting Mubarak, the Egyptian public sphere witnessed an openness. Even with increasing levels of oppression and violence, there were open spaces for freedom of association, expression, and demonstration, etc. Yet, in 2013 and with the intense protests against the elected Muslim Brotherhood (MB) president, the military interfered and ousted the elected president. In light of these events, Egypt witnessed a backlash against democracy under the pretext of fighting ‘terrorism’. Since then, Egypt has been seeing manifestations of this relapse on almost all levels, in terms of legislations, decrees, practices that closed the public space to any protesting voices, with higher levels of oppression and violence against the opposition and not only the so-called ‘terrorists’. In this context, this paper proposes to dissect the Egyptian stumbling road to democratisation since 2011. It examines internal factors as well as the role of regional and international actors in orchestrating developments in Egypt. The paper proposes that the process of democratisation in Egypt has faced multiple drawbacks, not only related to regime type (military rule) but also with respect to social movements, the involvement of regional actors, etc..
{"title":"Whatever happened to the Egyptian road to Democracy?","authors":"Shimaa Elsharkawy","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2207231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207231","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2011, Egypt saw one of the largest protest movements in its modern history: the 25th of January revolution. One of its major demands was the call for democracy and end of dictatorship after 30 years of Mubarak’s rule. After ousting Mubarak, the Egyptian public sphere witnessed an openness. Even with increasing levels of oppression and violence, there were open spaces for freedom of association, expression, and demonstration, etc. Yet, in 2013 and with the intense protests against the elected Muslim Brotherhood (MB) president, the military interfered and ousted the elected president. In light of these events, Egypt witnessed a backlash against democracy under the pretext of fighting ‘terrorism’. Since then, Egypt has been seeing manifestations of this relapse on almost all levels, in terms of legislations, decrees, practices that closed the public space to any protesting voices, with higher levels of oppression and violence against the opposition and not only the so-called ‘terrorists’. In this context, this paper proposes to dissect the Egyptian stumbling road to democratisation since 2011. It examines internal factors as well as the role of regional and international actors in orchestrating developments in Egypt. The paper proposes that the process of democratisation in Egypt has faced multiple drawbacks, not only related to regime type (military rule) but also with respect to social movements, the involvement of regional actors, etc..","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"1538 - 1557"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85853804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-08DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2210411
Stuart Schaar
{"title":"L'appel du houdhoud: Une femme au pays des fouqaha","authors":"Stuart Schaar","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2210411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2210411","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87914268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-03DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207226
H. Souilmi
ABSTRACT Why do citizens support democratic backsliding through authoritarian populist power grabs? Tunisia has been upheld as the exception in the Arab World for its successful democratization. However, since the declaration of the state of exception by President Kais Said, Tunisia has witnessed deliberate acts of democratic subversion. Polls have been showing overwhelming support for the president despite his actions. Ethnographic evidence in the rural community of Vaga where the “yes” vote for the referendum was 80%, shows that emotional voting, illiberal values, and the paradox of nostalgia and fear can explain the support for Kais Said and his executive aggrandizement efforts. However, the approval is conditional and contested. Citizens in Vaga have not given up on critical democratic practices and democracy.
{"title":"A tale of two exceptions: everyday politics of democratic backsliding in Tunisia","authors":"H. Souilmi","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2207226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207226","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why do citizens support democratic backsliding through authoritarian populist power grabs? Tunisia has been upheld as the exception in the Arab World for its successful democratization. However, since the declaration of the state of exception by President Kais Said, Tunisia has witnessed deliberate acts of democratic subversion. Polls have been showing overwhelming support for the president despite his actions. Ethnographic evidence in the rural community of Vaga where the “yes” vote for the referendum was 80%, shows that emotional voting, illiberal values, and the paradox of nostalgia and fear can explain the support for Kais Said and his executive aggrandizement efforts. However, the approval is conditional and contested. Citizens in Vaga have not given up on critical democratic practices and democracy.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"110 1","pages":"1425 - 1443"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87701063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-03DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2208038
Bosmat Yefet
{"title":"Egypt after the 2011 uprising: the implications of transitional justice in a non-liberal transition","authors":"Bosmat Yefet","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2208038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2208038","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82895634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-27DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2207228
L. Bishai
ABSTRACT While they were critical to the 2019 protests that brought down former president Omar el-Bashir, Sudan’s young people were not fully present in the negotiations for the transitional constitutional document that formed the post-Bashir civilian government. After the coup of late 2021, however, they stepped forward again to organize continual non-violent protests that maintained pressure on military leaders and kept Sudan in the news. This article will use interviews with Sudanese activists and resistance committee members, as well as contemporary reports, to explore how Sudan’s youth arranged themselves into self-governing community organizations – Resistance Committees – that have become centers of power for resisting the authority of the military junta. I explore the notion that these hyperlocal groups are already implementing a series of democratic practices and ask whether they can contest the force-based sovereignty of the authoritarian regime to provide a sustainable, and recognizable, form of democratic governance for Sudan.
{"title":"Resistance is life: how Sudan’s resistance committees perform democratic power","authors":"L. Bishai","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2207228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207228","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While they were critical to the 2019 protests that brought down former president Omar el-Bashir, Sudan’s young people were not fully present in the negotiations for the transitional constitutional document that formed the post-Bashir civilian government. After the coup of late 2021, however, they stepped forward again to organize continual non-violent protests that maintained pressure on military leaders and kept Sudan in the news. This article will use interviews with Sudanese activists and resistance committee members, as well as contemporary reports, to explore how Sudan’s youth arranged themselves into self-governing community organizations – Resistance Committees – that have become centers of power for resisting the authority of the military junta. I explore the notion that these hyperlocal groups are already implementing a series of democratic practices and ask whether they can contest the force-based sovereignty of the authoritarian regime to provide a sustainable, and recognizable, form of democratic governance for Sudan.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"53 1","pages":"1473 - 1491"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88704756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-23DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2023.2203470
Aisha Kadaoui
ABSTRACT This essay investigates the rise of authoritarianism in Morocco and its resurgence despite several reforms implemented by the Moroccan regime. The author provides a new perspective on democracy and democratic transformation whilst also considering the political regime's particularities, such as the constitutional imprints, the political configuration, and cultural history. The research questions are addressed with a focus on the 2011 constitutional reform. We will offer an original perspective on democracy and democratisation in Morocco, considering the fact that the latter is employed as a vast political framework for demonstrating international conformity and, legitimising authority and institutions. This essay investigates the resurgence of authoritarianism in Morocco despite the several reforms implemented by the Moroccan regime since the independence of the country in 1956.
{"title":"A resurgence of authoritarianism in Morocco, or preservation of the status quo","authors":"Aisha Kadaoui","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2203470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2203470","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay investigates the rise of authoritarianism in Morocco and its resurgence despite several reforms implemented by the Moroccan regime. The author provides a new perspective on democracy and democratic transformation whilst also considering the political regime's particularities, such as the constitutional imprints, the political configuration, and cultural history. The research questions are addressed with a focus on the 2011 constitutional reform. We will offer an original perspective on democracy and democratisation in Morocco, considering the fact that the latter is employed as a vast political framework for demonstrating international conformity and, legitimising authority and institutions. This essay investigates the resurgence of authoritarianism in Morocco despite the several reforms implemented by the Moroccan regime since the independence of the country in 1956.","PeriodicalId":22750,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of North African Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"1402 - 1424"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73170621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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