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Diagnosis and treatment of opiate-resistant pain in advanced AIDS. 晚期艾滋病阿片类药物抵抗性疼痛的诊断和治疗。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.408
Wayne C. McCormick, R. L. Schreiner
A 35-year-old man with AIDS [acquired immunodeficiency syndrome] was admitted for end-of-life care. He had tested positive for the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) in 1986, when he was diagnosed with Pneumocystis carinii pneumonia. He subsequently developed non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma with involvement of abdominal and periaortic lymph nodes. He had responded initially to antiretroviral therapy and chemotherapy, although his CD4 cell count never rose above 100 10/L (100/μL), indicating ongoing severe immune deficiency. He had stopped HIV therapy because of side effects 1 year before admission, and lymphoma had progressed. At the time of admission, he had severe neuropathic leg and abdominal pain with partial bowel obstruction from the lymphoma. Symptoms had made care at home (rendered by his mother and partner) very difficult, even though both were intensive care unit nurses. On admission, the patient was receiving patient-controlled-analgesia (PCA) morphine sulfate through a subclavian central line at an already high rate of 90 mg per hour with the ability to selfor partner-deliver 30 mg every 6 minutes. This was completely ineffective in managing his pain. The patient was remarkably responsive and coherent, even though narcotic hallucinosis (visual and auditory hallucinations) was intermittently present. The baseline dose of morphine was dramatically increased during the first 48 hours to 620 mg per hour; this brought no change in pain relief but worsening of his hallucinosis.
一名患有艾滋病(获得性免疫缺陷综合症)的35岁男子入院接受临终护理。1986年,当他被诊断为卡氏肺囊虫肺炎时,他的人类免疫缺陷病毒(HIV)检测呈阳性。他随后发展为非霍奇金淋巴瘤并累及腹部和腹主动脉周围淋巴结。他最初对抗逆转录病毒治疗和化疗有反应,尽管他的CD4细胞计数从未超过100 10/L (100/μL),表明持续严重的免疫缺陷。入院前1年因副作用停止HIV治疗,淋巴瘤进展。在入院时,他有严重的神经性腿部和腹部疼痛,并有部分肠梗阻淋巴瘤。这些症状使得在家护理(由他的母亲和伴侣提供)非常困难,尽管两人都是重症监护室的护士。入院时,患者正在通过锁骨下中央静脉注射患者自控镇痛(PCA)硫酸吗啡,剂量已经很高,为每小时90mg,并且能够每6分钟为伴侣自行输送30mg。这对控制他的疼痛完全无效。尽管间歇性出现麻醉性幻觉(视觉和听觉幻觉),但患者的反应和思维清晰。在最初的48小时内,吗啡的基线剂量急剧增加到每小时620毫克;这并没有减轻疼痛,反而加重了他的幻觉。
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引用次数: 7
Pharmaceutical companies must make decisions based on profit. 制药公司必须根据利润做出决策。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.422
Lawrence Perkins
To criticize pharmaceutical companies for researching and marketing medications for some diseases but not others is akin to criticizing Victoria's Secret for biasing their line of products primarily toward women. Regardless of what a company is selling, they are in the business of making money and satisfying their fiduciary duties. Whether the company is pedaling widgets, cigarettes, or other companies, at the end of the day the company's future existence depends on the bottom line of the income statement. Pharmaceutical companies are no different. They are in the business of making money by selling pharmaceuticals. As with every company, for them to exist, they must ensure that the result of the following equation is greater than zero: For them to operate, the management must generate the highest level of profitability possible to fulfill its fiduciary duty of maximizing shareholder value. Chandrasoma argues that pharmaceutical companies have an obligation to society to produce medicines that address all afflictions and to avoid discriminating against a particular disease or condition. But pharmaceutical companies have to discriminate because, like other commercial enterprises, every day they must answer the following question: can we afford this venture? This decision must be based purely on sales and costs. As any consumer knows, pharmaceuticals are expensive to purchase. Treatments for HIV infection can cost thousands of dollars per year. The reason for these high costs is the tremendous amount of time and money necessary to develop, approve, and distribute these medications. Over the past 10 years, Bristol-Meyers Squibb has spent more than 10% of its total sales on research and development.1 Merck alone spent more than $9.4 billion on research and development between 1996 and 2000.2 To put things in perspective, Merck could hand every American citizen a $5 bill or purchase every good produced in Tanzania for less than they have spent in 5 years on research and development. Once the research and development is complete, pharmaceutical companies can expect to spend many billions more on clinical trials, political lobbying, and other costs associated with launching a new product. On top of that, they must wait, on average, 10 years to begin selling the products and recouping cost. The revenue generated from a successful product must recover the cost of not only that product's research and development but also the cost of failed ventures. Companies can either charge phenomenally high prices for drugs that affect relatively small patient populations (for example, patients in the United States with AIDS or multiple sclerosis) or charge a more commercially viable price for drugs that address the needs of a huge portion of the population (for example, those with erectile dysfunction or allergies). Based on the medical system that is currently in place, insurance companies are more likely to lobby against high-pri
批评制药公司研究和销售针对某些疾病的药物,而不是针对其他疾病的药物,就像批评维多利亚的秘密(Victoria’s Secret)将其产品线主要面向女性一样。不管一家公司卖的是什么,他们都是在赚钱和履行他们的受托责任。不管这家公司是在推销小工具、香烟还是其他公司,说到底,这家公司未来的生存取决于损益表的底线。制药公司也不例外。他们从事卖药赚钱的生意。就像所有公司一样,为了生存,他们必须确保以下等式的结果大于零:为了经营,管理层必须产生最高水平的盈利能力,以履行其股东价值最大化的受托责任。Chandrasoma认为,制药公司有义务生产治疗所有疾病的药物,并避免歧视特定疾病或病症。但制药公司必须歧视,因为像其他商业企业一样,他们每天都必须回答以下问题:我们能承担得起这个冒险吗?这个决定必须完全基于销售和成本。任何消费者都知道,购买药品是很贵的。治疗HIV感染每年要花费数千美元。这些高成本的原因是开发、批准和分发这些药物所需的大量时间和金钱。在过去的10年里,百时美施贵宝将其总销售额的10%以上用于研发从1996年到2000年,仅默克公司就在研发上花费了94亿美元。从长远来看,默克公司可以给每个美国公民一张5美元的钞票,或者用比他们5年在研发上花的钱还少的钱购买坦桑尼亚生产的所有产品。一旦研发完成,制药公司可能会在临床试验、政治游说以及与推出新产品相关的其他成本上花费数十亿美元。最重要的是,他们必须平均等待10年才能开始销售产品并收回成本。一款成功产品所产生的收入不仅要弥补该产品的研发成本,还要弥补失败企业的成本。公司可以对影响相对较小的患者群体的药物(例如,美国的艾滋病患者或多发性硬化症患者)收取非常高的价格,也可以对满足大部分人群需求的药物(例如,勃起功能障碍或过敏症患者)收取更具商业可行性的价格。根据目前的医疗制度,保险公司更有可能游说反对高价治疗,以避免报销费用的增加和随后的保费上涨。因此,在商业上更可行的做法是,以每支10美元的价格生产“蓝色小药丸”,吸引(统计上)每个男人在他生命中的某个阶段。有解决办法吗?和往常一样,答案是“看情况而定”。与问题一样,解决方案可以从成本和销售方面着手。从成本方面来看,如果制药公司解除了他们的受托责任,或者获得了生产这些药物所需的研究资金,他们就会兴高采烈地利用任何可能的机会。同样,如果保险公司改变他们的游说策略,并证实他们愿意为治疗罕见疾病的尖端药物支付高价,制药公司的科学家和研究人员就会很高兴地回到实验室。制药公司很容易受到诋毁,但他们做出的有关药品生产的决定是基于信托而不是医疗决定。尽管该系统无可否认存在缺陷,但将任何一个组成部分作为替罪羊,都不利于医疗保健的长期进步。
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引用次数: 2
Why should primary care physicians know about the genetics of dementia? 为什么初级保健医生应该了解痴呆症的遗传学?
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.412
L. Pinsky, W. Burke, T. Bird
Alzheimer disease begins with subtle memory failure that then progresses Courtesy of Alzheimer's Association
阿尔茨海默病始于轻微的记忆丧失,然后逐渐恶化
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引用次数: 2
Thoughts on a new health care paradigm. 关于新的卫生保健范式的思考。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.429
T. Davidson
The insurance industry has removed the joy from health care delivery with authorizations, documentation, guidelines for evaluation and treatment, diminished reimbursement, reimbursement delays, and denied payments. Physicians are now paid for what they write on the chart, not for what they do for the patient. Failure to document may mean fines or criminal charges. The legal system has rendered the medical record an abomination by requiring every piece of paper to be saved. We, as physicians, have lost control of our profession. Patients are demanding quality health care. Health care practitioners need stability. If we allow the situation to go on, our government is sure to increase industry regulations. This may mean legislation expanding the scope of practice for allied health care providers, thereby circumventing physicians and undermining our control. If we do not want to become regulated government employees, we should initiate a major overhaul of health care delivery. Physicians must band together to recommend an improved health care paradigm. Medicine is a unique profession. Supply, demand, and competition run counterproductive to cost-effective quality health care. Individuals, groups, and medical organizations must stop lobbying for their own special interests, and present a single voice.
保险行业通过授权、文件、评估和治疗指南、减少报销、延迟报销和拒绝付款,剥夺了医疗保健服务的乐趣。现在,医生的报酬是根据他们在病历上写的内容,而不是根据他们为病人做了什么。未能提供文件可能意味着罚款或刑事指控。法律制度要求每张纸都要保存,这使得医疗记录令人憎恶。作为医生,我们已经失去了对自己职业的掌控。病人要求高质量的医疗保健。卫生保健从业人员需要稳定。如果我们让这种情况继续下去,我们的政府肯定会增加行业监管。这可能意味着立法扩大联合医疗保健提供者的执业范围,从而绕过医生并破坏我们的控制。如果我们不想成为受管制的政府雇员,我们就应该对医疗服务进行重大改革。医生必须联合起来推荐一种改进的卫生保健模式。医学是一种独特的职业。供应、需求和竞争不利于具有成本效益的高质量卫生保健。个人、团体和医疗机构必须停止为自己的特殊利益进行游说,并发出统一的声音。
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引用次数: 1
Demystifying critical care: a new series provides a succinct, modern approach aimed at primary care physicians. 揭秘重症护理:一个新的系列提供了一个简洁,现代的方法,针对初级保健医生。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.366
R. Rodriguez
Since their inception, intensive care units (ICUs) have continually grown in scope and complexity. Today's ICU—and the whole field of critical care medicine—can seem daunting to some physicians. With this in mind, wjm begins a new series that aims to demystify the workings of the 21st century ICU and to provide a succinct, modern approach to critical care medicine for primary care practitioners.
自成立以来,重症监护病房(icu)的范围和复杂性不断增长。今天的重症监护病房和整个重症监护医学领域对一些医生来说似乎令人生畏。考虑到这一点,wjm开始了一个新的系列,旨在揭开21世纪ICU工作的神秘面纱,并为初级保健医生提供一个简洁,现代的危重病护理医学方法。
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引用次数: 3
Have drug companies hyped social anxiety disorder to increase sales. Yes: marketing hinders discovery of long-term solutions. 有没有制药公司炒作社交焦虑症来增加销量?是的:营销阻碍了长期解决方案的发现。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.364
D. Healy
Social phobia, also called social anxiety disorder, can lead to alcoholism, drug abuse, job loss, and even suicide. It has been relatively unrecognized in the West compared with in the East, where it is seen as the most common neurotic condition.1 GlaxoSmithKline's recent license to promote the use of paroxetine to treat social phobia looks certain to increase the recognition of this potentially serious condition. What could be wrong with this win-win situation? The first problem lies in interpreting what a license means. A license is not a statement by the Food and Drug Administration that paroxetine will be effective for treating social phobia. Licenses legally cannot be denied if a treatment can be shown to do something for a condition, but they are no guarantee that this treatment is worth-while. Although simply increasing the recognition of social phobia may reduce the isolation of sufferers, unless sufferers receive an effective treatment that makes a substantial difference in their lives, the treatment may not be worth the risks. What are the risks? It is clear from studies undertaken by SmithKline in the 1980s that even a brief exposure to paroxetine can lead many takers to become physically dependent.2 Trials have also shown that the use of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) can precipitate suicidality in patients and that these agents can cause sexual dysfunction and neurologic disorders.3 Although the SSRIs have been marketed as being freer of side effects than older agents, results on the quality-of-life scales that should reflect this freedom, which have been used in up to 100 clinical trials, have been left unpublished.4 This strongly suggests that SSRIs may be the wrong drugs for many people. All of these hazards could be minimized if SmithKline marketed the hazards of treatment as assiduously as they market the condition. Unlike obsessive-compulsive disorder, which was recently marketed by companies, social phobia is more like depression—a syndrome that may result from a variety of conditions. In some instances, it may be a prodrome for a psychotic disorder. Whereas some patients may get better with the use of paroxetine, it is sobering to realize that the discovery of the first antidepressant agents came about because they made some patients psychotic. In trials of SSRIs to treat depression, a significant proportion of patients not already having psychosis became psychotic. The same can be expected for social phobia. What people with this potentially debilitating condition need is research to understand why this is the case, rather than the marketing of a drug that may be beneficial for a few sufferers but hazardous for an equally large group. Undoubtedly some patients with social phobia will not become suicidal, dependent, or psychotic while taking paroxetine, and their quality of life will not be poor. Even these patients have something to worry about, however. When a condition like social phobia become
社交恐惧症,也被称为社交焦虑症,会导致酗酒、吸毒、失业,甚至自杀。与被视为最常见的神经性疾病的东方相比,它在西方相对不为人所知葛兰素史克(GlaxoSmithKline)最近获准推广使用帕罗西汀(paroxetine)治疗社交恐惧症,这似乎肯定会提高人们对这种潜在严重疾病的认识。这种双赢的局面有什么不好呢?第一个问题在于解释许可证的含义。许可证并不是食品和药物管理局对帕罗西汀治疗社交恐惧症有效的声明。如果一种治疗方法可以证明对某种疾病有所帮助,那么从法律上讲,许可证不能被拒绝,但它们不能保证这种治疗是值得的。虽然简单地提高对社交恐惧症的认识可能会减少患者的孤立感,但除非患者得到有效的治疗,使他们的生活发生实质性的变化,否则这种治疗可能不值得冒险。风险是什么?从SmithKline公司在20世纪80年代进行的研究中可以清楚地看出,即使短暂接触帕罗西汀也会导致许多服药者在身体上产生依赖试验还表明,选择性5 -羟色胺再摄取抑制剂(SSRIs)的使用会使患者产生自杀倾向,并且这些药物会导致性功能障碍和神经系统障碍尽管ssri类药物在市场上被宣传为比旧药物更无副作用,但反映这种自由的生活质量量表的结果尚未发表,该结果已在多达100个临床试验中使用这强烈表明,对许多人来说,SSRIs可能是错误的药物。如果SmithKline公司像推销病情一样努力推销治疗的危害,那么所有这些危害都可以被最小化。与最近被公司推销的强迫症不同,社交恐惧症更像是抑郁症——一种可能由多种情况引起的综合症。在某些情况下,它可能是精神障碍的前驱症状。尽管一些患者使用帕罗西汀可能会有所好转,但我们清醒地认识到,第一批抗抑郁药物的发现是因为它们使一些患者变得精神错乱。在用ssri类药物治疗抑郁症的试验中,很大一部分本来没有精神病的患者变成了精神病患者。社交恐惧症也是如此。患有这种可能使人衰弱的疾病的人需要的是研究,以理解为什么会出现这种情况,而不是推销一种可能对少数患者有益,但对同样大的群体有害的药物。毫无疑问,一些社交恐惧症患者在服用帕罗西汀后不会产生自杀倾向、依赖性或精神病,他们的生活质量也不会差。然而,即使是这些病人也有需要担心的事情。当像社交恐惧症这样的疾病成为制药公司营销的“遮羞布”时,我们都输了,因为临床试验的结果被封住了——没有发表,也无法获得——业内领军人物的名字被写在了代写的文章上,以及对制药公司资助发展的依赖将社交恐惧症重新命名为社交焦虑症象征着可能发生的事情。找到真正具有突破性的药物,就像找到打开囚禁我们的疾病地牢的钥匙一样。现代制药公司的营销影响力是如此之大,以至于它们可以塑造和塑造钥匙必须适合的锁。营销帕罗西汀治疗社交恐惧症是一种转移注意力的方式,可能会阻碍长期解决方案的发现。
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引用次数: 8
Tragedy and the healing response. 悲剧和治愈反应。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.420
S. Chandrasoma
September 11 found me, like most of America, riveted to CNN, watching a hijacked commercial airliner fly into the World Trade Center in an endless, multiangled loop. To this day, I am still partially dissociated from the reality of what happened on that day. Attending school and worrying about an internal medicine final, I find it difficult to realize that the United States is at war. CNN is still buzzing with exposes on Afghanistan, but in the few moments I have to watch television, I find myself guiltily switching to see what “Scrubs” is all about. Walking through the quad at lunchtime, I see a posted reminder of a blood drive, and I marvel that such a horrific event, burned into memory, could turn a nation of people into healers and helpers. Figure 1 In all tragedies, many different people become healers AP/Pat Carter The palliative medicine that I saw practiced in America that day and the days following transcended the medical profession. People donated blood at such a rate that CNN commentator Paula Zahn said that she had tried to donate but didn't get enough of a leave from reporting to stand in the 5-hour line of people waiting to give. At the USC campus and campuses across the country, emergency blood drives were organized, and students were informed via e-mail. Along with my friends and family, I spent much of the day on the phone, checking up on loved ones on the East Coast and trying to talk over the insanity of the day. Each person served as a psychological consultation to family and friends, and each person had countless other people helping to deal with the tragedy. Through the donations, support, and consoling, America proved itself to be a “collective physician,” treating itself. The definition of “physician” opened wide to rise above degrees, accolades, and educational prowess. In the darkest hour America has seen in decades, a vast population beyond that of just health professionals carried out the practices of medicine and palliative care. There was medicine in the comfort offered by a police officer, a respirator shared at the cost of burning lungs, and the overwhelming donation of blood products across America. A week after the event, a different type of story came in, not from CNN but through local television and radio. These were sad tales of intolerance and bigotry. An Egyptian storeowner was shot in his place of business 10 minutes from my house, his murderers leaving behind a full cash register and any chance of robbery as a motive. Muslim students and their families received death threats via phone and mail. Although tragic, the response to these stories was positive; people of all races and creeds denounced the hate crimes, and people took action to see that the perpetrators would be punished as severely as those responsible for the World Trade Center attack. In “the body” that is America, a few bad bacteria find themselves outnumbered by unified red blood cells and pursued by a st
9月11日,我和大多数美国人一样,全神贯注地盯着CNN,看着一架被劫持的商业客机以一个无尽的、多角度的循环撞向世界贸易中心。直到今天,我仍然部分地忘记了那天发生的事情。上学和担心内科期末考试,我发现很难意识到美国处于战争状态。CNN仍在铺天盖地地报道阿富汗的新闻,但在我不得不看电视的那几分钟里,我发现自己会内疚地切换频道,看看《实习医生风云》(Scrubs)到底在讲什么。午餐时间,我穿过四方广场,看到张贴的献血活动提醒,我惊讶于这样一件可怕的事件,深深刻在记忆中,竟然能把一个民族的人变成治疗师和帮助者。图1在所有的悲剧中,许多不同的人都成为了疗愈者AP/Pat Carter那天以及之后的日子里,我看到在美国实行的缓和疗法超越了医学专业。人们献血的速度如此之快,以至于CNN评论员保拉·扎恩(Paula Zahn)说,她曾试图献血,但没有得到足够的休假,无法站在等待献血的5个小时队伍中。在南加州大学校园和全国各地的校园,组织了紧急献血活动,并通过电子邮件通知学生。我和我的朋友和家人一起,花了一天的大部分时间打电话,查看东海岸的亲人,并试图谈论这一天的疯狂。每个人都为家人和朋友提供心理咨询,每个人都有无数的其他人帮助他们处理悲剧。通过捐赠、支持和安慰,美国证明了自己是一个“集体医生”,在治疗自己。“医生”的定义超越了学位、荣誉和教育水平。在美国几十年来最黑暗的时刻,除了卫生专业人员之外,还有大量的人进行了医学和姑息治疗。一名警察在舒适的环境中提供药品,以肺部燃烧为代价分享呼吸机,美国各地大量捐赠血液制品。事件发生一周后,一个不同类型的故事传来,不是来自CNN,而是来自当地的电视和广播。这些都是不容忍和偏执的悲惨故事。一个埃及店主在离我家十分钟路程的地方被枪杀了,凶手留下了一个装满钱的收银机还有抢劫的动机。穆斯林学生和他们的家人通过电话和邮件收到了死亡威胁。虽然悲剧,但对这些故事的反应是积极的;所有种族和信仰的人都谴责仇恨犯罪,人们采取行动,使肇事者受到与袭击世贸中心的肇事者同样严厉的惩罚。在美国的“身体”中,一些坏细菌发现自己被统一的红细胞所压倒,并被强大的免疫系统所追捕。美国正试图通过促进团结来治愈自己,而不是在不信任的恶性局面下堕落。我开车去学校,仍然能看到街角的人(不管多早)疯狂地挥舞着美国国旗。在每个十字路口,我们都能看到美国的星条旗悬挂在汽车的车窗或天线上。正是这种团结精神最能治愈我们的人民。现在,美国国旗似乎是市场上最有效的抗抑郁药。
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引用次数: 0
Injury in the developing world. 发展中国家的伤害。
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.372
C. Mock
Injury is the commonest cause of death for children and young adults in developed and middle-income countries. In low-income countries, deaths in this age group are most often due to infectious disease, but there is a rising rate of deaths from injury.1 The Global Burden of Disease Study highlighted the overall toll from injury in the developing world.2 The table shows the major causes of death for the 2 main age groups affected by injury.3 Injury-related causes account for 3 of the top 6 killers of older children and 4 of the top 6 killers of young adults. Road traffic accidents alone are second only to AIDS as a killer of young adults. Other major causes include nonintentional or accidental causes (such as drowning, fires and burns, poisoning, falls, and home injuries) and intentional causes (such as violence and suicide). In addition to mortality, disability is often due to injury, especially with the success of the global efforts to control polio. Injury is also a leading contributor to health-related economic losses. Despite the toll from injury, scarce attention has been paid to the problem. Although a tremendous amount of resources are consumed caring for injured patients at hospitals throughout the developing world, minimal attention has been directed toward better understanding of injury, prevention efforts, or organized efforts to improve trauma treatment systems. The amount of funding devoted to such efforts is a small percentage of that devoted to other health problems in developing countries.4 Table 1 Major causes of death in developing countries (both low and middle-income) in 1998* Rank 5-14 yr Rate† 15-44 yr Rate† 1 Respiratory infections 19.7 HIV/AIDS 67.0 2 Malaria 19.4 Road traffic injuries‡ 21.9 3 Road traffic injuries‡ 14.5 Interpersonal violence‡ 20.2 4 Drowning‡ 14.5 Self-inflicted injuries‡ 19.0 5 Diarrheal diseases 12.4 Tuberculosis 17.8 6 War injuries‡ 5.3 War injuries‡ 15.5 View it in a separate window *Source: Krug et al.3 †Rates of death expressed as deaths per 100,000 per year. ‡Injury-related causes. Part of the reason for such neglect may be that many of the solutions to the problem lay outside the usual domain of health professionals. For example, possible solutions include road engineering and road use legislation. Another reason for the neglect may be a sense of futility. Injuries are conceptualized by much of the public around the world as due to bad luck or to carelessness, with little that can be done to prevent them.
伤害是发达国家和中等收入国家儿童和青年最常见的死亡原因。在低收入国家,这一年龄组的死亡通常是由传染病造成的,但受伤造成的死亡率也在上升《全球疾病负担研究》强调了发展中国家受伤造成的总体死亡人数2 .该表显示了受伤害影响的两个主要年龄组的主要死亡原因在年龄较大的儿童的前6大杀手中,与伤害有关的原因占3个,在年轻人的前6大杀手中,与伤害有关的原因占4个。道路交通事故是年轻人的第二大杀手,仅次于艾滋病。其他主要原因包括非故意或意外原因(如溺水、火灾和烧伤、中毒、跌倒和家庭伤害)和故意原因(如暴力和自杀)。除了死亡率之外,残疾往往是由伤害造成的,特别是在全球努力控制脊髓灰质炎取得成功的情况下。伤害也是造成与健康有关的经济损失的主要因素。尽管受伤人数众多,但对这个问题的关注却很少。尽管在整个发展中国家的医院里,大量的资源被用来照顾受伤的病人,但对更好地理解伤害、预防工作或有组织地改善创伤治疗系统的关注却很少。用于这类努力的资金与用于发展中国家其他保健问题的资金相比只占很小的比例表1 1998年发展中国家(低收入和中等收入)的主要死亡原因*排名5-14年死亡率†15-44年死亡率†1呼吸道感染19.7艾滋病毒/艾滋病67.0 2疟疾19.4道路交通伤害‡21.9 3道路交通伤害‡14.5人际暴力‡20.2 4溺水‡14.5自我伤害‡19.0 5腹泻病12.4结核病17.8 6战争伤害‡5.3战争伤害‡15.5在单独窗口查看*来源:Krug等人3†死亡率以每年每10万人死亡人数表示。‡伤害有关的原因。造成这种忽视的部分原因可能是,许多问题的解决方案超出了卫生专业人员的通常范围。例如,可能的解决方案包括道路工程和道路使用立法。忽视的另一个原因可能是一种徒劳感。世界上大多数人都认为受伤是由于运气不好或粗心造成的,几乎没有什么可以预防的。
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引用次数: 28
Hyperlipidemia : Part 2. Pharmacologic management 高脂血症:第二部分。药物管理
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/EWJM.175.6.396
N. Link, M. Tanner
Pharmacologic therapy for lipid disorders is now dominated by hydroxymethyl-glutaryl-coenzyme A (HMG-CoA) reductase inhibitors (statins). They have been conclusively proved to prevent coronary events and save lives in a wide variety of situations and are acceptably safe. Alternatives to statins include resins (eg, cholestyramine), fibric acid derivatives (eg, gemfibrozil), and nicotinic acid (table 1, see p 400). They all have a place in lipid management but should be considered second-line agents. Table 1 Agents for treating hyperlipidemia
脂质紊乱的药物治疗现在主要是羟甲基戊二酰辅酶A (HMG-CoA)还原酶抑制剂(他汀类药物)。它们已被明确证明可以预防冠状动脉事件并在各种情况下挽救生命,并且是可接受的安全。他汀类药物的替代品包括树脂(如胆甾胺)、纤维酸衍生物(如吉非罗齐)和烟酸(表1,见第400页)。它们在血脂管理中都有一席之地,但应被视为二线药物。表1治疗高脂血症的药物
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引用次数: 0
News stories need human drama, not dry data 新闻故事需要的是人情味的戏剧性,而不是枯燥的数据
Pub Date : 2001-12-01 DOI: 10.1136/ewjm.175.6.384
S. M. Collins
“If it bleeds, it leads” is a catchy and convenient criticism of a certain segment of American journalism. But in our dismissal of it as a foundation for newsgathering and storytelling, we should not forget that the audience (and journalists) are human beings. And human beings have an innate desire to be told and to tell dramatic stories. I am at a loss to name a single operatic work that treats coronary artery disease as its subject, although I can name several where murder, incest, and assassination play a key part in the story. Check your own instinct for storytelling by asking yourself this: If driving home from work, you passed a burning building, would you wait to tell your spouse about it until you first explained the number of people who died that day from some form of neoplastic disease? Journalism is not run by a scientific formula. There is no “treatment algorithm” to guide decision making in the newsroom. Decisions about a story being newsworthy come from the head, the heart, and the gut. The notion that the results of that decision making should parallel morbidity and mortality statistics in the area is a peculiar one. We report on the newsworthy death of a patient with the West Nile virus south of the Mason-Dixon line, but according to McArthur and colleagues' logic, we should instead be reporting on the ravages of diabetes because so many more people succumb to the latter than to the former. Similarly, journalism will likely focus on the “story” of 4 particular hijackings, the collapse of the World Trade Center, and an attack on the Pentagon far out of proportion to the relative weight of the 7,000 deaths. Why? Because sometimes we have to tell stories that resonate someplace other than the epidemiologist's spreadsheet. There is much in McArthur and associates' study for newspeople to take away and consider. Chief among the lessons is the criticism of television's penchant for telling stories that are sometimes only visually compelling over stories that are important for their content alone. It is a hard lesson for television to learn. And it calls the managers of television newsrooms to be genuine leaders. The audience is prepared to listen to a story of importance—even in the absence of dramatic video; indeed, many millions of people get their news from their radios each day. The authors rightly point to the matter of the public's poor medical literacy and to the issue of who is responsible for improving it. Journalists, I believe, have a role in communicating medical information to the public, but the responsibility for this education rests squarely on the shoulders of the medical community. Physicians and other health care professionals should be talking to journalists about issues of importance, becoming their sources of medical information. They should invite news directors (and their deputies) to seminars. Raise these issues with them. The medical professions are the ones who can educate the media about the importan
“如果流血,它就会领先”,这是对美国新闻业某一部分的一种既上口又方便的批评。但是,在我们将它视为新闻采集和讲故事的基础时,我们不应该忘记,观众(和记者)也是人。人类有一种天生的欲望,想要被告知,想要讲述戏剧性的故事。我不知道有哪部歌剧以冠状动脉疾病为主题,尽管我能说出几部在故事中扮演关键角色的谋杀、乱伦和暗杀。问问自己,检查一下自己讲故事的本能:如果你下班开车回家,路过一栋燃烧的大楼,你会先告诉你的配偶那天死于某种肿瘤疾病的人数,然后再告诉他吗?新闻业不是按科学公式运作的。没有“处理算法”来指导新闻编辑室的决策。关于一个故事是否有新闻价值的决定来自于头脑、内心和直觉。认为这种决策的结果应与该地区的发病率和死亡率统计数字相一致的想法是一种奇特的想法。我们报道了一名在梅森-迪克森线以南感染西尼罗河病毒的病人死亡的新闻,但根据麦克阿瑟和他同事的逻辑,我们应该报道糖尿病的危害,因为死于后者的人比死于前者的人多得多。同样,新闻媒体可能会关注4起劫机事件的“故事”,世界贸易中心的倒塌,以及对五角大楼的袭击,这与7000人死亡的相对重要性远远不成比例。为什么?因为有时候我们必须讲一些能引起共鸣的故事而不是流行病学家的电子表格。麦克阿瑟及其同事的研究中有很多东西值得新闻工作者借鉴和思考。其中最主要的教训是对电视的批评,电视有时只会讲述视觉上引人注目的故事,而不是那些对其内容本身很重要的故事。这对电视来说是一个艰难的教训。它呼吁电视新闻编辑室的经理成为真正的领导者。观众准备听一个重要的故事——即使没有戏剧性的视频;的确,每天有数百万人通过收音机收听新闻。作者正确地指出了公众医学素养低下的问题,以及谁应该负责提高这一水平的问题。我认为,记者在向公众传播医学信息方面有自己的作用,但这种教育的责任完全落在了医学界的肩上。医生和其他卫生保健专业人员应该与记者谈论重要问题,成为他们的医疗信息来源。他们应该邀请新闻主管(及其副手)参加研讨会。向他们提出这些问题。医疗专业人员可以教育媒体关于健全医疗报道的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
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The Western journal of medicine
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