Women have had a subordinate position throughout history. Some evidence dates back to ancient Greece, where relations between the master and slaves, father and children, and between men and women were clearly defined in each household. All these relations were based on male domination. Considering the given inequality situation, legal rules were not necessary. Thus, men were "destined" to become rulers and have a dominant role and position in relation to women in family, love, politics or business. Women did not have significant positions in society, nor did they participate to a significant extent in the decision-making processes. In the 20th century, women started raising issues related to gender roles, woman’s role and position in society, and gender equality. In recent years, one of the prominent issues is woman’s role in warfares and peace-keeping activities, and in the national and international security and defense sectors. The paper provides an overview of different international and national documents that promote active and equal participation of women in peace and security activities, both worldwide and in transition countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina.
{"title":"WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY – THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA","authors":"Safet Mušić","doi":"10.22190/fulp1902145m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1902145m","url":null,"abstract":"Women have had a subordinate position throughout history. Some evidence dates back to ancient Greece, where relations between the master and slaves, father and children, and between men and women were clearly defined in each household. All these relations were based on male domination. Considering the given inequality situation, legal rules were not necessary. Thus, men were \"destined\" to become rulers and have a dominant role and position in relation to women in family, love, politics or business. Women did not have significant positions in society, nor did they participate to a significant extent in the decision-making processes. In the 20th century, women started raising issues related to gender roles, woman’s role and position in society, and gender equality. In recent years, one of the prominent issues is woman’s role in warfares and peace-keeping activities, and in the national and international security and defense sectors. The paper provides an overview of different international and national documents that promote active and equal participation of women in peace and security activities, both worldwide and in transition countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123469658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since 2000, the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) has adopted four resolutions on women, peace and security (Resolutions: 1325, 1820, 1888 and 1889). The Resolution 1325 „Women, peace and security“ was adopted on October 31st 2000. This document emphasizes the consequences of bloody conflicts on women and girls and the importance of women's role in peacebuilding and the post-conflict recovery of the country. A particular challenge for its implementation is the refugee crisis in which more than half a million people seeking asylum arrived in Europe starting in 2015. Among them are particularly vulnerable groups of women and children, accommodated in refugee camps and asylum centers. During the stay whose duration is not pre-determined, they are directed towards meeting the needs within the existing local resources (material and human). In this context, the readiness of local communities to ensure the safety and psychosocial well-being of the refugees and migrants, especially women and children, in accordance with the adopted Action Plan for the implementation of Resolution 1325, will come to the fore. The analytical approach in this paper includes the identification of the key determinants of the Resolution 1325 in the local context of the response to the refugee crisis.
{"title":"UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 “WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY” IN THE LOCAL CONTEXT OF REFUGEE CRISIS: OLD EXPERIENCE OR NEW CHALLENGES?","authors":"Danijela Spasić","doi":"10.22190/fulp1902113s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1902113s","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2000, the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) has adopted four resolutions on women, peace and security (Resolutions: 1325, 1820, 1888 and 1889). The Resolution 1325 „Women, peace and security“ was adopted on October 31st 2000. This document emphasizes the consequences of bloody conflicts on women and girls and the importance of women's role in peacebuilding and the post-conflict recovery of the country. A particular challenge for its implementation is the refugee crisis in which more than half a million people seeking asylum arrived in Europe starting in 2015. Among them are particularly vulnerable groups of women and children, accommodated in refugee camps and asylum centers. During the stay whose duration is not pre-determined, they are directed towards meeting the needs within the existing local resources (material and human). In this context, the readiness of local communities to ensure the safety and psychosocial well-being of the refugees and migrants, especially women and children, in accordance with the adopted Action Plan for the implementation of Resolution 1325, will come to the fore. The analytical approach in this paper includes the identification of the key determinants of the Resolution 1325 in the local context of the response to the refugee crisis.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127465273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A few years ago, as migrant crisis was intensifying and the conflict in Syria was escalating, North Macedonia did not remain immune to the foreign fighter’s phenomena. This was quite a surprise for the society as a whole. Media sources stated that although there are not official numbers, it is approximated that between 75 and 90 Macedonian citizens have joined ISIS, which makes women a significant proportion of the group. Another media source states that unofficial total number is 156, from which 83 are already back in the country, and 9 of the total number awe women. The gender perspective in CVET efforts is missing, and women’s engagement in those processes is a result of joint venture of different societal variables. The paper aims to examine the most significant and provide deeper analysis to the grassroots as a basics for recommendations for improvement.
{"title":"GRASSROTS AND INHIBITORS ON RADICALISATION IN NORTH MACEDONIA: TOWARDS A SYSTEMATIC APPROACH","authors":"Vesna Poposka","doi":"10.22190/fulp1902173p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1902173p","url":null,"abstract":"A few years ago, as migrant crisis was intensifying and the conflict in Syria was escalating, North Macedonia did not remain immune to the foreign fighter’s phenomena. This was quite a surprise for the society as a whole. Media sources stated that although there are not official numbers, it is approximated that between 75 and 90 Macedonian citizens have joined ISIS, which makes women a significant proportion of the group. Another media source states that unofficial total number is 156, from which 83 are already back in the country, and 9 of the total number awe women. The gender perspective in CVET efforts is missing, and women’s engagement in those processes is a result of joint venture of different societal variables. The paper aims to examine the most significant and provide deeper analysis to the grassroots as a basics for recommendations for improvement.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127491944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper will focus on sexual violence and new forms of religious traditionalism emerging in the Croatian political context and their engagement with the term gender. Critical Discourse Analysis as a methodological framework will be used to investigate the debates surrounding the ratification of the Istanbul Convention (Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence) in 2018 in Croatia. Religious conservative organisations started to frequently utilize the term “gender ideology” to created fear, confusion and moral panic in the public discourse in connection to the ratification. According to their interpretations, “gender ideology” in the Istanbul convention was smuggled in to destroy the traditional Croatian Catholic heterosexual family by enabling children to choose their own gender. Croatia has undergone significant changes since the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s dismissing its socialist legacy with the support of the Catholic Church and its staunch anti-communist rhetoric which seeks to undo any progress in terms of gender equality achieved during socialism. Researching sexual violence from the intersectional feminist framework poses a challenge in a climate where the conservative discourse has highjacked any discussion of sexual violence in the public sphere by contesting the term gender itself and making it a questioned category of social analysis. Even though Croatia has ratified the Istanbul Convention in April 2018, the government has issued alongside an “interpretative statement” further legitimizing the term “gender ideology.”
{"title":"SEXUAL VIOLENCE AND NEW FORMS OF RELIGIOUS TRADITIONALISM IN THE CROATIAN POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT","authors":"Jana Kujundžić","doi":"10.22190/fulp1902185k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1902185k","url":null,"abstract":"This paper will focus on sexual violence and new forms of religious traditionalism emerging in the Croatian political context and their engagement with the term gender. Critical Discourse Analysis as a methodological framework will be used to investigate the debates surrounding the ratification of the Istanbul Convention (Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence) in 2018 in Croatia. Religious conservative organisations started to frequently utilize the term “gender ideology” to created fear, confusion and moral panic in the public discourse in connection to the ratification. According to their interpretations, “gender ideology” in the Istanbul convention was smuggled in to destroy the traditional Croatian Catholic heterosexual family by enabling children to choose their own gender. Croatia has undergone significant changes since the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s dismissing its socialist legacy with the support of the Catholic Church and its staunch anti-communist rhetoric which seeks to undo any progress in terms of gender equality achieved during socialism. Researching sexual violence from the intersectional feminist framework poses a challenge in a climate where the conservative discourse has highjacked any discussion of sexual violence in the public sphere by contesting the term gender itself and making it a questioned category of social analysis. Even though Croatia has ratified the Istanbul Convention in April 2018, the government has issued alongside an “interpretative statement” further legitimizing the term “gender ideology.”","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116318667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the context of climate change and rising risk of environmental crisis caused by pollution and unsustainable exploitation of natural resources, the concept of environmental security, primarily defined as the resilience of countries and individuals to the challenges of environmental degradation, is rapidly obtaining the interest of general public and experts from various scientific disciplines. However, it seems that the gender aspect of security in general, and particularly of environmental security has not been given the amount of attention it deserves until recently. Thanks to the ecofeminist movement, based upon the idea that women are more closely related to nature than men and more vulnerable and susceptible to the negative impacts of environmental degradation (especially those emerging as the consequences of pollution and climate change), the role of women in the improvement of environmental security through participation in decision-making processes in legislation and public policy making is finally being recognised. The aim of this paper is to analyse the modern concept of environmental security as well as the evolution and contemporary discourses within ecofeminist movements and to explain the link between them, i.e., the contribution of ecofeminism to the shift in the approach to environmental security in the sense of taking into consideration the rights and interests of women as more common victims of negative environmental impacts as well as their potentials as relevant stake holders in this field.
{"title":"ECOFEMINISM AND ENVIRONMENTAL SECURITY","authors":"A. Batričević, N. Paunović","doi":"10.22190/fulp1902125b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1902125b","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of climate change and rising risk of environmental crisis caused by pollution and unsustainable exploitation of natural resources, the concept of environmental security, primarily defined as the resilience of countries and individuals to the challenges of environmental degradation, is rapidly obtaining the interest of general public and experts from various scientific disciplines. However, it seems that the gender aspect of security in general, and particularly of environmental security has not been given the amount of attention it deserves until recently. Thanks to the ecofeminist movement, based upon the idea that women are more closely related to nature than men and more vulnerable and susceptible to the negative impacts of environmental degradation (especially those emerging as the consequences of pollution and climate change), the role of women in the improvement of environmental security through participation in decision-making processes in legislation and public policy making is finally being recognised. The aim of this paper is to analyse the modern concept of environmental security as well as the evolution and contemporary discourses within ecofeminist movements and to explain the link between them, i.e., the contribution of ecofeminism to the shift in the approach to environmental security in the sense of taking into consideration the rights and interests of women as more common victims of negative environmental impacts as well as their potentials as relevant stake holders in this field.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121449259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Promoting and achieving of full gender equality is one of the key activities of European Union and there is a strategic commitment to act strongly towards this goal. Gender equality is perceived, among others, as the issue of economic growth and therefore it is necessary that gender perspective is implemented through all activities of EU. The Republic of Serbia, as a candidate for full EU membership, has fully accepted all goals that should be accomplished in accordance with European strategic documents and implemented almost all EC directives concerning the equality of men and women into the legal system. Firstly, the Republic of Serbia constituted legal and institutional framework for the implementation of directives and strategic documents in the further process of negotiations for accessing EU and is continuously working on further improvement and completing of this system. Controlling mechanisms for respecting the equality principle, i.e. prohibition of discrimination, are established and functional, first of all - the central state institution for protecting all citizens from all types of discrimination, including discrimination on grounds of sex – Commissioner for Protection of Equality. Strategic priorities of European Union related to gender equality in five areas, as well as their significance for the social development of the member states, are presented in the introductory part of this work, followed by the institutional framework for the implementation and control of respecting the gender equality principle in the Republic of Serbia, so that second part of the work is a summary outline for the implementation of gender equality.
{"title":"GENDER EQUALITY IN THE INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF THE EU AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA","authors":"Katarina Štrbac, B. Janković","doi":"10.22190/fulp1902101s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1902101s","url":null,"abstract":"Promoting and achieving of full gender equality is one of the key activities of European Union and there is a strategic commitment to act strongly towards this goal. Gender equality is perceived, among others, as the issue of economic growth and therefore it is necessary that gender perspective is implemented through all activities of EU. The Republic of Serbia, as a candidate for full EU membership, has fully accepted all goals that should be accomplished in accordance with European strategic documents and implemented almost all EC directives concerning the equality of men and women into the legal system. Firstly, the Republic of Serbia constituted legal and institutional framework for the implementation of directives and strategic documents in the further process of negotiations for accessing EU and is continuously working on further improvement and completing of this system. Controlling mechanisms for respecting the equality principle, i.e. prohibition of discrimination, are established and functional, first of all - the central state institution for protecting all citizens from all types of discrimination, including discrimination on grounds of sex – Commissioner for Protection of Equality. Strategic priorities of European Union related to gender equality in five areas, as well as their significance for the social development of the member states, are presented in the introductory part of this work, followed by the institutional framework for the implementation and control of respecting the gender equality principle in the Republic of Serbia, so that second part of the work is a summary outline for the implementation of gender equality.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125318753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Daniel Kohler, director of the German Institute for Radicalization and De-Radicalization Studies (GIRDS) in Berlin, based on an authentic personal practical experience in the field of derading, as well as a number of empirical case studies, in this book for the first time, overcomes the gap between academic and practical perspectives on „deradalisation“.
{"title":"UNDERSTANDING DERADICALIZATION: METHODS, TOOLS AND PROGRAMS FOR COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM Author: Daniel Koehler Oxon/New York: Routledge, 2016","authors":"M. Krstic","doi":"10.22190/fulp1901095k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/fulp1901095k","url":null,"abstract":"Daniel Kohler, director of the German Institute for Radicalization and De-Radicalization Studies (GIRDS) in Berlin, based on an authentic personal practical experience in the field of derading, as well as a number of empirical case studies, in this book for the first time, overcomes the gap between academic and practical perspectives on „deradalisation“.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"191 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124325494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Judicial authorities have the difficult task to deal with the undermined public confidence in the judiciary and to reverse this trend in favor of a general appreciation of their work by citizens. Announced judicial reform which failed, the internal problems of the judiciary, as well as tabloidization by the media that create an unfavorable environment are the causes that have led to people doubting the achievements of justice and fairness conducted by the judicial authorities. Representatives of the judiciary can change such an image only with an active, not a passive attitude towards this problem. Reticence of the judiciary is not a good way to change the unfavorable picture of their work to the desired level. Consistent implementation of the principles of the publicity, demystification of the work of the judiciary, openness towards the media, is the path that leads to the establishment of trust in the work of the judiciary. Constant communication between representatives of the judiciary and journalists, in which it eliminates any doubt that the prosecution and the courts "are hiding something" is a necessity, not just a requirement. In particular, the authors point to the delicate boundary between the justified public's interests in knowing and the abuse of freedom of expression "up to the line" through which the right of the others would be violated. In this paper we point out the causes of the unfavorable environment in question, as well as the obstacles in the communication of courts and media that occur in the everyday work of both.
{"title":"THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COURTS AND MEDIA","authors":"Darko Dimovski, Iva Popović Knežević, M. Vujičić","doi":"10.22190/FULP1901055D","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/FULP1901055D","url":null,"abstract":"Judicial authorities have the difficult task to deal with the undermined public confidence in the judiciary and to reverse this trend in favor of a general appreciation of their work by citizens. Announced judicial reform which failed, the internal problems of the judiciary, as well as tabloidization by the media that create an unfavorable environment are the causes that have led to people doubting the achievements of justice and fairness conducted by the judicial authorities. Representatives of the judiciary can change such an image only with an active, not a passive attitude towards this problem. Reticence of the judiciary is not a good way to change the unfavorable picture of their work to the desired level. Consistent implementation of the principles of the publicity, demystification of the work of the judiciary, openness towards the media, is the path that leads to the establishment of trust in the work of the judiciary. Constant communication between representatives of the judiciary and journalists, in which it eliminates any doubt that the prosecution and the courts \"are hiding something\" is a necessity, not just a requirement. In particular, the authors point to the delicate boundary between the justified public's interests in knowing and the abuse of freedom of expression \"up to the line\" through which the right of the others would be violated. In this paper we point out the causes of the unfavorable environment in question, as well as the obstacles in the communication of courts and media that occur in the everyday work of both.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114643242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Human resources management in the public administration of the Republic of Serbia is a combined model of good practices from the European administrative area and the remaining stereotypes from pre-transition period. Introduction of the public servant system with all features of contemporary public servant related legislation was a necessity that accompanied overall reform of the public administration in Serbia. The process of introducing human resources management function in the Serbian public administration has been encumbered with application of two different legal models that define the status of public servants: public servant related legislation is applied to employees in executive branches of the central government (ministries, government departments and offices), and the status of employees in city and municipal administrations is stipulated in obsolete laws, adopted over 20 years ago. It should be noted that employees in public sector are still prone to old habits in their work, which altogether reduces successful reforms in this area. This paper provides a description of the current state of affairs and opens certain questions: whether the modern human resources (HR) management in Serbia’s public sector is understood and accepted in the right way; and whether it is possible, by means of applying specific methods, to strengthen awareness of public employees concerning their actual position and responsibility to establish a new public administration, adjusted to the citizens’ needs, requirements and expectations. Relying on a decade-long personal engagement in this field, the author analyzes the current circumstances and provides critical remarks and recommendations.
{"title":"CHARACTERISTICS OF HUMAN RESOURCES MANAGEMENT MODEL IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF REPUBLIC OF SERBIA: CONTEMPORARY TRENDS AND CHALLENGES","authors":"Igor Vukonjanski","doi":"10.22190/FULP1901033V","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/FULP1901033V","url":null,"abstract":"Human resources management in the public administration of the Republic of Serbia is a combined model of good practices from the European administrative area and the remaining stereotypes from pre-transition period. Introduction of the public servant system with all features of contemporary public servant related legislation was a necessity that accompanied overall reform of the public administration in Serbia. The process of introducing human resources management function in the Serbian public administration has been encumbered with application of two different legal models that define the status of public servants: public servant related legislation is applied to employees in executive branches of the central government (ministries, government departments and offices), and the status of employees in city and municipal administrations is stipulated in obsolete laws, adopted over 20 years ago. It should be noted that employees in public sector are still prone to old habits in their work, which altogether reduces successful reforms in this area. This paper provides a description of the current state of affairs and opens certain questions: whether the modern human resources (HR) management in Serbia’s public sector is understood and accepted in the right way; and whether it is possible, by means of applying specific methods, to strengthen awareness of public employees concerning their actual position and responsibility to establish a new public administration, adjusted to the citizens’ needs, requirements and expectations. Relying on a decade-long personal engagement in this field, the author analyzes the current circumstances and provides critical remarks and recommendations.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115499333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the broadest sense, alternative sanctions are criminal law measures that substitute a prison sentence. They are practically parapenal sanctions considering that they lack the actual effectiveness inherent in classical punishment, which is expressed as a complete restriction of some rights or material values. The paper provides an overview of an international scientific-professional meeting of experts held at the Appellate Court in Niš, within the project "Strengthening the Probation and the Alternative Sanctions System in Montenegro and Serbia". Participants of the meeting were members of the Dutch delegation, as well as Serbian judges, public prosecutors, and probation officers. During the presentation of the project and the exchange of opinions and experiences on the application of alternative sanctions in both Netherlands and Serbia, numerous essential questions have been raised regarding the purpose of punishment, the achieved results, and the problems arising in everyday practice in the application of alternative sanctions.
{"title":"AN OVERVIEW OF THE INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC-PROFESSIONAL MEETING AT THE APPELLATE COURT IN NIŠ WITHIN THE PROJECT \"STRENGTHENING THE PROBATION AND THE SYSTEM OF ALTERNATIVE SANCTIONS IN MONTENEGRO AND SERBIA\" NIŠ, 4TH DECEMBER 2018","authors":"D. Janković","doi":"10.22190/FULP1901001J","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22190/FULP1901001J","url":null,"abstract":"In the broadest sense, alternative sanctions are criminal law measures that substitute a prison sentence. They are practically parapenal sanctions considering that they lack the actual effectiveness inherent in classical punishment, which is expressed as a complete restriction of some rights or material values. The paper provides an overview of an international scientific-professional meeting of experts held at the Appellate Court in Niš, within the project \"Strengthening the Probation and the Alternative Sanctions System in Montenegro and Serbia\". Participants of the meeting were members of the Dutch delegation, as well as Serbian judges, public prosecutors, and probation officers. During the presentation of the project and the exchange of opinions and experiences on the application of alternative sanctions in both Netherlands and Serbia, numerous essential questions have been raised regarding the purpose of punishment, the achieved results, and the problems arising in everyday practice in the application of alternative sanctions.","PeriodicalId":237738,"journal":{"name":"Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics","volume":"21 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131893685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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