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The student quota system of academy and its changes in Qing dynasty Centering on Hunan 清代书院生源制度及其变迁——以湖南为中心
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.04
Ming-wood Liu
In the early Qing Dynasty, the academy followed the Ming Dynasty's lecture style, limited to the houses of the academies. The students of the academies were small and relatively stable, and there was no quota system for students. With the development of the system of academy allowances and rewards, the academy began to have the number of allowances and awards. The system of allowances and rewards is combined with the resident student, co-created a fixed number of students in the academy. In the middle of the Qing dynasty, the examination system gradually became the dominant system of the academy. The quota system included a fixed number of students, the number of allowances and normal awards. The “extra” system has become popular, The system of allowances and rewards based on the results of each test and the number of special awards began to appear. In the late Qing dynasty, the system of allowances and rewards based on the results of each test and the number of special awards beg an to become popular. The scale of the “extra” system kept g rowing . At the same time, At the same time, the emergence of new types of academies also led to new changes in the academy student quota system. Hunan province is an important region for the development of academies in the Qing dynasty. Taking Hunan province as the center to clarify the student quota system of academies in the Qing dynasty and its chang es is of great significance for answering questions such as what is the academy learning experience, how to determine academy students, how to determine the size of academy students. 청대 초기 서원은 명대의 강학 풍조를 계승하였다. 서원의 재사(齋舍)와 같은 환경적 제한으로 인해, 서원의 졸업 규모는 비교적 적으면서도 안정적이었기에 생도의 정원에 관한 제도는 없었다. 서원의 고장(膏獎) 제도의 발전에 힘입어, 고화액(膏火額), 장상액(獎賞額) 제도가 출현하였다. 고장 제도는 또한고정생액(固定生額), 고화액(膏火額), 상과장상(常課獎賞) 등으로 겸비되었다. ‘액외(額外)’ 제도 또한 유행하기 시작하였으며, ‘수과고장(隨課膏獎)’, 전과장상액(專課獎賞額) 또한 출현하기 시작했다. 청대 말기에 이르러, ‘수과고장’ 제도 및 전과장상액 제도가 유행하면서 ‘액외’ 규모 또한 지속 확장되었다. 이와동시에, 신식 서원의 출현 또한 서원의 생도 정원 제도에 새로운 변화를 가져다주었다. 호남은 청대 서원 발전에 있어 중심 지역으로서, 호남을 중심으로청대 서원의 생도 정원 제도 및 그 변화를 파악해본다면 서원의 학습 이수가어떻게 이루어졌는지, 그리고 서원의 졸업생을 어떻게 확정하였는지, 심지어서원 졸업생의 규모를 어떻게 특정하였는지 등의 의문에 대한 의미 있는 답안을 도출할 수 있을 것이다.
清初书院沿袭明代的讲堂风格,仅限于书院的院舍内。书院学生规模小,相对稳定,不实行名额制度。随着学院津贴奖励制度的发展,学院开始有了津贴奖励的数量。津贴和奖励制度与住校学生相结合,共同造就了固定数量的学院学生。清代中期,科举制度逐渐成为书院的主导制度。配额制度包括固定的学生人数、津贴数量和正常奖励。“额外”制度开始流行,基于每次考试成绩和特殊奖励数量的津贴和奖励制度开始出现。在清末,根据每次考试的结果和特殊奖励的数量来津贴和奖励的制度开始流行起来。“额外”系统的规模不断扩大。与此同时,新型院校的出现也导致了院校生源定额制度的新变化。湖南是清代书院发展的重要地区。以湖南省为中心,厘清清代书院生源定额制度及其变迁,对于解答什么是书院学习经验、如何确定书院生源、如何确定书院生源规模等问题具有重要意义。【翻译】:【翻译】와서원의재사(齋舍)같은환경적제한으로인해,서원의졸업규모는비교적적으면서도안정적이었기에생도의정원에관한제도는없었다。서원의고장(膏獎)제도의발전에힘입어,고화액(膏火額),장상액(獎賞額)제도가출현하였다。고장제도는또한고정생액(固定生額),고화액(膏火額),상과장상(常課獎賞)등으로겸비되었다。“액외(額外)제도또한유행하기시작하였으며,“수과고장(隨課膏獎)”,전과장상액(專課獎賞額)또한출현하기시작했다。청대말기에이르러‘수과고장“제도및전과장상액제도가유행하면서”액외”규모또한지속확장되었다。신이와동시에,식서원의출현또한서원의생도정원제도에새로운변화를가져다주었다。호남은청대서원발전에있어중심지역으로서,호남을중심으로청대서원의생도정원제도및그변화를파악해본다면서원의학습이수가어떻게이루어졌는지,그리고서원의졸업생을어떻게확정하였는지,심지어서원졸업생의규모를어떻게특정하였는지등의의문에대한의미있는답안을도출할수있을것이다。
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引用次数: 0
A study on the formation of Texas Street near Busan Station and the influx of former Soviet Bloc migrants 釜山站附近德克萨斯街的形成与前苏联移民的涌入研究
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.14
Yongseok Noh
Texas Street in Choryang-dong, Dong-gu, located near Busan Station, is known to some people as a 'Russian street' even as of 2022, and to others it is recognized as a 'prostitute' and 'red light district' that cannot be reached. However, it can be said that this place has historically been a complex interweaving of numerous foreign visitors, including Chinese and Americans, and the Russians are only one part of the main character of the stage. Nevertheless, Koreans consider this area to be the exclusive property of Russians, and the perception of Texas Street as a 'prostitute' has become a general notion of looking at Russians. However, the Texas Street near Busan Station was the “debut stage” for Russia, where it established diplomatic ties with Korea for the first time since the Cold War in the 1990s. This paper is a study on the background of the formation of Texas Street near Busan Station and the influx of former Soviet bloc migrants.
釜山站附近的东区铁阳洞德克萨斯街,在2022年还被称为“俄罗斯街”,而在另一些人眼里则被称为“妓女区”和“红灯区”。然而,可以说,这个地方在历史上一直是包括中国人和美国人在内的众多外国游客的复杂交织,俄罗斯人只是舞台主角的一部分。但是,韩国人认为这里是俄罗斯人的专属,把德克萨斯街看作是“妓女”,这已经成为对俄罗斯人的普遍看法。但是,釜山站附近的德克萨斯街是俄罗斯自上世纪90年代冷战结束后首次与韩国建交的“首演舞台”。本文以釜山站附近德克萨斯街的形成和前苏联移民的涌入为背景进行研究。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the location of the city hall in Jangsan-gun and the transition of Gun-hye on during the Goryeo Dynasty 探索高丽时期长山郡市政厅的位置和建惠安的过渡
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.11
Myeong-jin Kim
The name of the town, Jangsan-gun (Gyeongsan-si), was officially given in 757. In 927, at the Battle of Gongsan Dongsu, Wang Geon was defeated by Gyeon Hwon of the Later Baekje. However, the residents of Gyeongsan cooperated with Goryeo. As a reward, Wang Geon changed the name of Jangsan-gun to a better meaning. Jangsan-gun (Jangsanseong) does not know its exact location. However, it was revealed that the site of Gyeongsan City Hall during the Joseon Dynasty was the seat of the Goryeo Dynasty. It was also analyzed that this place would be the site of Jangsan Fortress. The transition of Gun-hyeon of Jangsan-gun of Goryeo began with the Taejo period. Jangsan-gun was transferred to Donggyeong Yusugwan Gyeongju in February 1018 (9th year of King Hyeonjong). In 1172 (the 2nd year of King Myeongjong), Gammu was dispatched. When King Chungseon took the throne, Jangsan-gun was changed to Gyeongsan-hyeon to avoid the king's name. This was December 1308. In 1317 (4th year of King Chungsuk), Gyeongsan-hyeon was said to be the hometown of Il-yeon and became Gyeongsanhyeonryeonggwan. In 1390 (2nd year of King Gongyang), it was elevated to Gyeong san-g un as it was said to be the hometown of King Gongyang's queen.
757年正式定名为“长山郡(庆山市)”。公元927年,在公山东水之战中,王建被后百济的玄元打败。但是,庆山居民与高丽人进行了合作。作为奖励,王建将长山炮改名为更好的意思。长山郡(长山城)不知道它的确切位置。但据调查,朝鲜时代的庆山市府遗址是高丽王朝的所在地。也有分析认为,这里可能是长山要塞的遗址。高丽长山郡郡贤的过渡是从太祖时期开始的。长山郡于1018年2月(玄宗九年)被转移到东庆寿水湾庆州。1172年(明宗二年),甘武被派遣。忠善王即位后,为了避免使用忠善王的名字,将长山郡改为庆山县。这是1308年12月。1317年(忠淑帝4年),庆山贤被称为一渊的故乡,成为庆山贤陵馆。公元1390年(公阳二年),因为据说是公阳王王后的故乡,被提升为庆山郡。
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引用次数: 0
The Spre ad and Promotion of Kore an Studies at Home and abroad: Review of the status of the “Korean Studies Promotion Project” by the Korean Studies Promotion Foundation 国内外韩国学研究的发展与促进:韩国学振兴财团 "韩国学振兴事业 "现状回顾
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.09
Nak-hyun Kwak
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引用次数: 0
Studying the format and record content of The Student Life Notice Table in The Japanese colonial period 研究日本殖民时期《学生生活通知表》的格式和记录内容
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.24
Hwei-kyun Chae
The purpose of this study was to reveal the characteristics of education shown in the student life notice table in the Japanese colonial period by analyzing the format, composition, and recording method of the student life notice table during the Japanese colonial period. Therefore, the results of the study are summarized based on the contents analyzed in the main body and the conclusions are presented as follows. First, The Japanese colonial the student life notice table has been an effective means of delivering and accepting general education for children across the country and delivering and delivering the results through a certain form to propagate and accommodate the knowledge and attitude of Japanese colonial rule. Second, festivals and anniversaries were to instill pro-Japanese culture and rituals. Since festivals and anniversaries were recorded and observed on the daily life notification table, they were playing a role in promoting and instilling pro-Japanese culture and pro-Japanese consciousness. Third, in the student life notice table during the Japanese colonial period, lessons and guidelines indicating the nature of school education are recorded. This was to reinforce colonial education through precepts and emphases. Therefore, it shows the intention to strengthen and sustain colonial rule by nurturing students who are loyal to Japan and follow discipline. Fourth, the subjects recorded in the student life notice table during the Japanese colonial period reflect the contents and characteristics of school education. In the subject, Japanese was displayed as the Korean language, and Korean language was integrated with Chinese characters, but was deleted from the subjects during the late Japanese colonial period. Therefore, the subjects shown in the student life notice table show that school education during the Japanese colonial period was education for maintaining and strengthening the colony. Fifth, the types and methods of evaluation made them immerse themselves in competition and pro-Japanese colonial education. At the same time, evaluation indicates the level of learning achievement, and the evaluation method influences the thinking and train of learners. Marking grades and ranks on transcripts made them focus more on colonial education because they classify learners, stimulate competition, and evoke feelings of superiority and inferiority.
本研究的目的是通过分析日本殖民时期学生生活通知表的格式、组成和记录方法,揭示日本殖民时期学生生活通知表所表现出的教育特征。因此,在正文分析内容的基础上,对研究结果进行总结,得出如下结论。首先,日本殖民时期的学生生活通知表是在全国范围内对儿童进行通识教育并通过一定形式传递和传递结果的有效手段,以宣传和容纳日本殖民统治的知识和态度。第二,节日和纪念日是为了灌输亲日文化和仪式。由于节日和纪念日被记录和观察在日常生活通知表上,它们起到了促进和灌输亲日文化和亲日意识的作用。第三,在日本殖民时期的学生生活通知表中,记录了指示学校教育性质的课程和指导方针。这是为了通过训诫和强调加强殖民教育。因此,通过培养忠于日本、遵守纪律的学生,体现了加强和维持殖民统治的意图。第四,日占时期《学生生活通知表》所记录的科目反映了学校教育的内容和特点。在科目中,日语被显示为韩国语,韩国语与汉字融合在一起,但在日本帝国主义强占后期被删除。因此,学生生活通知表中所示的科目表明,日本殖民时期的学校教育是维护和加强殖民地的教育。第五,评价的类型和方法使他们沉浸在竞争和亲日殖民教育中。同时,评价表明了学习成果的水平,评价方法影响着学习者的思维和训练。在成绩单上标注成绩和排名使他们更加关注殖民教育,因为这将学习者分类,刺激竞争,唤起优越感和自卑感。
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Academic View and Educational Implications of Hangang Jeong Gu 《汉江正古》的学术观与教育意蕴研究
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.19
Sang Woon Yeo
The academic view of the Hang ang can be divided into four main categories : Seong-hak(聖學, sacred learning), Ha-gak(下學, etiquette learning), Bak-hak(博學, broad learning) and So-hak(小學, personality learning). The first is the pursuit of being a saint. Hangang devoted himself to a sacred learning with the goal of becoming a saint at a relatively early ag e. His humble personality was naturally embodied because he always felt that he lacked himself compared to a saint and reflected on himself. Second, the emphasis was placed on an etiquette learning. He emphasized etiquette in everyday life and emphasized the practice of basic personnel affairs before metaphysical philosophy. Third, he pursued a broad learning. Hangang’s trend of the broad learning began with the recognition that there was nothing to throw away in order to pursue the Neo-Confucian philosophical system. His pursuit of the broad knowledge was again implied by simplicity as he g rew older. The broad academic trend of youth had converg ed to simplicity in his last years. Fourth, a personality learning was thoroughly emphasized. So-hak was viewed as the starting point of all studies, and before learning the philosophical system of Neo-Confucianism, he emphasized basic manners as a human being, and emphasized constant self-discipline and a diligent lifestyle. This academic tendency of Hangang was also reflected in education. Hang ang ’s education viewpoint could be divided into three categ ories. First, it was the emphasis on a character education. The character education, which emphasized etiquette, was viewed as the starting point of education. The basis of all education is to cultivate basic personality education and manners, and after this basis was established, customized education was implemented to suit the intellectual level of the disciples. Second, it emphasized timely education suitable for the situation. In other words, it emphasized education suitable for the learner's environment and situation. Filial piety was taught to those in need of filial piety, and the achievement of Tao was taug ht to disciples who wanted to study. If a student's personality is brave, he/she was taught according to their personality. This type of customized education was able to maximize the effectiveness of education, and everyone could exercise their capabilities. Third, Hang ang pursued customized education tailored to individual characteristics. This is similar to the method Confucius did to his disciples, and the streng ths of his disciples could be maximized by educating them to suit their qualities and characteristics. Even today, education is customized, focusing on individual specificity, but most of them are cognitive differential education. Differential education according to such individual temperament and character is considered to require further research and active discussion in modern education. These comprehensive analysis and systematic research are meaningful in itself, but based
行学的学术观点可以分为四大类:成学(神圣的学习)、学学(礼仪的学习)、学学(博大的学习)和学学(人格的学习)。首先是对圣人的追求,汉钢在较早的时候就以成为圣人为目标,投身于一门神圣的学问,他谦卑的性格自然得到了体现,因为他总是觉得与圣人相比,他缺乏自己,并对自己进行反思。第二,强调礼仪学习。他在日常生活中强调礼仪,在形而上哲学之前强调基本人事的实践。第三,博学多才。汉刚的广博之风始于他认识到,为了追求新儒家哲学体系,没有什么可以抛弃的。随着年龄的增长,他对广博知识的追求又被单纯所暗示。在他的最后几年里,青年的学术潮流趋向于简单。四是全面强调人格学习。素学被视为所有研究的起点,在学习理学哲学体系之前,他强调做人的基本礼仪,强调不断的自律和勤奋的生活方式。汉钢的这种学术倾向也体现在教育上。杭杭的教育观可以分为三类。首先,它强调品格教育。强调礼仪的品格教育被视为教育的起点。所有教育的基础都是培养基本的人格教育和礼仪,在这个基础建立之后,实施适合弟子智力水平的定制教育。第二,强调因时制宜的教育。换句话说,它强调适合学习者的环境和情况的教育。孝道是教给需要孝道的人的,而道的成就是教给想要学习的弟子的。如果一个学生的个性是勇敢的,他/她就会根据他们的个性接受教育。这种定制化的教育方式可以使教育的效果最大化,每个人都可以锻炼自己的能力。第三,杭港实行个性化教育。这与孔子对待弟子的方法类似,通过教育他们,使他们符合自己的素质和特点,可以最大限度地发挥他们的长处。即使在今天,教育也是定制化的,注重个体的特殊性,但大多数是认知差异教育。基于这种个体气质和性格的差异教育,被认为是现代教育中需要进一步研究和积极讨论的问题。这些全面的分析和系统的研究本身是有意义的,但在此基础上,它的意义在于为进一步深入研究汉钢的实际生活、思想或教育观奠定了基础。汉钢的教育意蕴可以概括为个性教育、适时教育、定制教育,如果在未来重新分析汉钢的教育理念并将其应用到现代教育中,这将是一个非常有意义的研究。综上所述,如果能在现代社会中通过进一步的研究实现个性化教育,预计将具有非常高的教育价值和意义。在这方面,对杭杭的学习与教育的研究将是一个参考,呈现出新的研究和教育的方向今天。
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引用次数: 0
The Structure and Cultural Implications of the Inscriptions of Shandong Academy in the Qing Dynasty 清代山东书院铭文的结构与文化意蕴
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.02
An Peung Seo, Heung Min Noh
This article examines the constitutional structure of more than 100 inscriptions on Shandong Academy in Qing Dynasty, and reveals that there is a similar writing pattern among them: the author first cites the teachings of the former kings, and regards the establishment of the academy as a grand event to inherit the legacy of the three generations, and its significance is highlighted ; Then the author puts his brushwork on the tradition of a place, the mountains and rivers are so beautiful, the predecessors are so outstanding, how can the future generations be left alone, the rise of the academy is an act of reviving the humanities; Hard work, it is imperative to create an academy, but its creation is not easy, so future generations should not fall into their careers, and follow things to increase ; Finally, the author expresses his desire for the development of humanities. To explore the formation mechanism of this similar writing mode, we must return to the outstanding stylistic features of the stele, that is, the inscription, materiality and display presented on the stele. It seems to be a kind of “solid”·Writing writings that are expected to be handed down to future generations, they are produced in a rich context : In Shandong, which has rich cultural accumulation, it is an academy for cultivating talents; it was formed through the hands of local officials or local scribes; it is preserved in local chronicles such as art and literature records, school records, political and educational records, construction records, document records and historical site records. Each of them The background or related measures endow the inscription with special cultural and literary meaning , showing the cultural heritage and “local scenery” in the clues of the past, present and future. 본고에서는 백여 편에 달하는 청대 산동서원 비문의 구성 체계를 검토해봄으로써 그 가운데 존재하는 유사한 문장 양식을 도출해볼 것이다. 우선, 비문의 작자는 선왕(先王)의 가르침을 열거하면서 서원의 창건이 삼대(三代)의 유산을 전승하는 성대한 행사임을 강조한다. 그리고 작자는 필촉(筆觸)을 한 점에 두는 전통에 입각하여, ‘산천(山川)이 이처럼 영명하고, 고대 현인들이 이처럼 훌륭하니, 후손들이 어찌 이 장소를 방치할 수 있겠는가, 서원의 부흥이 바로 인문(人文)을 중흥하는 일이다’라고 말하고 있다. 또 그는 당면한 현실에대해 묘사하면서, 사인(士人)들이 과거를 준비하는 데 노고가 많으니 반드시서원을 창건, 수복하여 세(勢)를 회복하여야만 하는데, 이것은 결코 쉬운 작업이 아니므로 후손들이 마땅히 그 업무를 놓지 않고 더욱 발전시켜야 한다고말한다. 마지막으로, 작자는 인문(人文) 부흥이라는 소망을 드러내고 있다. 이러한 상호 유사한 문장 양식의 형성 근거를 탐구하려면, 반드시 비문에 드러나는 문체 특징을 검토하여야만 할 것이다. 이것이 바로 비석에 드러난 각명(刻銘)의 특징이자 고유한 물질성, 표현성이라 할 수 있다. 서원의 비문은 일종의 ‘견고함’을 특징으로 가지며, 후대에 전승되길 바라는 의도가 담긴 문자작품인 것으로 보인다. 비문은 지방 관원 또는 현지 선비들에 의해 제작되었으며, 보통 지방지의 예문지(藝文志), 학교지(學校志), 정교지(政敎志), 영건지(營建志), 문헌지(文獻志), 고적지(古跡志) 속에 많이 보존되어 있다. 각 비문의배경 혹은 이에 관련된 조치들은 모두 비문에 대하여 특별한 문화적, 문학적의미를 부여한다. 그것은 과거, 현재, 미래의 연속선 상에서 문화적 함의와“현지의 분위기”를 드러낸다.
本文考察了清代山东书院100余篇题记的构成结构,发现它们之间存在着相似的书写模式:作者首先引用了前朝国王的训示,并将书院的建立视为承继三代遗志的大事,其意义凸显;然后作者把他的笔触放在一个地方的传统上,山河那么美,前人那么优秀,后人怎么能被遗弃,书院的兴起是人文复兴的行为;努力工作,创建一个学院势在必行,但它的创建是不容易的,所以后代不应该陷入自己的事业,并跟随事情增加;最后,作者表达了对人文学科发展的愿望。探究这种相似书写模式的形成机制,必须回归到石碑突出的文体特征,即石碑上呈现的铭文、物质性和展示性。它似乎是一种“坚实”的书写,是一种可望传世的书写,它是在丰富的语境中产生的:在文化积淀丰富的山东,它是一所培养人才的学院;它是由地方官员或地方文士组成的;它被保存在地方志中,如艺术和文学记录,学校记录,政治和教育记录,建筑记录,文件记录和历史遗址记录。每一种背景或相关措施都赋予铭文以特殊的文化和文学意义,在过去、现在和未来的线索中展现文化遗产和“乡土风光”。본고에서는백여편에달하는청대산동서원비문의구성체계를검토해봄으로써그가운데존재하는유사한문장양식을도출해볼것이다。우선,비문의작자는선왕(先王)의가르침을열거하면서서원의창건이삼대(三代)의유산을전승하는성대한행사임을강조한다。그리고작자는필촉(筆觸)을한점에두는전통에입각하여,“산천(山川)이이처럼영명하고,고대현인들이이처럼훌륭하니,후손들이어찌이장소를방치할수있겠는가,서원의부흥이바로인문(人文)을중흥하는일이다”라고말하고있다。또그는당면한현실에대해묘사하면서,사인(士人)들이과거를준비하는데노고가많으니반드시서원을창건,수복하여세(勢)를회복하여야만하는데,이것은결코쉬운작업이아니므로후손들이마땅히그업무를놓지않고더욱발전시켜야한다고말한다。[中文]:http://www.tingclass.com/ [tingclass.com/] http://www.tingclass.com/ [tingclass.com/]이러한상호유사한문장양식의형성근거를탐구하려면,반드시비문에드러나는문체특징을검토하여야만할것이다。이것이바로비석에드러난각명(刻銘)의특징이자고유한물질성,표현성이라할수있다。”서원의비문은일종의견고함”을특징으로가지며,후대에전승되길바라는의도가담긴문자작품인것으로보인다。비문은지방관원또는현지선비들에의해제작되었으며,보통지방지의예문지(藝文志),학교지(學校志),정교지(政敎志),영건지(營建志),문헌지(文獻志),고적지(古跡志)속에많이보존되어있다。각비문의배경혹은이에관련된조치들은모두비문에대하여특별한문화적,문학적의미를부여한다。[qh] [qh] [qh] [qh] [qh] [qh] [qh] [qh]
{"title":"The Structure and Cultural Implications of the Inscriptions of Shandong Academy in the Qing Dynasty","authors":"An Peung Seo, Heung Min Noh","doi":"10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.02","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the constitutional structure of more than 100 inscriptions on Shandong Academy in Qing Dynasty, and reveals that there is a similar writing pattern among them: the author first cites the teachings of the former kings, and regards the establishment of the academy as a grand event to inherit the legacy of the three generations, and its significance is highlighted ; Then the author puts his brushwork on the tradition of a place, the mountains and rivers are so beautiful, the predecessors are so outstanding, how can the future generations be left alone, the rise of the academy is an act of reviving the humanities; Hard work, it is imperative to create an academy, but its creation is not easy, so future generations should not fall into their careers, and follow things to increase ; Finally, the author expresses his desire for the development of humanities. To explore the formation mechanism of this similar writing mode, we must return to the outstanding stylistic features of the stele, that is, the inscription, materiality and display presented on the stele. It seems to be a kind of “solid”·Writing writings that are expected to be handed down to future generations, they are produced in a rich context : In Shandong, which has rich cultural accumulation, it is an academy for cultivating talents; it was formed through the hands of local officials or local scribes; it is preserved in local chronicles such as art and literature records, school records, political and educational records, construction records, document records and historical site records. Each of them The background or related measures endow the inscription with special cultural and literary meaning , showing the cultural heritage and “local scenery” in the clues of the past, present and future. \u0000 \u0000본고에서는 백여 편에 달하는 청대 산동서원 비문의 구성 체계를 검토해봄으로써 그 가운데 존재하는 유사한 문장 양식을 도출해볼 것이다. 우선, 비문의 작자는 선왕(先王)의 가르침을 열거하면서 서원의 창건이 삼대(三代)의 유산을 전승하는 성대한 행사임을 강조한다. 그리고 작자는 필촉(筆觸)을 한 점에 두는 전통에 입각하여, ‘산천(山川)이 이처럼 영명하고, 고대 현인들이 이처럼 훌륭하니, 후손들이 어찌 이 장소를 방치할 수 있겠는가, 서원의 부흥이 바로 인문(人文)을 중흥하는 일이다’라고 말하고 있다. 또 그는 당면한 현실에대해 묘사하면서, 사인(士人)들이 과거를 준비하는 데 노고가 많으니 반드시서원을 창건, 수복하여 세(勢)를 회복하여야만 하는데, 이것은 결코 쉬운 작업이 아니므로 후손들이 마땅히 그 업무를 놓지 않고 더욱 발전시켜야 한다고말한다. 마지막으로, 작자는 인문(人文) 부흥이라는 소망을 드러내고 있다. 이러한 상호 유사한 문장 양식의 형성 근거를 탐구하려면, 반드시 비문에 드러나는 문체 특징을 검토하여야만 할 것이다. 이것이 바로 비석에 드러난 각명(刻銘)의 특징이자 고유한 물질성, 표현성이라 할 수 있다. 서원의 비문은 일종의 ‘견고함’을 특징으로 가지며, 후대에 전승되길 바라는 의도가 담긴 문자작품인 것으로 보인다. 비문은 지방 관원 또는 현지 선비들에 의해 제작되었으며, 보통 지방지의 예문지(藝文志), 학교지(學校志), 정교지(政敎志), 영건지(營建志), 문헌지(文獻志), 고적지(古跡志) 속에 많이 보존되어 있다. 각 비문의배경 혹은 이에 관련된 조치들은 모두 비문에 대하여 특별한 문화적, 문학적의미를 부여한다. 그것은 과거, 현재, 미래의 연속선 상에서 문화적 함의와“현지의 분위기”를 드러낸다.","PeriodicalId":255388,"journal":{"name":"Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125081015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Kim Jin-man's Anti-Japanese Independence Movement 金振万的抗日独立运动
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.12
Il-su Kim
Kim Jin-man has been one of the representative literary painters of the 20th century who has established his art world through Sagunja painting and Gimyeongjeolji painting and influenced the flower bed for a long time since he had academic ability. In order to restore the independence of the Japanese colonial eran people and achieve national independence, he started the Reconstruction Achievement Friendship Association and the “Daegu Pistol Incident”. He was a representative anti-Japanese independence activist in Daegu in the 1910s who promoted the anti-Japanese independence movement. His anti-Japanese independence movement was inherited over three generations. Soon, he continued to his grandson Kim Il-sik, following his sons Kim Young-jo and Kim Young-ki. Through this, the Kim Jin-man family established the overall image of the three major independence movements. In addition, the three major independence movements of the Kim Jin-man family were consistent with the chang e in the route of the anti-Japanese independence movement in Japanese colonial era. The three major independence movements of the Kim Jin-man family have great implications for the direction that our society should view and predict even today in the 21st century.
金振万是20世纪文学画家的代表人物之一,他通过《思君子》和《金陵全志》建立了自己的画坛,并以学术能力长期影响着花坛。为了恢复日本殖民时期的独立,实现民族独立,他发起了重建成就友协和“大邱手枪事件”。他是20世纪10年代大邱抗日独立运动的代表人物。他的抗日独立运动传承了三代。不久,继儿子金英祖和金英基之后,他的孙子金日植继承了王位。通过这种方式,金振晚家族确立了三大独立运动的整体形象。此外,金镇晚家族的三次独立运动与日本殖民时期抗日独立运动路线的变化是一致的。金振晚家族的三次独立运动,对21世纪的今天,我们的社会应该如何看待和预测方向,具有重要的启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Gaje ong Lee Gok's Acce ptance Patte rns of The Mencius in His Prose 李谷的《孟子的散文》读本
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.18
Jae-sung Yang
The purpose of this study is to investigate Gajeong Lee Gok's acceptance patterns of The Mencius in his prose works. He quoted or altered phrases from The Mencius in various ways in many of his works, conveying the topic of his text clearly. He quoted phrases from The Mencius or added a new meaning to a phrase from the book in his poems, as well, to present his thoughts or topics effectively. Since the poem format allowed him to express his idea in short lines with a limited number of given phrases, he had to quote only essential meanings or shorten phrases from The Mencius in his poems. In his prose works, however, he faced no such limitations and enjoyed much more various forms of acceptance and alteration. The study shed light on the following aspects of his acceptance patterns of The Mencius : First, he urged the kings to reflect on their wrong perceptions of politics and asked the rulers to establish the rig ht social relations, quoting phrases from the scriptures. Making a distinction between the rule of right and the rule of might, he quoted phrases from The Mencius in mature ways. Secondly, his acceptance of vocabulary and speeches from the book usually happened in his works to send off a government official leaving for his new post or a man going on a journey. In his Wonsuhan, which is his essay-style work about the causes of droug hts, he developed his point that the temporary relief measures of the policies were useless by accepting Mencius' unique vocabulary and speech. Finally, he accepted Mencius' sentence and paragraph distinction and development process by taking his development methods in many of his works and altering them. He strengthened his topics and points by accepting the catechetical method, one of the major characteristics of The Mencius, and the quotation methods of the Odes and the Histories.
本研究旨在探讨李谷加正在其散文作品中对《孟子》的接受模式。在他的许多作品中,他以各种方式引用或修改《孟子》中的短语,清晰地传达了他的文本主题。他在诗歌中引用《孟子》中的词句或为《孟子》中的词句添加新的含义,以有效地表达自己的思想或主题。由于这种诗歌形式允许他用有限的短语来表达自己的思想,他只能在诗歌中引用《孟子》中的基本意思或短句。然而,在他的散文作品中,他没有受到这样的限制,而是受到了更多形式的接受和修改。该研究揭示了他对《孟子》的接受模式:首先,他引用经文,敦促国王反思他们错误的政治观念,要求统治者建立正确的社会关系。他区分了正义和强权,以成熟的方式引用了《孟子》中的词句。其次,他从书中接受词汇和演讲,通常发生在他的作品中,送一个政府官员去新的职位或一个人去旅行。在他关于干旱原因的散文式著作《元苏汉》中,他通过接受孟子独特的词汇和演讲,提出了他的观点,即政策的临时救济措施是无用的。最后,他接受了孟子的句段区分和发展过程,在他的许多著作中都采用了孟子的发展方法并加以修改。他接受了《孟子》的主要特点之一——教理法,以及《诗经》和《史记》的引用方法,加强了自己的主题和观点。
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引用次数: 0
On the Academization of Yihak in the Qing Dynasty 论清代义学学院化
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.06
Kyeung Song Jang
In the education system of the Qing Dynasty, there was a phenomenon of confluence of free schools and academies, one of which was the academization of free schools. The sign of the academization of free schools is that a large number of free schools are named “academies” and thus become part of the academy. The main reasons for promoting the academies of Yixue are local admiration, loose manag ement and advocacy by officials. The academism of Yixue promoted the popularity and prosperity of academies in the Qing Dynasty, and promoted the reform of academy regulations. At the same time, it blurred the boundary between Yixue and academies. It is necessary to discuss the relationship between volunteer schools and academies in a larger scope. 의학의 서원화는 주로 의학 관명(冠名)을 ‘서원’이라고 표시하는 현상으로 표현된다. 일찍이 역사 속에서 출현한 적 있는 몇몇 의학(義學)은 서원의 기능, 제도 및 양식을 갖추고 있었다. 강서(江西) 지역을 예로 들면, 북송대 서창(瑞 昌, 오늘날 강서 서창)의 채씨의숙(蔡氏義塾)과 원대 풍성(豐城, 강서 풍성) 게씨(揭氏)의 천강의숙(蒨岡義塾), 만안(萬安, 강서 만안)의 유씨유림의숙(劉氏儒 林義塾) 등은 모두 강학을 담당하는 이름난 선생들과 풍부한 학전을 갖추고있었으며, 그 사회적 영향력 또한 매우 컸다. 비록 ‘서원’이라는 명칭은 없었으나 서원의, 실질적 요소들을 갖추고 있었던 것이다. 이와 달리, 청대 의학의보편적인 학습 수준은 비교적 낮았으며, 생도는 몹시 적었고, 규모 또한 작았다. 게다가 학습의 질 또한 그리 높지 않아서, 사회적 영향력은 거의 없다시피했다. 이 경우 ‘서원’이라는 이름은 가지고 있었지만 오히려 서원의 내실은 없는 거나 마찬가지였다. 예컨대 동치(同治) 연간의 《신창현지(新昌縣志)》(강서의풍[宜豐]) 제5권의 기록에 따르면, 이 현은 청대에 각(閣), 당(堂), 원(園), 재(齋), 별서(別墅), 가숙(家塾), 서사(書舍), 서실(書屋), 산방(山房) 및 ‘서원’이라는 명칭을 가진 서원이 120여 개소가 건립되어 모두 성황을 이루었다. 그러나그 가운데 ‘서원’은 실질적으로 가숙, 서사 등과 마찬가지로 모두 의학(義學)에해당하였다. 예컨대 남병서원(南屏書院)은 강릉별서(江陵別墅)로서, “남성 바깥에 강을 등지고 위치하며, 웅씨 일가가 함께 건립한 곳이다(在南城外河背, 熊氏眾建).” 회란서원(回瀾書院)은 “육도(六都)에서 풍계 이씨 일가가 함께 건립한 문회(文會)이며, 학조(學租)를 기부받았다(在六都, 豐溪李氏眾建成文會, 捐有學租).”, 반수서원(泮水書院)은 “십도(十都)에 위치해 있으며, 노씨 일가가건립하였다(在十都, 盧氏眾建)”라고 기록되어 있다. 이와 같은 서원들은 주로지역의 씨족 및 그 구성원들이 출자하여 건립한 소규모 가숙에 해당한다. 신창(新昌) 비린(毗鄰)의 강서 만재(萬載)에서도 이와 유사한 정황이 드러난다. 예컨대 곽산(郭山) 장씨(張氏)는 강희(康熙) 46년(1707년)에 청아서원(菁莪書 院)을 건립하였고, 도광(道光) 8년(1828년) 배강(排江) 구양씨(歐陽氏)가 지은석계서원(石溪書院), 함풍(鹹豐) 7년(1857년) 반령(半嶺) 류씨(劉氏)의 류씨서원(劉氏書院) 등도 모두 씨족 자제들의 교육을 위한 장소로 건립된 것이다. 강서 지역 외에도, 청대의 많은 직성(直省) 지역에서 이와 비슷한 정황이 발견된다. 예컨대 호북성(湖北省)에서는 건륭 연간의 지방지에서 기록하고 있는 서원화된 의학만 해도 적지 않은데, 예컨대 면양(沔陽) 옥대서원(玉帶書院), 황강(黃岡) 평강서원(坪江書院
there was a phenomenon of confluence of free schools and academies, one of which was the academization of free schools。The sign of The academization of free schools is that a large number of free schools are named " academies " and thus become part of The academy。The main reasons for promoting The academies of Yixue are local admiration, loose manag ement and advocacy by officials。popularity and prosperity of academies in The Qing Dynasty, and promoted The reform of academy regulations。At the same time, it blurred the boundary between Yixue and academies。It is necessary to discuss the relationship between volunteer schools and academies in a larger scope。医学的西苑化主要表现为将医学冠名表示为‘西苑’的现象。历史上曾出现过的一些医学具有书院的功能、制度及样式。江西(江西)地区为例,北宋大西昌(瑞,现在江西西昌)的蔡某의숙蔡氏义塾)和远大丰盛(豐城、江西丰盛)地(揭氏布讲座淑(蒨岡塾)、万安(万喜安,江西万安)的刘某儒林의숙(小刘氏不曾塾喜得负责)等都是强学的著名的先生们和前具有丰富的学,其社会影响也是非常巨大的。虽然没有“书院”的名称,但具有书院的实质性因素。与此相反,清代医学的普遍学习水平较低,学生很少,规模小。而且学习质量也不高,几乎没有社会影响。在这种情况下,虽然有“书院”的名字,但反而等于没有书院的内涵。例如同治(每年一治《新昌当地新"县修》(江西的风[宜豐])第五卷的记录显示,这个县是清代各(岛屿)、党(堂)、元(园地、再(的)星(一九六墅)、(家塾的塾)、叙事(上选取了老舍、书室(上选取们)、山房(山房)及“书院”的名称具有书院建立了120多所,都盛况空前。但其中的“书院”实际上与家塾、书史等一样,都相当于医学。例如,南葬书院是江陵别书,“南葬外背江,熊氏一家建的地方”。“回兰书院”是丰溪李氏一家在六都共同建立的文会,也被赠送了学朝。据记载,盘水书院位于十都,由卢氏一家建立。这些书院主要是由地区的氏族及其成员出资建立的小规模的寄宿。在新昌碑林江西万载,也有类似的情况。例如,老张郭山(山)在某(氏),康熙46年(1707年)康熙城书院(菁莪上选取了建立了四合院,到道光(日光)八年(1828年)倍强(起之江区梁某(渝默默地氏)作出的石头台阶书院(石溪上选取了四合院、咸丰(鹹豐)七年(1857年)半飞跃半岭)、刘某(小刘氏)的刘某书院(小刘氏上选取了四合院等都为氏族子弟的教育场所而建立的。除江西地区外,清代许多直行地区也有类似的情况。例如,是湖北湖北省)中,从乾隆年间的地方志中记录的书院化的医学万也不少,例如绵羊(沔默默地玉带书院(玉上选取了四合院、黄江(葱岡)平江书院(坪在上选取了大杂院
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引用次数: 0
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Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University
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