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The Study on Danchijeom(「斷時占」) and “Hado”(「河圖」)・“Naksu”(「洛書」) of Yi Joo-Cheon(李柱天) The Study on Danchijeom(「断时占」) and “Hado”(「河图」)・“Naksu”(「洛书」) of Yi Joo-Cheon(李柱天)
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.11
Geun-Sik Seo
In this thesis, Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天)’s Dansijeom(「斷時占」) was examined. Dansijeom(「斷時占」) can be said to be one of Saju(四柱)・Myeongrihak(命 理學). Yet, it doesn’t harmonize with his being a Confucian intellectual. Accordingly, Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) thoroughly investigated Dansijeom(「斷 時占」) because he thought that one could reach the highest stage of I-ching(「周易」) and Shujing(「書經」) “Hongfan”(「洪範」)」 of after going through the lowest stage of Dansijeom(「斷時占」) and then “Hado”(「河圖」) and “Naksu”(「洛書」). Regarding “Hado”(「河圖」) and “Naksu”(「洛書」), Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) usually mentioned imperfect “Naksu”(「洛書」). He was interested in “Naksu”(「洛書」) in this way because Dansijeom(「斷時占」) was raunch and incomplete. The number nine in “Naksu”(「洛書」) is connected to Gusung(九星) and Gugung(九宮), etc. And Gusung(九星) and Gugung(九宮) are also linked imperfectly to Bagua(八卦), Wuxing(五行), Fangwei(方位), Tianggan(天干), and Dizhi(地支). Through this, we can imagine what Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) was like who intended to pursue all the things in the world. Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) created “Dansijeom fortune-telling method”(「斷時 占 占法」) and put it at the end, which made it possible for people to practice divination. It counterpoints the fact that Chu Hsi(朱熹) placed “Shiyi”(「筮儀」) at the beginning of Zhouyibenyi(「周易本義」). In “15 Goe Cheongan Ohaeng Gilhyung”(「十五卦天干五行吉凶」), Ipgil (立吉), Iphyung(立凶), Wagil(臥吉), and Wahyung(臥凶) were considered to be similar to Gil(吉)・Hyung(凶)・Hoe(悔)・Ryn(吝) in I-ching(「周易」). It shows that what Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) sought was not only in Dansijeom (「斷時占」) but also in I-ching(「周易」).
In this thesis, Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天)’s Dansijeom(「断时占」) was examined. Dansijeom(「断时占」) can be said to be one of Saju(四柱)・Myeongrihak(命 理学). Yet, it doesn’t harmonize with his being a Confucian intellectual. Accordingly, Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) thoroughly investigated Dansijeom(「断 时占」) because he thought that one could reach the highest stage of I-ching(「周易」) and Shujing(「书经」) “Hongfan”(「洪范」)」 of after going through the lowest stage of Dansijeom(「断时占」) and then “Hado”(「河图」) and “Naksu”(「洛书」). Regarding “Hado”(「河图」) and “Naksu”(「洛书」), Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) usually mentioned imperfect “Naksu”(「洛书」). He was interested in “Naksu”(「洛书」) in this way because Dansijeom(「断时占」) was raunch and incomplete. The number nine in “Naksu”(「洛书」) is connected to Gusung(九星) and Gugung(九宫), etc. And Gusung(九星) and Gugung(九宫) are also linked imperfectly to Bagua(八卦), Wuxing(五行), Fangwei(方位), Tianggan(天干), and Dizhi(地支). Through this, we can imagine what Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) was like who intended to pursue all the things in the world. Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) created “Dansijeom fortune-telling method”(「断时 占 占法」) and put it at the end, which made it possible for people to practice divination. It counterpoints the fact that Chu Hsi(朱熹) placed “Shiyi”(「筮仪」) at the beginning of Zhouyibenyi(「周易本义」). In “15 Goe Cheongan Ohaeng Gilhyung”(「十五卦天干五行吉凶」), Ipgil (立吉), Iphyung(立凶), Wagil(卧吉), and Wahyung(卧凶) were considered to be similar to Gil(吉)・Hyung(凶)・Hoe(悔)・Ryn(吝) in I-ching(「周易」). It shows that what Yi Ju-Cheon(李柱天) sought was not only in Dansijeom (「断时占」) but also in I-ching(「周易」).
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引用次数: 0
A Study on Origin of Use of Term ‘Saji(寺址)’ and Plan for Improvement “Saji()”一词的使用起源及改进计划研究
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.13
E. Kim
The purpose of this study was to consider the beginning and origin of the use of ‘Saji(寺址)’ used as a term of tangible cultural properties, and propose an plan for improvement, by finding out problems. The terms of cultural properties should be crated for people to easily understand and remember. The ‘Saji’, however, has many homophones, so it would be difficult to understand it, unless the Chinese character is simultaneously written. Although the original Korean nouns, such as ‘Jeolteo’, ‘Sagi(寺 基)’ and ‘Saji(寺址)’ are synonyms, ‘Sagi(寺基)’ was used as the transcription of ‘Jeolteo’ in the data produced before the creation of Hangeul, while ‘Saji(寺址)’ seems to be used, as Japanese attached it to the names of our cultural p roperties, a fter t he p eriod of J apanese colony. T he t erm ‘Jeolteo’ may be easily understood as the name of cultural properties, so this study proposed that it is better to attach ‘Jeolteo’ to the names of cultural properties, rather than ‘Saji’. The types of how ‘Saji’ is combined with the names can be divided into two: ‘Sa’ of the proper noun ‘Hwangryongsaji’ cannot be separated, so only ‘ji’ should be replaced by ‘teo’‘ ; ’Saji’ should be replaced by ‘Jeolteo’, for ‘Jahangrisaji’, the type in which the word ‘Saji’ is combined with the proper noun ’Janghangri’ The meaning of ‘Saji’ might be understood, when Chinese characters were often used or they were simultaneously written. Now, however, they are not simultaneously written in most cases, and moreover, many generations cannot understand them. It is desirable to change the names of cultural properties into those which every people can easily understand. Furthermore, it is also necessary to remove ‘Saji’, as the term is a trace of the Japanese colony.
这项研究的目的是考虑“Saji()”作为有形文化遗产的术语的使用的开始和起源,并通过发现问题提出改进计划。文化财产的术语应该是让人们容易理解和记忆的。然而,“Saji”有很多同音异义字,所以很难理解,除非汉字是同时写的。虽然原始的韩国名词,如“Jeolteo”,“Sagi()”和“Saji()”是同义词,“Sagi()”被用作“Jeolteo”在创建韩文之前产生的数据中的转录,而“Saji()”似乎被使用,因为日本人将它附加到我们的文化属性的名称上,在日本殖民时期之后。由于“全邑”一词很容易被理解为文化财产的名称,因此本研究建议在文化财产的名称后面加上“全邑”,而不是“Saji”。“食材”与名称组合的类型可分为两种:专有名词“黄龙食材”的“食”不能分开,只能用“食”代替;“Saji”应该用“Jeolteo”来代替“jahanggrisaji”,在这种类型中,“Saji”一词与专有名词“jang hanggri”结合在一起。当汉字经常使用或同时书写时,“Saji”的意思可能会被理解。然而,现在它们在大多数情况下不是同时写的,而且,许多代人都不能理解它们。将文化财产的名称改为每个人都能容易理解的名称是可取的。此外,有必要删除“Saji”一词,因为这个词是日本殖民地的痕迹。
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引用次数: 0
Nogangseowon(魯岡書院) and Seowon of Soron(少論)-line in Chungcheongdo During 17~18th Century Nogangseowon(鲁冈书院) and Seowon of Soron(少论)-line in Chungcheongdo During 17~18th Century
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.08
J. Hong
Chungcheong-do is a place where Yulgok and Ugye schools dominate among the schools of Confucianism. Those who studied in the two groups belonged to the Seoin party. Seoin was seriously opposed after the the Noron-Soron Divergence in the late 17th century, and Seowon became the site of conflict in each region. Before 1800, 107 seowon Confucian academies in Chungcheong Province were built. Among them, there were only 11 Soron Confucian academies, and most of them were Noron Confucian academies. As Noron took the lead mainly in the central political world, Soron-line Seowon was in a difficult situation. It was also the subject of discussions on the abolition of Seowon, and Hyangjeon(鄕戰) took place. Nogangseowon Confucian Academy Altogether in Noseong, Chungcheong-do was established by SeoIn-line in 1675. Noseong Papyeong Yoon is celebrating a distinguished scholar of the Nojong faction. Since Yun Jeung, a native of this family, became the leader of Soron after the Noron-Soron Divergence, Nogangseowon Confucian Academy also became the source of Soron-sided Seowon. Therefore, Nogangseowon Confucian Academy was the strongest target of check for Noron. Nogangseowon Confucian Academy remained a symbol of Soron-sided Seowon until the end despite several crises caused by political pressure. This is because Papyeong Yoon Clan has established a strong support base for Nogangseowon by educating their descendants through Nogangseowon for more than 200 years and raising disciples to produce high-ranking officials.
在儒学流派中,忠清道是栗谷派和溪派占主导地位的地方。在这两个团体中学习的人都属于西恩党。在17世纪后期的罗龙-索龙之争之后,书院遭到了强烈的反对,成为了各地区矛盾的中心。1800年以前,忠清地区共建立了107所书院。其中索伦书院仅存11所,且多为诺伦书院。由于罗伦在中央政治界占据主导地位,因此,书院的处境十分艰难。这也是关于废除西院的讨论的主题,并发生了香传。位于忠清芦城的芦江书院是1675年由徐仁氏创建的。卢宗派的杰出学者卢城帕平尹正在庆祝。罗伦-索伦分裂后,出身于该家族的尹正成为了索伦学派的领袖,因此,老江西院也成为了索伦学派的发源地。因此,芦江西区书院成为了对诺论的最大打击对象。虽然在政治压力下发生了几次危机,但直到最后,老江西院仍然是顺伦系西院的象征。因为帕平尹氏家族在200多年的时间里通过芦江书院教育后代,并培养了培养高层干部的弟子,为芦江书院建立了坚实的支援基础。
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引用次数: 0
The core thought of the philosophy of Mozi is UY 墨子哲学的核心思想是“唯”
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.15
Jin Woo Park
This thesis attempts to examine the core thought of the philosophy of Mozi, which received sympathy from the people along with Confucianism, during the age of Warring States period of the 5th to 3rd centuries B.C. Each Scholars argue differently about what the core thought of Mozi philosophy is. In general, Mencius accepts 'Mozi is Gyeom-ae (兼爱)' which is what Mencius said while criticizing the philosophy of Mozi, and insists that the central thought of the philosophy of Mozi is Gyeom-ae (兼愛). However, in this thesis, I would like to emphasize that the core of the Mozi philosophy is 'Uy(義)' derived from ‘Heaven's will(天志)’. And then. Through Mozi's by side 'Heaven's will(天志)・legal way(法儀)・ valuable Uy(貴義), Gyeom-ae(兼愛)', I want to find the source of the thought that Mozi centered on. Mozi is looking from heaven(天)for the source of the direction in which the most persecuted people in the turbid world should live, called the age of Warring States period. 'What heaven(天) wants is a righteous world where people live and help each other equally.' and at the same time, he said. it is called 'nothing else on earth is more precious than the righteousness' and Among them 'the Uy(義)' is the most valuable value. It is emphasized that people should use 'the Uy(義)' as the standard of value in life and continue to do a righteous acts. If scholars act righteously, they contribute to society by leaving much more profit than the merchants in the face of difficulties. As such, people insist on serving the will of heaven, 'The Uy(義)', and practicing the spirit of 'serving' and 'sharing' to share with the world. In Mozi, ' The Uy(義)' is a dual concept, meaning 'the right thing(正)' and 'correcting(政)' in side 'legal way(法儀)'. In other words, 'Uy(義)' has a dual meaning, which means moral role as 'right thing(正)' and political role as 'correcting(政)' and it is said that it has both the moral concept of right and the concept of punishment to be observed. It is in the same context as the doctrine of Gyeom-ae(兼愛) that the Uy(義) of Mozi is the spirit of "serving" and "sharing." The Doctrine of Gyeom-ae(兼愛) in Mozi’s is a means and a way to a righteous society. In the end, Mozi's doctrine of Gyeom-ae(兼愛) is a shortcut to practicing righteousness and a way out of a difficult environment for people's lives. Gyeom-ae(兼愛) is a very important concept in the philosophy of Mozi, but it is a means to practice the Uy(義). Conclusionally, I will say that the core of Mozi's philosophy is ‘‘Heaven’s Will(天志) is the Uy(義).’
本文试图考察公元前5世纪至公元前3世纪战国时期墨子哲学的核心思想,墨子哲学的核心思想是什么,学者们的争论是不同的。总的来说,孟子接受了孟子在批评墨子哲学时所说的“墨子是谦爱”,并坚持墨子哲学的中心思想是谦爱。然而,在本文中,我想强调的是,墨子哲学的核心是源自“天意”的“义”。然后。通过侧墨子的“天堂的意愿(天志)・合法的方式(法儀)・价值Uy(貴義),Gyeom-ae(兼愛)”,我想找的来源认为墨子为中心。墨子是从天上寻找源头的方向,在这个浑浊的世界里,最受迫害的人应该生活在这个方向,这个时代被称为战国时代。“上天想要的是一个正义的世界,人们平等地生活在一起,互相帮助。’与此同时,他说。它被称为“世上没有比义更宝贵的”,其中“道”是最宝贵的价值。它强调人们应该以“道”作为生活的价值标准,并继续做正义的行为。如果学者们正直行事,他们就会比商人们在困难面前留下更多的利润,从而为社会做出贡献。因此,人们坚持为天意服务,“天意”,并实践“服务”和“分享”的精神,与世界分享。在墨子中,“义”是一个双重概念,意思是“正确的事情”和“纠正”,意思是“合法的方式”。换句话说,“义”有双重含义,即道德角色是“正确的事情”,政治角色是“纠正”,据说它既有道德的权利概念,也有惩罚的概念要遵守。在同样的背景下,墨子的“义”是“服务”和“分享”的精神。墨子的谦爱学说是通往正义社会的手段和途径。最后,墨子的谦爱学说是一条践行正义的捷径,也是人们摆脱困境的一条出路。“谦爱”是墨子哲学中一个非常重要的概念,但它是一种实践“道”的手段。最后,我想说墨子哲学的核心是“天意即道”。
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Characteristics of Lee Ju-cheon’s Yijing Thought 李柱天易经思想的特点研究
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.12
S. Yi
This paper studied the characteristics of Lee Ju-cheon's thoughts through his writings. Lee Ju-cheon is a scholar of the Namin line, and his specific academic background is unknown. The content of his work is mainly related to Yijing, so it shows the core of his idea. Among his writings, Sinjeunghwang-geugnaepyeon can be cited as one of the representative studies on Hongbeomhwang-geugnaepyeon in Joseon. He made up for the shortcomings of existing research and made his own new attempts. He argued that mathematical principles and human values should be combined. He wrote under the title "Yielding[柔] is better than Firming[剛]" and he discussed the value of "Yielding" from a Confucian perspective, not from a Taoist perspective. He paid attention to the value of the Way of Earth and Yielding rather than to the Way of of Heaven and firm. It shows an aspect of the change in the ideological world in the late Joseon Dynasty.
本文通过李柱天的文字来研究他的思想特点。李柱天是南民系学者,具体学术背景不详。他的作品内容主要与易经有关,因此体现了他思想的核心。在他的著作中,《新正光-国内片》是朝鲜红范黄-国内片的代表性研究之一。他弥补了现有研究的不足,并进行了自己的新尝试。他认为数学原理和人的价值应该结合起来。他以“屈比坚”为题,从儒家的角度而不是从道家的角度讨论了“屈”的价值。他注重的是土道的价值和屈服,而不是天道的价值和坚定。这是朝鲜后期思想世界变化的一个侧面。
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引用次数: 0
A Study on Korean-style Bronze ware excavated from Russia 俄罗斯出土的韩式青铜器研究
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.18
jun-yang Heo
Korean bronze wares excavated from Izvestovka・Shkotovo・Anuchino in Primorye, Russia include Korean bronze swords(韓國式銅劍), Bronze mirror with knobs(多紐鏡), and Bronze engraver(銅釶). T he e lements of these artifacts common to Korean archaeological materials such as the pattern of straight lines engraved separately on the edgehe of the copper sword and the pattern of the Bronze mirror with knobs were observed, and it is analyzed that they were generally spread during the transition period between the Bronze mirror with coarse linear designs(多紐粗文鏡) and the Bronze mirror with fine linear designs(多紐細文鏡). The Korean-style bronze ware of Russia was transmitted through the northeastern region of Korea (Hamgyeong-do area), and representative examples are the Korean-style bronze sword, Korean type bronze spearhead(銅矛), and Bronze mirror with knobs excavated from the ruins of Rihwa-dong in Hamheung and Ryongsan-ri in Geumya. These common archaeological materials are in a mutually beneficial relationship and parallel to the Russian Tuanjie-Krounovka culture. In particular, it is confirmed that the migration (propagation) of the group is not a simple imitation of the Korean bronze ware, but also the function of the object. Also, the Izvestovka-Shkotovo ruins are located at an adjacent distance (about 12km in a straight line), so that exchanges between groups and It seems possible to share. The archaeological data of Korea and Russia and the natural and geographical conditions are set as the transportation routes for both countries. The route between Korea and Russia is Hamheung→Slavankya →Shkotovo→Izvestovka (Krounovka) and Hamheung→Slavankya→ (Usurisk)→Anuchino. Judging from the current archaeological data, the Korean-style bronze ware excavated in Russia can be identified as the northernmost excavated object of Korean archaeological data. However, we look forward to future data on the insignificant excavation of Korean-style bronze ware in Primorye, Russia, and there is still ample room for parallel research.
在俄罗斯滨海边区的伊兹维斯托夫卡(Izvestovka—Shkotovo—Anuchino)出土的韩国青铜器包括韩国青铜剑()、带把手的青铜镜()和青铜雕刻器(釶)。T他e克莱门特。这些构件常见的韩国人的考古材料,如直线的模式分别雕刻的edgehe铜剑和铜镜的模式旋钮观察,分析,他们一般在过渡期间之间的铜镜粗线性设计(多紐粗文鏡)和铜镜,线性设计(多紐細文鏡)。俄罗斯的韩式青铜器是通过东北地区(咸庆地区)传播的,代表性的是咸兴里花洞遗址和金崖龙山里遗址出土的韩式青铜剑、韩式青铜矛()、带把手的铜镜。这些共同的考古材料与俄罗斯团节-克鲁诺夫卡文化是一种互惠互利的平行关系。特别是确认了该群体的迁移(传播)不是单纯的模仿韩国青铜器,而是具有器物的功能。此外,伊兹维斯托夫卡-什科托沃遗址位于相邻距离(直线上约12公里),因此群体之间的交流和共享似乎是可能的。韩国和俄罗斯的考古资料和自然地理条件被设定为两国的交通路线。韩国与俄罗斯之间的路线是咸兴→斯拉夫万基→什科托沃→伊兹维斯托夫卡(克鲁诺夫卡)和咸兴→斯拉夫万基→(高利贷)→阿努奇诺。从目前的考古资料来看,俄罗斯出土的韩式青铜器可以认定为韩国考古资料中最北的出土物。但是,在俄罗斯滨海边疆区发现的韩式青铜器虽然微不足道,但我们期待未来能有更多的资料,而且还有很大的空间可以进行平行研究。”
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引用次数: 0
Transportation and Military Facilities of Japanese Army Ship Command on the Korean Peninsula during the Asia-Pacific War 亚太战争期间日本陆军舰艇司令部在朝鲜半岛的运输和军事设施
Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.04.30.03
Yunmi Kim
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引用次数: 0
The Details of Jeongjae Ryu Chi-Myeong's Exile and Life on Jido in 1855 1855年,刘志明在济岛的流亡和生活详情
Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.04.30.04
Ji-Eun Kim
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引用次数: 0
As a human right, the right to rest and The 2∙28 Movement for Democracy Resolution 作为一项人权,休息权和2∙28民主运动决议
Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.04.30.06
B. Seo
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Present Value and Utilization Plan of the Noh Sang-Choo Diary(盧尙樞日記) 鲁尚秋日记的现值及利用方案研究(尙-)
Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.04.30.02
Min-hee Kang, Seung-woo Lee
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引用次数: 0
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Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University
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