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Buddhist activity & personality of the Jeong Gong-Kwon(鄭公權) in the late 14th century 14世纪后期郑公权的佛教活动与人格
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.17
Y. Choy
This paper aims to identify Jeong Gong-Kwon’s Buddhist activities and his nature during the late 14th century. This research illustrates that in the year 1377(禑王 3年) Jeong Gong-Kwon mobilized human resources from Goryeo-Dynasty(高麗國)’s Daejangdogam(大藏都監) and Bunsadogam (分司都監) in order to engrave a number of 「Assorted and Annotated Mahavaipulya purnabudha Sutra(圓覺類解)」 woodblocks. These taskforces manufacturing Buddhist scripture woodblocks were established in the midst of 13th century. A well-known Neo-Confucianist Jeong Gong-Kwon engaged in a variety of Buddhist activities based on his sophisticated understanding of Buddhisim. His 49th Buddhist ritual ceremony also took place at Bobeob- Temple(報法寺). His devotion to Buddhisim founded upon a wide human-network including his family members and Buddhist intellectuals such as Hwan Am(幻菴) Hon Su(混脩). High-ranking government officials like Lee Saek (李穡) and Han Su(韓脩) also participated in his Buddhist initiatives. Particularly, Jeong Gon-Kwon had intimate relationship with Han-Su and Lee-Saek. Jeong Gong-Kwon was highly committed to esoteric Buddhism(密敎) that puts more weight on practicing good deeds mainly being benevolent to others(功德) which is commonly emphasized among Buddhist monks. His religious piety also pertains to Zen(禪) and is in line with the Susun-Temple(修禪社). In conclusion, Jeong Gong-Kwon’s religious enthusiasm reflects autonomy of Goryeo-Dynasty and conventional authority of its king.
本文旨在确定14世纪后期郑公权的佛教活动及其性质。这项研究表明,在1377年(禑),郑公权调动人力从高丽王朝(中国)的大长道干(中国)和Bunsadogam(中国),以雕刻一些“大乘菩菩树经的组合和注释(中国)”木版。这些制造佛经木刻的工作组成立于13世纪中期。著名的理学家郑公权以他对佛教的深刻理解为基础,从事各种佛教活动。他的第49次佛教仪式也在波波寺举行。他对佛教的热爱建立在一个广泛的人际网络上,包括他的家庭成员和佛教知识分子,如桓严()Hon Su()。李奭(www.穡)、韩洙(www.)等政府高官也参与了他的佛教活动。特别是,郑权权与韩洙、李色关系密切。郑公权非常信奉密传佛教(),这种佛教更注重行善,主要是对他人行善(),这是佛教僧侣普遍强调的。他的宗教虔诚也属于禅宗,并与宿孙寺一致。综上所述,郑公权的宗教热情反映了高丽王朝的自主性和国王的传统权威。
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引用次数: 0
The Conflicts among Namin Faction in Sangju Region in the 18th and 19th Centuries-Focusing on the Disputes over the Order of Spirit Tablets in Okdong Seowon in Sangju 18、19世纪尚州地区南民派之争——以尚州玉洞书院灵碑之争为例
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.01
Soon-han Kim
This study is to review the process of the disputes over the order of spirit tablets occurred in Okdong Seowon had been spread to Sangju and the Namin line seowons in Yeongnam region. The conflicts started from the activities of requesting for granting the board by Okdong Seowon in the 18th Century, and lasted for around 80 years until the early 19th Century. The houses of Hwang of Jangsu and Jeon of Okcheon in Sangju, who were descendants of the scholars enshrined in Okdong Seowon were in the middle of the conflicts, and the study summarizes the start of the disputes between both the houses and the process of their spreading and steadiness in Yeongnam region. T he f irst dispute s tarted when the appeal f or r equesting to grant a board for Okdong Seowon in 88(the 12th reigning year of King Jeongjo). T he s econd one o ccurred in t he p rocess to r ecord t he h istory o f the enshrined persons preparing for the King’s sacrificial writing after determination of g ranting the board in 89. T he t hird a ccident was the reoccurrence of the conflicts between both the houses over the method of enshrinement, gakchuk(各祝: individual enshrinement) or habchuk(合 祝: united enshrinement). T he s tudy f ocuses o n the fourth event. It o ccurred due to t he rearrangement of the order of spirit tablet for Saseo Jeon Sik(沙西 全湜) according to the generation instead of its original one, when repairing the temple of Okdong Seowon and returning the enshrined persons’ spirit tablets in 1804(the 4th r eigning year o f King S unjo) T hen, t he descendants of Jeon Sik enshrined additionally their ancestor’s nameplate in the temple of Donam Seowon with permission by small numbers of the staffs of Donam Seowon only. As the accident occurred without the official discussions and procedure, the conflict became exaggerated, dividing the factions into two over the responsibilities for the accident and leaving even in Saron of Namin in Sangju. The conflict lasted over one year without resolution, even spreading among the Namin line seowons in Yeongnam region. The fifth dispute started when the spirit tablet of Jeon Sik returned to the temple of Okdong Seowon with its original order by the official document by Gyeongsang Gamsa in 1808(the 8th reigning year of King Sunjo), and the house of Hwang of Jangsu opposed it fiercely and the house of Jeon of Okcheon responded to oppose the order of generation. As a result, King Gojong ordered the order of spirit tablet in the seowon should be in its original one, notifying to shut down the seowons with the board given by king following closing the private seowons in large scale at that time, and the disputes for about 80 years were resolved, finally. Since the th Century, even though there were differences depending on the seowons, in general, the institute of seowon changed its characteristics from the local community to focusing on the houses of literati c lass. T he d isputes over t he o rder o f spirit tablets i n Okdong Seowon coul
此次研究是为了研究发生在玉洞书院的灵碑顺序争议扩散到岭南地区尚州和南民系书院的过程。这一矛盾从18世纪玉东书院要求授予理事会的活动开始,一直持续到19世纪初,持续了80多年。作为玉洞书院遗民的后代,尚州的长寿黄家和玉川全家处于矛盾的中心,该研究总结了两家矛盾的起因和在岭南地区扩散和稳定的过程。第一次纷争是在88年(正祖十二年)为申请设立玉洞书院而引发的。这是自1989年决定授予匾额后,在为国王的祭文做准备的供奉者的历史记录的过程中发生的第二次匾额。第三件事是,两家围绕供奉的方式再次发生冲突,分别是“单独供奉”还是“联合供奉”。本文的研究主要集中在第四个方面。o ccurred由于t他的精神平板的顺序重排Saseo全Sik(沙西全湜)根据代代替原来的一个,当修理圣殿Okdong Seowon并返回体现人的精神在1804年平板电脑(4 r王外国年o f S unjo) t母鸡,t他的后代全Sik另外供奉祖先的铭牌的殿里Donam Seowon许可的少量工作人员Donam Seowon。在没有经过正式讨论和程序的情况下发生了事故,因此,在尚州南民沙龙,双方就事故责任问题分裂为两派,出现了矛盾。这场冲突持续了1年多,并在岭南地区的南民线部队中蔓延开来,没有得到解决。第5次纷争是在1808年(顺祖8年)庆尚甘司的公文中记载的全植灵位原封不动地回到玉洞书院寺后,长寿黄氏强烈反对,而玉川全氏则反驳说反对代制。因此,高宗在当时大规模关闭私人书院后,下令将书院内的灵位牌位改为原来的牌位,并下令用国王的诏书关闭书院,长达80年的纷争终于得到了解决。从16世纪开始,书院虽然因书院的不同而有所不同,但从总体上看,书院的特点从地方社区转变为以文人为中心的住宅。在玉洞西苑,围绕“精神药片”的订购权引发的争议,有可能是扩张引起的。书院的学术功能被削弱,其祭祀功能被强调为地方社会中家族之间的权力竞争工具,代表了个体家族的社会经济利益。特别是以书院为中心的乡争,包括各种先祖顺序纠纷、书院灵位纠纷等,很大程度上是由书院特征的变化而产生的。玉洞书院原本主要由供奉者的后代经营,后来成为国王授予的学院,因此,为了确保书院的优先经营权,矛盾不断扩大。
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引用次数: 0
The Characteristics and Meanings of the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok in Silla 新罗善德皇后王陵的特点和意义
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.16
Chang Guk Lee
There exist two ancient tombs at the southeast of the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok located in Nangsan of Gyeongju City. Other than these two, no ancient tombs have been found till now in Nangsan. Thinking that the two ancient tombs should be Chinese-style Baejangmyo(陪葬墓), this author started the research assuming that the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok should have been influenced by Chinese Neungwonjedo(陵園制度). According to the findings of advanced studies, most of them talk about the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok from Buddhistic perspectives in relation to 3-sa(3事) mentioned in ‘Seondeokwangjigisamsa(善德王知幾 三事)’ of 「Samgukyusa」. Some of them discuss the location and Hoseok (護石) archaeologically, but still, they hardly deal with them as a main topic. Deeming that the tales of 3-sa should have been completed or begun as S acheonwangsa T emple was founded in t he r eign o f King Munmu, this researcher assumes that the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok built in the beginning of King Jindeok’s reign is hardly associated with 3-sa, and related contents should have been added absurdly by the next generations. Examining the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok mainly in association with the location, Hoseok’s structure, and the burial mound, this author has found that the location was influenced by Soreung(昭陵) of Taejong in Tang Dynasty, Hoseok applied piling in and the support stone differently from how it looks now, and Baejangmyo imitates the Chinese style. Concerning the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok, it is located differently from the royal tombs of the mid-old or mid-period of Silla and the support stone and Chinese-style Baejangmyo were first adopted, which semes to be associated with Kim Chun-chu's force that led the formation of the royal tomb then. Externally, within the risky situation resulted from Baekje and Goguryeo’s invasion, Kim Chun-chu's force seems to have built the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok imitating Soreung as one of the diplomatic strategies to obtain military support from Tang. Internally, the Royal Tomb of Queen Seondeok seems to have been formed as a symbol of rebuilding the order of the country and promoting revision in domestic affairs grounded on the politics and culture of Tang.
位于庆州市南山的善德王陵东南方有两座古墓。除了这两座古墓之外,到目前为止在南山地区还没有发现其他古墓。认为这两个古墓应该中国式Baejangmyo(陪葬墓),作者开始研究假设Seondeok女王的皇家陵墓应该受到中国Neungwonjedo(陵園制度)。根据先进的研究结果,他们大多是从佛教的角度来谈论善德皇后王陵,与《三国志》的《善德王吉吉萨》中提到的3-萨(3)有关。虽然也有从考古学角度讨论遗址和石石的部分,但几乎没有作为主要话题进行讨论。研究人员认为,三寺的故事应该是在文武王朝建寺时完成或开始的。因此,金德王朝初建造的善德皇后王陵与三寺几乎没有关系,相关内容可能是后人荒唐地添加的。作者主要从位置、虎石的结构、墓丘等方面对善德皇后王陵进行了考察,发现其位置受到唐代太宗所陵的影响,虎石采用了与现在不同的打桩和支撑石,白长庙模仿了中国风格。善德皇后王陵的位置与新罗中晚期或中期的王陵不同,而且首先采用了支撑石和中国风格的白长庙,这可能与当时主导王陵形成的金春柱势力有关。从外部看,在百济和高句丽的侵略造成的危险局势中,金春柱军队模仿苏陵建造了善德王陵,作为获得唐朝军事支援的外交战略之一。从内部看,善德王陵是以唐朝的政治和文化为基础,作为重建国家秩序和促进国内改革的象征而形成的。
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引用次数: 0
Lee Juchen’s Xinzengtaixuanjing, Its Xuanshu View and the World of Pre-experientialism 李居真的《新增太玄经》及其玄书观与前经验主义世界
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.09
Yon Jae Kim
The essay aims at making a theoretical system Lee Juchen’s Xinzengtaixuanjing through the world of pre-experientialism. He is concerned with the character of number-principle in Yangxiong’s Taixuan. Particularly, he pays attention to Xuan concept, the number of Xuan and the Dao of Xuan. He probes into an integral unity of the Dao of Xuan according to the deductive mode of number. The Dao of Xuan is characteristic of the arithmetic way of number into the process of recognizing the reality of world. It is an epistemological process of Xuan, the number of Xuan and the Dao of Xuan. He emphasizes an ontological point of view concerning a pre-experiential form of number. A form of number is not only a premise of prescribing the existence of myriad things but also a measure of real human life. Consequently, his world-view results in a pre-experiential prescription of number in terms of a unity of principle and number.
本文旨在通过前经验主义的世界来构建李居真的《新增太玄经》的理论体系。他关注的是阳雄《太玄》中数理的特点。他特别注重玄的概念、玄的数量和玄的道。他根据数的演绎法,探讨了玄道的整体统一性。《玄道》的特点是将数的算术方式融入到认识现实世界的过程中。这是一个“玄”、“玄数”和“玄道”的认识论过程。他强调关于数的前经验形式的本体论观点。数的形式不仅是规定无数事物存在的前提,而且是衡量人类真实生活的尺度。因此,他的世界观导致了一种基于原则与数的统一的前经验的数的规定。
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引用次数: 0
The Characteristics of Seowon Management in Nonsan during the Joseon Dynasty 论朝鲜时期论山书院经营的特点
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.05
Kyung-dong Lee
The purpose of this study is to understand the regional properties and characteristics of Seowon management through investigation on the cases of Seowon management in Nonsan during the Joseon Dynasty. Wonim (院任, academic directors) were the subjects of Seowon education and management consisting of Wonjang (院長), Jangui (掌議), Yusa (有司), and Jikwal (直月). As Wongang and Jangui, powerful officials from either central or local areas served, and as Yusa and Jikwol, influential intellectuals from nearby regions were appointed. Governmental officials were appointed as Wonjang and Yusa, and Seowon indicated their own distinctive academic or political tendencies by them. Wonsaeng (院生) were the students and educatee affiliated to Seowon. Concerning qualifications for admission, initially, they had to pass Chosi (初試, the initial civil service examination), but gradually, either virtue or learning was emphasized more. Wonsaeng took classes according to the curriculum while staying in the dormitory, but later, the boarding system came to be abolished on account of financial reasons in Seowon. Despite that, each individual Seowon introduced various methods of education, which lasted until the 19th century. For Seowon management, there were farmlands, slaves, donations, and Wonbo (院保, adult male support taxpayers of good status), and so on. Farmlands were the main source of Seowon management. Slaves played roles in cultivating the farmland and supporting it by doing various tasks needed for Seowon management. Also, donations and Wonbo had roles in procuring goods and money required to hold ancestral rites or repair the buildings. In particular, those making donations were different by Seowon as they tended to be changed gradually to those belonging to the families affiliated to each of the Seowon. Seowon located in Nonsan show both regional similarities and differences for each Seowon’s uniqueness. As Seowon management was differentiated by families and factions centering around the figures enshrined in them, a variety of characteristics can be found within the same region.
本研究的目的是通过对朝鲜时期论山书院经营案例的调查,了解书院经营的地域性质和特点。文官是西元教育和管理的主体,由文官(。王刚和晋桂是由中央或地方的权贵担任的,有沙和知月是由附近地区有影响力的知识分子担任的。政府官员被任命为“元长”和“柳草”,而西原则通过他们表明了自己独特的学术或政治倾向。元生是附属于书院的学生和受教育者。关于入学资格,最初,他们必须通过科举(最初的公务员考试),但逐渐地,要么是美德,要么是学习被更多地强调。元生们在宿舍里按照课程上课,但后来由于财政原因,寄宿制在西原被废除。尽管如此,每个书院都引入了不同的教育方法,这种教育方法一直持续到19世纪。对于西院的管理,有农田、奴隶、捐赠和元宝(有良好地位的成年男性支持纳税人)等等。农地是书院经营的主要来源。奴隶们在耕种农田和支援农田方面发挥了作用,他们做着管理书院所需的各种工作。此外,捐款和元宝在购买举行祖先仪式或修复建筑物所需的物品和资金方面发挥了作用。特别是,各书院的捐款对象逐渐被改为各书院所属家族的人,因此与书院不同。位于论山的书院,由于各书院的独特性,既有地区的相似之处,也有不同之处。由于书院的经营是以人物为中心,以家族和派系为中心进行区分,因此在同一地区也会出现各种各样的特点。
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引用次数: 0
The Movement of the Local Noble Family in Nonsan Region and the Establishment of Seowon(書院) during the Joseon Dynasty 论山地方贵族运动与朝鲜时期书院的建立
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.07
Yeon-suk Lee
After returning home, the local elites in Nonsan region formed a close relationship with each other through academic lineage and marital lineage, and grew into dominant families by exchanging mainly through Seojae, Seowon, and Hyang-gyo. In addition, due to their voluntary military activity and altruistic death, they were respect in the local community, which led to the establishment of Seowon and incense for them. The figures incensed at Eunjinhyeon Seowon are those of rigid determination, s uch a s l oyal s ervants a nd d utif ul c hildren, a nd t he figures incensed at Donam Seowon and Nogang Seowon, which are representative Seowons of Yeonsan-hyeon and Noseong-hyeon, respectively, are those of the Taoistic origins of Noron and Soron. The reputation of figures incensed at an Seowon was directly related to honor of that Seowon. Accordingly, Donam Seowon represented Noron-family one, while Nogang Seowon represented Soron-family Seowon. The Gwangsan Kim's family in Yeonsan and Papyung Yun's family in Noseong, the representative local elites of the Nonsan region, lived close to each other and served mainly as public officials. They maintained the position o f the W est faction in t he p rocess of East-West p olitical separation and returned home during the Manchu war, after which, maintained a close relationship through academic, bloody, and geographic lineages while maintaining a family and building a geographic foundation through teaching activities. However, after the Noron-Soron Divergence, the cooperative relationship between these two families and between Donam Seowon and Nogang Seowon turned into a conflicting relationship. Yoensan and Noseong, therefor, seems to have been a kind of miniature that reflected the central political situation as it is at that time.
论山地区的精英阶层回国后,通过学术和婚姻关系形成了紧密的关系,并主要通过西材、西院、香桥等地的交流,成长为宗室。此外,由于他们的志愿军事活动和无私的死亡,他们受到当地社区的尊重,因此建立了祭奠他们的祭品和焚香。在恩镇贤书院被激怒的人物是“忠臣”、“孝子”等意志坚定的人,而在莲山贤和芦城贤的代表人物——东岩书院和芦江书院被激怒的人物是“罗仑”和“梭伦”的道家出身。被某院激怒的人物的名誉与该院的名誉直接相关。因此,多南书院是罗伦家族的代理律师,而芦江书院则是索伦家族的代理律师。作为论山地区代表性的地方精英,在延山的光山金氏家族和在芦城的纸平尹氏家族居住得很近,主要担任公职。他们在东西方政治分离的过程中保持了西派的立场,并在满清战争期间回国,此后通过学术、血腥和地理血统保持了密切的关系,同时通过教学活动维持了家庭,建立了地理基础。但是,在“罗伦-索伦分歧”之后,这两个家族之间的合作关系以及多南书院和老江书院之间的关系变成了矛盾关系。因此,延山和芦城似乎是反映当时中央政治状况的缩影。
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引用次数: 0
The Descendents of Ancient Sages(先賢 後裔) in the Ulsan Hosehold Register of the later Joseon Dynasty 《末代朝鲜蔚山户籍中的古代圣贤后裔》
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.14
Young Rok Kim
A various type of descendents(後裔) were documented in household registers of Daegu, Ulsan, and Danseong produced in the later Joseon Dynasty. Joseon gave preference to the descendents of Ancient Sages since its foundation in 1392. They could have been privileged to be assumed as a governmental officer or to be excused from diverse duties, including military ones. For example, those who held ancestral rites for Ancient Sages(奉祀孫) could been assigned to the upper position on military duty such as Chunguiwui(忠義衛). Despite of uncertainties on ancestors’ lineage, they could be excluded from the Seven lowest services(七般賤役). Therefore, being recorded as an descendent of ancient sages on the household register was closely related to be given preferential treatment on duties. This study attempts to trace about 100 years of history of the houses of Gong Sebal(孔世發) and Gong Huiryun(孔希連) of Ulsan, both descendents of Confucius, and that of An Guoungwoo(安景佑), the descendants of An Hyang. The members of those families started to appear as descendents of Ancient Sages from the household register of 1680s. From then, they tended to enter into Chunguiwui, thereby being exempted from military service and moving in the upper positions in military service. However, there were various social problems caused by the exemption of the descendents of Ancient Sages from military duties. First, there were many cases of falsifying family lineages as if they were descendents of Ancient Sages(冒稱, 冒錄), in order to avoid their military duty. Second, it started to cause problems of double obligation of military service to them. Therefore, in order to resolve these issues, the government had to issue Gyehasamok(「계하사목」) to certify their military exemption. The Joseon Dynasty gave special treatment to the descendents of Ancient Sages by imposing the upper positions in military service. This policy, however, led to a number of negative effects in military administration in compliance with social changes in the later Joseon Dynasty.
在朝鲜后期制作的大邱、蔚山、丹城等地的户籍中,记载了各种各样的后代。朝鲜自1392年建国以来,优先考虑先贤的后代。他们本可以享有被任命为政府官员的特权,或者可以免除各种职责,包括军事职责。例如,那些为古代圣贤举行祖先仪式的人可以被分配到军事任务的上层职位,比如春桂会。尽管祖先的血统不确定,但他们可以被排除在七种最低服务()之外。因此,在户籍上被记载为古代圣贤后裔,与在职务上得到优待是密切相关的。本研究试图跟踪大约100年的历史的房屋锣Sebal(孔世發)和龚Huiryun(孔希連)韩国蔚山,孔子的后裔,和一个Guoungwoo(安景佑),的后裔的奠基石。这些家族的成员开始出现在1680年代的户籍中,成为古代圣贤的后裔。从那时起,他们倾向于进入春归会,从而免除兵役,在兵役中处于较高的位置。但是,由于先贤后裔免除兵役,产生了各种各样的社会问题。首先,有许多伪造家庭血统的情况,好像他们是古代圣人的后裔,以避免他们的军事责任。第二,它开始造成双重兵役义务的问题。因此,为了解决这些问题,政府不得不发放“Gyehasamok”来证明他们的兵役豁免。朝鲜王朝对先贤的后代给予了特殊待遇,将先贤的位置放在了军中。但是,随着朝鲜后期社会的变化,这一政策给军事行政带来了很多负面影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Members Analysis in Namin・Noron Line Seowons in Sangju Region in the 17th and 18th Centuries -Focusing on Donam・Heungam Seowons- 17-18世纪尚州地区那民、那龙系书院的成员分析--以东安、兴安书院为中心
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.03
So-Hee Park
In Sangju, there are Donam and Heungam Seowons, which represented Namin and Noron lines in Yeongnam in the late Joseon era. Donam Seowon was established by all the literati classes in Sangju, mainly the followers of Ryu, Seong-ryong and Jeong Gyeong-se in the 17th Century. There were conflicts with the Sarim in Andong and Yean, which had been arising from the process of enshrinement of Ryu, Seong-ryong and Jeong Gyeong-se rather than those derived from the factions, while continuing the relationship with Yeoheon school. These could be confirmed by Shimwonrok, the records of the visitors of the seowon. Since then, in 1660, Donam Seowo requested donation to 15 eubs in order to rebuild Myeonryundang which had been demolished by fire. When reviewing the regions, Andong and Yean communities were omitted, while the Udo regions were relatively dominated. Heungam Seowon was built under protection by the ruling Noron in Sangju in the 18th C entury. T he s ewon was run by s uch the houses of Seong of Changnyeong, Chae of Incheon, and Shin of Pyeongsan, the Noron groups in Sangju and they built Seosan Seowon and Chunguidan, later, uniting their groups. T hey made the c laim when they found that Sangju’s local governor Cho, Jeong-man’s name was deleted in Shimwonrok in Donam Seowon, dominated this seowon, and elected the head from their own faction, having conflicts with Namin. It implies that there were so intense conflicts around Donam Seowon. However, since 1743, Donam Seowon’s head was elected among Namin Line, and then, Ryu, Shim-choon(a great-grand son of Ryu, Jin) who was a famous scholar and a follower of Jeong, Jong-ro at that time, Lee, Kyung-yu(a great-grandson of Lee, Man-bu) and Kang, Se-ryun were inaugurated as the head of the Seowon, enhancing the institution’s reputation.
尚州有东岩书院和兴岩书院,它们代表了朝鲜时代后期岭南的南民系和北伦系。17世纪,尚州的所有文人阶层,主要是柳宗龙、成龙和郑敬世的追随者建立了东岩书院。与安东和礼安的萨林之间存在着冲突,这些冲突是在奉祀柳宗元、成龙和郑敬世的过程中产生的,而不是派别之间的冲突,同时与汝轩派(Yeoheon)的关系仍在继续。这些都可以从书院来访者的记录《下元录》中得到证实。此后,1660 年,东岩书院请求捐赠 15 个邑,以重建被大火烧毁的明伦堂。在考察地区时,安东和延安地区被遗漏,而郁岛地区则相对占优势。兴岩书院是 18 世纪在尚州统治者诺伦的保护下修建的。香岩书院由尚州的罗伦家族昌宁的成氏、仁川的蔡氏和平山的申氏等家族管理,他们后来建造了瑞山书院和春桂堂,将他们的家族联合起来。他们发现尚州地方长官赵贞文的名字在东岩书院的下元录中被删除,于是他们就在这个书院中占据了主导地位,并从自己的派系中选出了首领,与纳敏发生了冲突。这意味着围绕堂南书院发生了如此激烈的冲突。但是,从 1743 年开始,东岩书院的院主在南民系中选举产生,随后,当时郑宗路的追随者、著名学者柳下淳(柳镇的曾孙)、李景裕(李万弼的曾孙)和姜世伦就任书院院主,提高了书院的声誉。
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引用次数: 0
The characteristics and values of Lee Ju-Cheon’s Sinjeunghwanggeuknaepyeon 李柱千《新政国策》的特点与价值
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.10
Jeong-cheol Kim
As a scholar from the late 17th century to the early 18th century, Nakjeo(洛渚) Lee Ju-Cheon(李柱天, 1662~1711) left a commentary called Sinjeunghwanggeuknaepyeon新增皇極內篇 that interpreted and enlarged caichen(蔡沈)’s work Hongbeomhwanggeuknaepyeon洪範皇極內篇. The direct object of new addition was not the whole Hongbeomhwanggeuknaepyeon 洪範皇極內篇, but Hwanggeuknaepyeonsuchongmyeong皇極內 篇數總名 in which Ming’s scholar zhangpin(章品) newly complemented caichen(蔡沈)’s incomplete part. Lee Ju-Cheon made the Sinjeunghwanggeuknaepyeon 新增皇極內篇 by modifying errors and adding new contents in the process of referring to this book. Lee Ju-Cheon’s new addition work might be the result shown when his learning and study of classics contained in Xinglidaquan性理大全 got deepened.
作为一个学者从17世纪晚期到18世纪早期,Nakjeo(洛渚)李Ju-Cheon(李柱天,1662 ~ 1711)留下了评论叫做Sinjeunghwanggeuknaepyeon新增皇極內篇,解释和扩大caichen(蔡沈)的工作Hongbeomhwanggeuknaepyeon洪範皇極內篇。新增的直接对象并不是整个《洪方》,而是明代学者张品(音译)新补充了《财臣》(音译)不完整的部分的《黄geuknaepyeon》。李柱千在查阅这本书的过程中,通过修改错误和增加新的内容,完成了《新正王国内表》。李柱天的新作可能是他对《星理大全》所载经典的学习和研究深入的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Trends in Seowon in Sangju during the Joseon Dynasty 朝鲜时期尚州西院的动向
Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.15186/ikc.2022.08.31.04
Suk-Hyun Song
During the Joseon Dynasty, the construction of Seowon was delayed in Sangju compared to other areas in Yeongnam. After Donam seowon Confucian Academy, the first Confucian academy in Sangju, was built in 1606, Okseong seowon Confucian Academy and Geunam seowon Confucian Academy were built in the 17th century. In the process of construction of the three Confucian academies, the participation of the Sangju Sajok(士族) is gradually decreasing. Geunam seowon Confucian Academy is opposed by some of the Sangju Sajok and the participation of the Sajok of Mungyeong, Yonggung, and Andong. The differentiation of the Sangju Sajok society appears in the construction of the Confucian academy. In the first half of the 18th century, the construction of Seoin affiliation Seowon and Namin affiliation Seowon increased. Seoin affiliation Seowon was established in Sangju by Seoin affiliation's Sajok with a solid financial foundation, Heungam Seowon, Seosan Seowon, and Ungye Seowon through the support of Sanrim(山林) and government offices. Namin affiliation Seowon is led by families in the area where the Seowon is located, and similar to Geunam seowon Confucian Academy, the participation of not only the Sangju Sajok but also the Sajok of other surrounding regions is shown. In the second half of the 18th century, the family ties and the family-to-family relationship emerged as more important matters in the construction and operation of the Confucian academy than political grandeur. The existing Confucian academy was transformed into a family Confucian academy, and a family Confucian academy was built where a person from a single family was enshrined.
在朝鲜时代,尚州的书院建设比岭南其他地区要晚。1606年在尚州建立了第一所书院——多南书院,17世纪又建立了玉城书院和金南书院。在三院建设过程中,尚州书院的参与逐渐减少。锦南书院受到尚州书院部分学生和闻庆、龙宫、安东地区学生的反对。尚州书院社会的分化表现在书院建设中。18世纪上半叶,书院书院和南民书院的建设有所增加。书院书院是由书院书院的学友们在雄厚的资金基础上,在三林(音译)和政府的支持下,兴庵书院、瑞山书院、义溪书院在尚州成立的。南民书院是由书院所在地区的家庭主导的,与金南书院相似,不仅是上州书院,周边地区的书院也有参与。18世纪下半叶,在书院的建设和运作中,家庭关系和家庭关系的重要性超过了政治上的宏伟。原有的书院被改造为家庭书院,并建立了一个家庭书院,供奉一个家庭的人。
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引用次数: 0
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Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University
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