Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.199-209
V. Pruskus
The article shows that globalization makes the largest influence on three significant guarantees of national identity (and freedom) preservation: language, economic and political independence. The possibilities to preserve and to consolidate freedom are discussed as well. The first theme analyzed is the worship and promotion of language, cultural and national values which mean not only safety but also openness and accessibility for other cultures (interchange). The second is the renunciation of servant position in relation with the European Union, the self‐spread and defence of economic interests. The third is more active defend of political interests in the European Union in search for the partners whose interests seceded to coincide with ours. The fourth is the implementation of the political self‐government principle, which should be grounded on the striving to preserve the national identity and culture which supply civil society. This way the gap between authorities and inhabitants decreases, it diminishes the distrust of citizens in authorities and it increases responsibility and accountability of authorities to the people who elected them. It is hoped that everything above mentioned would form more favourable environment for national self‐awareness and freedom to spread and grow strong as well.
{"title":"Globalization and national identity: The aspects of political ethics","authors":"V. Pruskus","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.199-209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.199-209","url":null,"abstract":"The article shows that globalization makes the largest influence on three significant guarantees of national identity (and freedom) preservation: language, economic and political independence. The possibilities to preserve and to consolidate freedom are discussed as well. The first theme analyzed is the worship and promotion of language, cultural and national values which mean not only safety but also openness and accessibility for other cultures (interchange). The second is the renunciation of servant position in relation with the European Union, the self‐spread and defence of economic interests. The third is more active defend of political interests in the European Union in search for the partners whose interests seceded to coincide with ours. The fourth is the implementation of the political self‐government principle, which should be grounded on the striving to preserve the national identity and culture which supply civil society. This way the gap between authorities and inhabitants decreases, it diminishes the distrust of citizens in authorities and it increases responsibility and accountability of authorities to the people who elected them. It is hoped that everything above mentioned would form more favourable environment for national self‐awareness and freedom to spread and grow strong as well.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122379594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.108-112
Anatol Liahchylin, Tatsiana Astrouskaya
This article is devoted to the analysis of the national identity in the epoch of globalization. With the impact of globalization things and relations have changed rapidly. The authors try to show that the same situation happened to the national identity, the borders of which are becoming more and more flexible and movable. This situation can be used for the purpose of the renaissance of the national identity. However, it is possible only in the way of the combination of support from the state with realization by every nation of its own specificity and singularity.
{"title":"The specificity of the national identity in the epoch of globalization","authors":"Anatol Liahchylin, Tatsiana Astrouskaya","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.108-112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.108-112","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the analysis of the national identity in the epoch of globalization. With the impact of globalization things and relations have changed rapidly. The authors try to show that the same situation happened to the national identity, the borders of which are becoming more and more flexible and movable. This situation can be used for the purpose of the renaissance of the national identity. However, it is possible only in the way of the combination of support from the state with realization by every nation of its own specificity and singularity.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123174245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.186-198
Machiel Karskens
With the help of J. Habermas and M. Foucault, it is argued that the idea of Europe is, first of all, the ideal of an unlimited civil society. Human rights, the rule of law and the legal European institutions are its political backbone. The European Union itself is somehow the realization of this ideal conception of a borderless, unlimited society. It is argued that the European Union in this respect is a heterotopia within the bordered and sovereign member states themselves. Seen from the outside, however, and in the world of geopolitics, Europe is a political power with closed borders and excluding frontiers. In this respect the European Union is a continuation of the old European Balance of Power.
{"title":"The political frontiers of Europe as a civil society: J. Habermas’ rejection of a European Volk and M. Foucault's balance of power as protections against European nation‐state","authors":"Machiel Karskens","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.186-198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.186-198","url":null,"abstract":"With the help of J. Habermas and M. Foucault, it is argued that the idea of Europe is, first of all, the ideal of an unlimited civil society. Human rights, the rule of law and the legal European institutions are its political backbone. The European Union itself is somehow the realization of this ideal conception of a borderless, unlimited society. It is argued that the European Union in this respect is a heterotopia within the bordered and sovereign member states themselves. Seen from the outside, however, and in the world of geopolitics, Europe is a political power with closed borders and excluding frontiers. In this respect the European Union is a continuation of the old European Balance of Power.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129408918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.32-45
L. Titarenko
Historical memory embodied in a social space of Minsk represents “cultural signs” of several different epochs. In fact, the historical past of Minsk up to the beginning of the XIX century can be considered as the process of construction of its European identity. In this aspect, the XIX century demonstrated a shift to Russian euro‐asianism, while the soviet history was a unique attempt to construct the universal Soviet identity with only a few features of the national culture. The contemporary epoch gives Minsk a unique chance to simultaneously increase both European and national identity of Belarusians.
{"title":"Historical memory, embodied in the social space of Minsk, and its influence on the formation of national and European identity of Belarusians","authors":"L. Titarenko","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.32-45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.32-45","url":null,"abstract":"Historical memory embodied in a social space of Minsk represents “cultural signs” of several different epochs. In fact, the historical past of Minsk up to the beginning of the XIX century can be considered as the process of construction of its European identity. In this aspect, the XIX century demonstrated a shift to Russian euro‐asianism, while the soviet history was a unique attempt to construct the universal Soviet identity with only a few features of the national culture. The contemporary epoch gives Minsk a unique chance to simultaneously increase both European and national identity of Belarusians.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122668710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.22-31
R. Poczykowski
The article attempts to analyze the public debate in a present day Poland focused on the country's recent history and memory (or memories). The author believes that among other lines dividing Polish society, the cultural line separating opposing “communities of memory” is of special importance. The political and public life of the country is facing a paradox: the media and several political leaders view the past as the last potential platform for a national unity and a source of commonly shared values and ideas. They treat the past as the support for gaining publicity and political capital. But this past orientation causes further division and conflict since, instead of a single past, participants in the public discourse view several competing pasts. The author proposes two ideal types of historical narratives in Poland: national and civic. Turning points, the pantheon of heroes, and modes of narration are sometimes mirror images of one another. Since recently the “national” paradigm is prevalent the author believes that the new European identity (or plurality of collective identities) of Poland can be successfully built only on a civic, not a national, platform of historical narrative.
{"title":"Building the past, forgetting the future: Is Poland a historical knowledge based society?","authors":"R. Poczykowski","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.22-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.22-31","url":null,"abstract":"The article attempts to analyze the public debate in a present day Poland focused on the country's recent history and memory (or memories). The author believes that among other lines dividing Polish society, the cultural line separating opposing “communities of memory” is of special importance. The political and public life of the country is facing a paradox: the media and several political leaders view the past as the last potential platform for a national unity and a source of commonly shared values and ideas. They treat the past as the support for gaining publicity and political capital. But this past orientation causes further division and conflict since, instead of a single past, participants in the public discourse view several competing pasts. The author proposes two ideal types of historical narratives in Poland: national and civic. Turning points, the pantheon of heroes, and modes of narration are sometimes mirror images of one another. Since recently the “national” paradigm is prevalent the author believes that the new European identity (or plurality of collective identities) of Poland can be successfully built only on a civic, not a national, platform of historical narrative.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123746944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.15-21
W. Kowalska
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the concept and possibility of the democratic policy of collective memory in national and trans‐national, or European, contexts. The presupposition of the paper is that memory, while largely unintentional, is also intentional and even partially constructed and, as such, always subjected to influences, even manipulations, i.e. to different policies. Memory is no doubt a “political question” and every policy deals with it, trying to shape social memory according to some political and ideological objectives. In particular, communism implied a very strong policy of memory aiming at destroying many sorts and layers of memory in favour of another. After the fall of communism there have also been many attempts at reshaping collective memory. These recent attempts have been certainly much more democratic than the communist manipulations but far from being based on the democratic principle of equality of different perspectives and discussion. The attempt was rather, namely in Poland, to replace, once again, one kind of “official” memory by another. The really democratic policy of collective memory should imply, on the contrary, a free confrontation of different and sometimes opposing memories in the open public sphere where no “symbolic violence” has place and where all participants not only treat each other as equals but are also ready to modify the meaning of their particular memory and look for mutual comprehension, if not for agreement. The question is whether such democratic policy can ever be more than a moral postulation.
{"title":"Is policy of memory possible and how?","authors":"W. Kowalska","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.15-21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.15-21","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this paper is to discuss the concept and possibility of the democratic policy of collective memory in national and trans‐national, or European, contexts. The presupposition of the paper is that memory, while largely unintentional, is also intentional and even partially constructed and, as such, always subjected to influences, even manipulations, i.e. to different policies. Memory is no doubt a “political question” and every policy deals with it, trying to shape social memory according to some political and ideological objectives. In particular, communism implied a very strong policy of memory aiming at destroying many sorts and layers of memory in favour of another. After the fall of communism there have also been many attempts at reshaping collective memory. These recent attempts have been certainly much more democratic than the communist manipulations but far from being based on the democratic principle of equality of different perspectives and discussion. The attempt was rather, namely in Poland, to replace, once again, one kind of “official” memory by another. The really democratic policy of collective memory should imply, on the contrary, a free confrontation of different and sometimes opposing memories in the open public sphere where no “symbolic violence” has place and where all participants not only treat each other as equals but are also ready to modify the meaning of their particular memory and look for mutual comprehension, if not for agreement. The question is whether such democratic policy can ever be more than a moral postulation.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"131 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125380527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.46-54
A. Sadowski
In this article I will at least try to outline the necessary methodological assumptions for the future researches on the national identities of the inhabitants of the Polish ‐ Belarusian ‐ Lithuanian borderland. Then, using the results of the studies of the identities on the Polish ‐ Belarusian borderland, I will attempt to prove the thesis, that in present conditions, the national identity should not be treated as only subjective reflection of someone's national membership, described with the use of a given set of features on the different levels of objectification, but should be understood broader: declaration of the national identity also means taking of the certain position, defining of someone's place and duties within the dynamic and changeable national structure. We can distinguish four types of the collective actors, which shape the national identities on the studied borderland: (1) ethnic minorities (with which certain categories of the citizens identify), (2) national majorities backed by the power of the state in which the representatives of the minorities live, (3) the “foreigner fatherlands” (R. Brubaker) and (4) international organizations which create certain legal regulations and who monitor (control) their realization. In the studies of the national identity of the Polish‐Belarusian‐Lithuanian borderlands some theoretical approaches can be distinguished. There is a need to define, at least for the use in the studies, the concepts of national minority and ethnic minority, and to create a new theoretical category ‐ “the cultural nation”. The national (ethnic) minority can be distinguished in the specific minority situation, most frequently in the context of the other, dominant majority, as the community, which is less significant, subordinated and often discriminated. The notion of national‐ethnic self‐identification should be associated with the resourcefulness of the representatives of a given minority in certain environments.
{"title":"II. National identity the process of the construction of the national identities on the polish‐Lithuanian‐Belarusian borderland","authors":"A. Sadowski","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.46-54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.46-54","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I will at least try to outline the necessary methodological assumptions for the future researches on the national identities of the inhabitants of the Polish ‐ Belarusian ‐ Lithuanian borderland. Then, using the results of the studies of the identities on the Polish ‐ Belarusian borderland, I will attempt to prove the thesis, that in present conditions, the national identity should not be treated as only subjective reflection of someone's national membership, described with the use of a given set of features on the different levels of objectification, but should be understood broader: declaration of the national identity also means taking of the certain position, defining of someone's place and duties within the dynamic and changeable national structure. We can distinguish four types of the collective actors, which shape the national identities on the studied borderland: (1) ethnic minorities (with which certain categories of the citizens identify), (2) national majorities backed by the power of the state in which the representatives of the minorities live, (3) the “foreigner fatherlands” (R. Brubaker) and (4) international organizations which create certain legal regulations and who monitor (control) their realization. In the studies of the national identity of the Polish‐Belarusian‐Lithuanian borderlands some theoretical approaches can be distinguished. There is a need to define, at least for the use in the studies, the concepts of national minority and ethnic minority, and to create a new theoretical category ‐ “the cultural nation”. The national (ethnic) minority can be distinguished in the specific minority situation, most frequently in the context of the other, dominant majority, as the community, which is less significant, subordinated and often discriminated. The notion of national‐ethnic self‐identification should be associated with the resourcefulness of the representatives of a given minority in certain environments.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125481774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.172-185
Eric Brown, J. Szalai
The question the authors of this paper raise is what kind of positive emotional attitudes the sustained, fruitful existence of the European Union (EU) takes on the part of its citizens. It is argued that the EU as a polity is an inappropriate object for patriotism. The emotions the authors envisage as constituting the necessary affective basis for the political community are based on developing horizontal relationships among citizens and their relationships to institutions that the EU makes possible.
{"title":"The moral psychology of Europeanness: Diversified, horizontal affectivity","authors":"Eric Brown, J. Szalai","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.172-185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.172-185","url":null,"abstract":"The question the authors of this paper raise is what kind of positive emotional attitudes the sustained, fruitful existence of the European Union (EU) takes on the part of its citizens. It is argued that the EU as a polity is an inappropriate object for patriotism. The emotions the authors envisage as constituting the necessary affective basis for the political community are based on developing horizontal relationships among citizens and their relationships to institutions that the EU makes possible.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127283612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.5-14
T. Kačerauskas
The author affirms that the phenomena of history are always interpreted in the perspective of our future objectives. So, it is stated that the interpretation of nation's history is the recollection of our future. Projection of the future grants us both creative dynamism (picturesqueness), and possibility of death (existential departure). According to another thesis, creating and existence form two planes of human reality, which create a living environment interacting between each other. The author affirms that this environment is the background of becoming of both individual and the nation, and it changes together with the phenomena emerging in it. According to the third thesis, existential participant's space and time of existential participant ‐ individual or nation ‐ interact as his spiritual environment's components of his becoming. The author follows individual's and nation's analogy, which means rather interaction when creating a living environment than similarity. Additionally, analogy includes aesthetic (sensual) aspect, which appears when talking about existential creativity. So, it is stated, that openness and incompleteness of existence is being supposed by the representation of our bodily (sensual) ending, in other words, by aesthetic tragedy. According to the author, the small individual circle and the big one of a nation are coupled by aesthetic tragedy. According to the fourth thesis, the being of a nation becomes meaningful when a nation becomes a hero in the face of its death. The conceptions of M. Heidegger (being towards death), M. Bachtin (hero, polyphonic interaction), E. Husserl (spiritual environment, phenomenon), Aristotle (dynamism, formation) and Plato (analogy, participation) are used in the research.
{"title":"I. Historical and cultural memory in the evolving national and European identity existential identity and memory of a nation","authors":"T. Kačerauskas","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.5-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.5-14","url":null,"abstract":"The author affirms that the phenomena of history are always interpreted in the perspective of our future objectives. So, it is stated that the interpretation of nation's history is the recollection of our future. Projection of the future grants us both creative dynamism (picturesqueness), and possibility of death (existential departure). According to another thesis, creating and existence form two planes of human reality, which create a living environment interacting between each other. The author affirms that this environment is the background of becoming of both individual and the nation, and it changes together with the phenomena emerging in it. According to the third thesis, existential participant's space and time of existential participant ‐ individual or nation ‐ interact as his spiritual environment's components of his becoming. The author follows individual's and nation's analogy, which means rather interaction when creating a living environment than similarity. Additionally, analogy includes aesthetic (sensual) aspect, which appears when talking about existential creativity. So, it is stated, that openness and incompleteness of existence is being supposed by the representation of our bodily (sensual) ending, in other words, by aesthetic tragedy. According to the author, the small individual circle and the big one of a nation are coupled by aesthetic tragedy. According to the fourth thesis, the being of a nation becomes meaningful when a nation becomes a hero in the face of its death. The conceptions of M. Heidegger (being towards death), M. Bachtin (hero, polyphonic interaction), E. Husserl (spiritual environment, phenomenon), Aristotle (dynamism, formation) and Plato (analogy, participation) are used in the research.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"531 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113994365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.113-123
Virginijus Savukynas
The article analyses possible transformations of nationalism in contemporary Lithuania. The author argues that two forces influence the national identity. On the one hand, local identities have been strengthening. Currently, an attempt to revive / create a Samogitian identity based on certain political goals is rather visible in Lithuania. On the other hand, an opposite process can also be observed: it is a wish to revive a region corresponding to the boundaries of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The article concludes that due to globalization processes national identity receives pressure both from the “above” and “below”, i.e. alternative identity models are being offered in relation to either local identities or regional identities covering several states.
{"title":"What comes after the nation? Possible scenarios of postnationalism in central Eastern Europe (the case of Lithuania)","authors":"Virginijus Savukynas","doi":"10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.113-123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.113-123","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses possible transformations of nationalism in contemporary Lithuania. The author argues that two forces influence the national identity. On the one hand, local identities have been strengthening. Currently, an attempt to revive / create a Samogitian identity based on certain political goals is rather visible in Lithuania. On the other hand, an opposite process can also be observed: it is a wish to revive a region corresponding to the boundaries of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The article concludes that due to globalization processes national identity receives pressure both from the “above” and “below”, i.e. alternative identity models are being offered in relation to either local identities or regional identities covering several states.","PeriodicalId":256919,"journal":{"name":"LIMES: Cultural Regionalistics","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124094127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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