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The Stern, Unflinching Performance of Duty 坚定不移地履行职责
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0008
John M. Thompson
Chapter 7 analyzes Roosevelt’s career after leaving the White House, with a focus on World War I. It considers his relationship with Woodrow Wilson and argues that, although TR disagreed with Wilson on key policies and regarding Wilson’s leadership style, his attacks on the president were personal and often so extreme that they were counterproductive. The chapter argues that though Roosevelt’s advocacy of two themes, preparedness and Americanism, initially attracted limited support, by 1916 he had begun to play a key role in shaping public discussions about the war. Though Roosevelt’s rhetoric was sometimes incendiary and contributed to discrimination against German-Americans and antiwar figures such as Senator Robert La Follette, by 1918 he emerged as a leading candidate for president in 1920. Only TR’s death, in early 1919, prevented his return to the pinnacle of US politics.
第七章分析了罗斯福离开白宫后的职业生涯,重点是第一次世界大战。它考虑了他与伍德罗·威尔逊的关系,并认为,尽管罗斯福在关键政策上和威尔逊的领导风格上不同意威尔逊,但他对总统的攻击是针对个人的,而且经常是如此极端,以至于适得其反。这一章认为,虽然罗斯福倡导的两个主题,准备和美国主义,最初吸引了有限的支持,但到1916年,他开始在塑造公众对战争的讨论中发挥关键作用。尽管罗斯福的言论有时具有煽动性,并助长了对德裔美国人和参议员罗伯特·拉·福莱特等反战人士的歧视,但到1918年,他还是成为1920年总统大选的主要候选人。1919年初,特朗普去世,阻止了他重返美国政坛的巅峰。
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引用次数: 0
Foolish Offensiveness 愚蠢的令人讨厌
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0007
John M. Thompson
Chapter 6 considers US-Japanese relations from 1905 to 1909. It examines several sources of tension, including an anti-Japanese movement that was particularly strong among organized labor in San Francisco, sensationalist newspapers in both countries, and concerns that Japan would attack the Philippines or Hawaii. The chapter argues that Roosevelt sought to strike a delicate balance in relations with Tokyo by protecting Japanese already in the United States, but also reducing the inflow of immigrants to mollify anti-Japanese sentiment. In an effort to upgrade US capabilities in the event of war, the president also convinced Congress to build additional battleships and sent the navy on a cruise around the world. TR also viewed the cruise as a way to increase public support for naval expansion.
第六章考察1905年至1909年的美日关系。它考察了紧张局势的几个根源,包括旧金山劳工组织中特别强烈的反日运动,两国耸人听闻的报纸,以及对日本将攻击菲律宾或夏威夷的担忧。这一章认为,罗斯福试图通过保护已经在美国的日本人,同时减少移民的流入来缓和反日情绪,从而在与东京的关系中取得微妙的平衡。为了提升美国在战争中的能力,总统还说服国会建造更多的战列舰,并派遣海军环游世界。TR还认为这次巡航是增加公众对海军扩张支持的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
Triumphs and Setbacks 成功与挫折
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0005
John M. Thompson
Chapter 4 examines TR’s attempt to implement the Roosevelt Corollary in the Dominican Republic. Roosevelt avoided acting in 1904 in order to avoid any controversy that might harm his prospects in the upcoming election, and his actions after the election continued to be affected by resistance in Congress and the press. Many Republicans and Democrats were critical of an accord that arranged for the United States to take control of Dominican custom houses, the Dillingham-Morales agreement, and opposed efforts by the Roosevelt administration to secure ratification by the Senate. This confrontation occurred amid tension between TR and conservative, Republicans as well as growing concerns about TR’s expansion of the powers of the presidency. The chapter argues that this episode reinforced the president’s belief that the public could be a vital counterweight to elite opinion and Congress and that skilled political leadership was essential for an effective foreign policy.
第四章考察罗斯福总统在多米尼加共和国实施罗斯福推论的尝试。罗斯福在1904年避免采取行动,以避免任何可能损害他在即将到来的选举中的前景的争议,他在选举后的行动继续受到国会和新闻界的抵制。许多共和党人和民主党人对一项安排美国接管多米尼加海关的协议——迪林厄姆-莫拉莱斯协议——持批评态度,并反对罗斯福政府确保参议院批准该协议的努力。这场对抗发生在特朗普与保守派、共和党人之间的紧张关系以及对特朗普扩大总统权力的担忧日益加剧之际。这一章认为,这一事件强化了总统的信念,即公众可以成为精英舆论和国会的重要制衡力量,而熟练的政治领导对于有效的外交政策至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Behaving Righteously 行为正直地
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0006
John M. Thompson
Chapter 5 offers a fresh perspective on the Chinese boycott of US goods in 1905–1906. It argues that Roosevelt, who previously supported the exclusion of Chinese immigrants, came to view aspects of the exclusion regime as detrimental to US interests in China. The chapter documents the president’s attempts to convince Congress to implement reforms by harnessing support among the business community, missionaries, and educators. These groups, others who opposed reform, such as organized labor—led by Samuel Gompers—and Chinese-Americans sought to influence Roosevelt as well as public opinion. The chapter explains how TR’s concern that the boycott was transforming into an antiforeigner movement, and his belief that Beijing was unwilling to suppress it, led the president to begin planning for a military intervention. In the end this was unnecessary, as the boycott dwindled, but TR suffered a rare foreign policy setback when he failed to convince Congress to embrace reforms.
第五章对1905-1906年中国抵制美国商品提供了一个新的视角。该书认为,罗斯福此前曾支持排斥中国移民,但后来他认为,排斥制度的某些方面有损美国在华利益。这一章记录了总统试图通过利用商界、传教士和教育工作者的支持来说服国会实施改革。这些团体,其他反对改革的团体,如由塞缪尔·龚帕斯领导的劳工组织和华裔美国人,试图影响罗斯福和公众舆论。这一章解释了特朗普是如何担心抵制运动正在转变为一场排外运动,以及他认为北京不愿镇压这场运动的,这导致总统开始计划军事干预。最后,随着抵制活动的减少,这是不必要的,但由于未能说服国会接受改革,特朗普在外交政策上遭遇了罕见的挫折。
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引用次数: 0
A Subject of Such Weight 如此重要的主题
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0003
John M. Thompson
Chapter 2 examines how TR handled the politics of European interventions in Latin America from 1901 to 1903, especially a blockade of Venezuela spearheaded by Britain and Germany. It argues that TR’s reading of public opinion was a central factor in the evolution of his thinking about the Monroe Doctrine, in that he initially overestimated the willingness of Americans to tolerate European interventions in Latin America. The chapter documents how fierce criticism of the Venezuela blockade, most of which was directed at Germany and which caused problems for Roosevelt with the nation’s large German-American community—a constituency whose support he would need in the 1904 election—played a crucial role in the formulation of the Roosevelt Corollary.
第2章考察了TR如何处理1901年至1903年欧洲对拉丁美洲的干预,特别是英国和德国带头对委内瑞拉的封锁。文章认为,TR对公众舆论的解读是他对门罗主义思想演变的一个核心因素,因为他最初高估了美国人容忍欧洲干预拉丁美洲的意愿。这一章记录了对委内瑞拉封锁的激烈批评,其中大部分是针对德国的,这给罗斯福与该国庞大的德裔美国人社区造成了问题,罗斯福在1904年的选举中需要他们的支持,他们在罗斯福推论的形成中发挥了关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
Panic-Struck Senators, Businessmen, and Everybody Else 惊慌失措的参议员、商人和其他所有人
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0004
John M. Thompson
Chapter 3 explores TR’s decision in late 1903 to encourage and support Panama’s secession from Colombia, in order to secure a site for the future Panama Canal, and the subsequent debate regarding the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty. It examines how he and his allies overcame substantial criticism to harness public support for the treaty, and the extent to which concerns about domestic political implications influenced his handling of relations with Bogotá. The intervention occurred against the backdrop of the upcoming 1904 election, with TR facing dissent from anti-imperialists, conservative Republicans, including the influential Ohio senator Mark Hanna, and Democrats who hoped that the controversy would damage the president’s political standing.
第三章探讨了TR在1903年底鼓励和支持巴拿马脱离哥伦比亚的决定,以确保未来巴拿马运河的选址,以及随后关于《海-布努-瓦里拉条约》的辩论。本书考察了他和他的盟友如何克服大量批评,利用公众对条约的支持,以及对国内政治影响的担忧在多大程度上影响了他处理与波哥大关系的方式。这次干预发生在即将到来的1904年大选的背景下,当时特朗普面临着反帝国主义者、保守派共和党人(包括有影响力的俄亥俄州参议员马克·汉纳)和民主党人的反对,后者希望这场争议会损害总统的政治地位。
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引用次数: 0
The Education of TR TR的教育
Pub Date : 2019-04-04 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190859954.003.0002
John M. Thompson
Chapter 1 focuses on the origins of TR’s statecraft. It argues that the formative years of his political career played a key role in shaping his foreign policy. Before becoming president, he honed his ability to garner publicity for himself and his agenda. The most important means for this objective was the press, and this chapter traces the salient elements of TR’s relationship with journalists and editors. The first chapter also examines TR’s political worldview and argues that, in spite of an independent streak, he became a staunch and highly partisan member of the Republican Party and resisted the temptation to become a mugwump, like some other reformist Republicans. All of this had a crucial impact on his career, as TR’s foreign policy was linked to his ambitions for his career and party. The first chapter also examines the origins of TR’s thinking about two crucial great power nations, Britain and Germany, which figured prominently in US domestic politics during his career.
第一章着重于TR治国之道的起源。文章认为,奥巴马政治生涯的成长期在塑造他的外交政策方面发挥了关键作用。在成为总统之前,他磨练了自己为自己和自己的议程争取公众关注的能力。实现这一目标的最重要手段是新闻,本章追溯了TR与记者和编辑关系的突出因素。第一章还考察了特朗普的政治世界观,并指出,尽管他有独立倾向,但他成为了共和党中一名坚定而高度党派化的成员,并抵制住了像其他一些改革派共和党人那样成为一名政客的诱惑。所有这些都对他的职业生涯产生了至关重要的影响,因为特朗普的外交政策与他对自己的职业生涯和政党的抱负息息相关。第一章还考察了特朗普对英国和德国这两个至关重要的大国的思考起源,这两个国家在他的职业生涯中在美国国内政治中占有重要地位。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2019-02-21 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190859954.003.0009
John M. Thompson
The conclusion considers the argument that, due in large part to the nature of the US political system, TR’s foreign policy was unsuccessful. It acknowledges the numerous challenges Roosevelt faced. However it maintains that, rather than failing, he achieved most of his objectives and, in doing so, served as an example of how to conduct an effective foreign policy. The chapter highlights TR’s vision for the United States, his political skill, faith in the US system and its people, and the emphasis he placed on political leadership. The conclusion contends that a good way of encapsulating Roosevelt’s success is that he understood and took advantage of the ways in which the international and domestic aspects of foreign policy overlap in the US system.
结论部分考虑了以下论点:在很大程度上,由于美国政治制度的性质,特朗普的外交政策是不成功的。它承认罗斯福面临的众多挑战。然而,它坚持认为,他非但没有失败,反而实现了他的大部分目标,并因此成为如何实施有效外交政策的榜样。这一章强调了特朗普对美国的愿景,他的政治技巧,对美国制度和人民的信心,以及他对政治领导力的重视。结论认为,概括罗斯福成功的一个好方法是,他理解并利用了外交政策的国际和国内方面在美国体系中重叠的方式。
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引用次数: 0
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