Pub Date : 2016-06-25DOI: 10.17230/CO-HERENCIA.13.24.6
D. Nieto, Juan Pablo Milanese
This paper focuses on reconstructing the influential contributions from political scientist Guillermo O’Donnell to studies on the processes of democratization. In order to do this, it discusses his main analytical and conceptual elaborations placing them in the political and historical context in which they were developed. It further analyses their relation to other theoretical developments and ideological debates that have followed them. In particular, this review focuses, first, on the period of transitions to democracy in Latin America, showing how O’Donnell’s theoretical constructs were part of his wider political and normative commitments. Such commitments are subsequently reflected in the political concerns, research interests and conceptual contributions by the author in the post-transitional period, related to his ideas on delegate democracy and horizontal accountability, both discussed in the second part of this review.
{"title":"De Las Transiciones Al Estancamiento. Revisitando La Democratización En La Obra De Guillermo O’Donnell (From Transitions to Stagnation. Revisiting Democratization in the Work of Guillermo O’Donnell)","authors":"D. Nieto, Juan Pablo Milanese","doi":"10.17230/CO-HERENCIA.13.24.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17230/CO-HERENCIA.13.24.6","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on reconstructing the influential contributions from political scientist Guillermo O’Donnell to studies on the processes of democratization. In order to do this, it discusses his main analytical and conceptual elaborations placing them in the political and historical context in which they were developed. It further analyses their relation to other theoretical developments and ideological debates that have followed them. In particular, this review focuses, first, on the period of transitions to democracy in Latin America, showing how O’Donnell’s theoretical constructs were part of his wider political and normative commitments. Such commitments are subsequently reflected in the political concerns, research interests and conceptual contributions by the author in the post-transitional period, related to his ideas on delegate democracy and horizontal accountability, both discussed in the second part of this review.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121618815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orban's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.
{"title":"Hungary's U-Turn","authors":"J. Kornai","doi":"10.1556/204.2015.37.3.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/204.2015.37.3.1","url":null,"abstract":"For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orban's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123332643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Just ten years after their triumphant “return to Europe” in 2004, Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are facing a very serious crisis of constitutional democracy. This crisis — which coincides with the Eurozone crisis — has a specific origin. This article will show that the rule-of-law institutions in these countries are less robust than in Western countries. In other words, Western democracies can cope more successfully with various attacks on their liberal institutions because their courts, media, human rights organizations, and ombudsmen have a longer and better-developed tradition of independence and professionalism. Conversely, where such institutions are weak and underdeveloped, as is the case in CEE, there is always the potential danger of a drift towards authoritarianism and “illiberal democracy.” As examples from Hungary and Slovenia show, even the most advanced CEE democracies are not immune to this backsliding. In a relatively short period of time, both countries regressed from consolidated democracies into two distinct forms of semi-authoritarian and diminished democratic regimes. Particular worrying is the ease with which this regression occurred
{"title":"A Crisis of Constitutional Democracy in Post-Communist Europe: 'Lands In-Between' Democracy and Authoritarianism","authors":"B. Bugarič","doi":"10.1093/ICON/MOV010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ICON/MOV010","url":null,"abstract":"Just ten years after their triumphant “return to Europe” in 2004, Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are facing a very serious crisis of constitutional democracy. This crisis — which coincides with the Eurozone crisis — has a specific origin. This article will show that the rule-of-law institutions in these countries are less robust than in Western countries. In other words, Western democracies can cope more successfully with various attacks on their liberal institutions because their courts, media, human rights organizations, and ombudsmen have a longer and better-developed tradition of independence and professionalism. Conversely, where such institutions are weak and underdeveloped, as is the case in CEE, there is always the potential danger of a drift towards authoritarianism and “illiberal democracy.” As examples from Hungary and Slovenia show, even the most advanced CEE democracies are not immune to this backsliding. In a relatively short period of time, both countries regressed from consolidated democracies into two distinct forms of semi-authoritarian and diminished democratic regimes. Particular worrying is the ease with which this regression occurred","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"139 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122761989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Serbian Abstract: Највећи ризик за већину међународних инвеститора је ризик земље и ризик суверенитета. Ризик земље најчешће подразумева ризик политичке и економска неизвесности. Земље у транзицији карактерише велики буџетски дефицит, инфлација, апресијација домаће валуте, нестабилни услови размене, ниска акумулација, ограничења и рестрикције на тржишту. Посебну врсту ризика представља тржишна концентрација и монопол. Од осталих фактора који повећавају ризик улагања иностраног капитала у земљама у транзицији треба истаћи ризик плаћања, тржишни ризик, оперативни ризик, ванбилансни ризици, консолидација и конвергенција, прање новца, офшор пословање, неадекватна пруденциона контрола банака и других финансијских посредника, изражена корупција и криминал. Услед синерегтског деловања ових фактора, државе у транзицији могу бити изложене ризику опадања међународне репутације. English Abstract: For the majority of international investors, country's risk and sovereignty risk are the greatest risks. Country's risk usually includes political and economic uncertainty. Transition countries are characterized by big budget deficit, inflation, domestic currrency appreciation, inconstant exchange terms, low accumulation, limits and market restrictons. Special risk type is market concentration and monopoly. Other factors increasing foerign capital investment in transition countries are payment risk, market risk, operating risk, off-balance sheet risks, consolidation and convergence, money laundering, off-shore business, inadequate prudential control of banks and other financial mediators, outstanding corruption and criminal. Due to sinergetic action of these factors, transition states may be exposed to the risk of international reputation decrease.
{"title":"Земље у Транзицији и Ризик Улагања Капитала (Countries in Transition and Capital Investment Risk)","authors":"Šerif Šabović, Vuk Miletić, Zoran T. Jovanović","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2468631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2468631","url":null,"abstract":"Serbian Abstract: Највећи ризик за већину међународних инвеститора је ризик земље и ризик суверенитета. Ризик земље најчешће подразумева ризик политичке и економска неизвесности. Земље у транзицији карактерише велики буџетски дефицит, инфлација, апресијација домаће валуте, нестабилни услови размене, ниска акумулација, ограничења и рестрикције на тржишту. Посебну врсту ризика представља тржишна концентрација и монопол. Од осталих фактора који повећавају ризик улагања иностраног капитала у земљама у транзицији треба истаћи ризик плаћања, тржишни ризик, оперативни ризик, ванбилансни ризици, консолидација и конвергенција, прање новца, офшор пословање, неадекватна пруденциона контрола банака и других финансијских посредника, изражена корупција и криминал. Услед синерегтског деловања ових фактора, државе у транзицији могу бити изложене ризику опадања међународне репутације. English Abstract: For the majority of international investors, country's risk and sovereignty risk are the greatest risks. Country's risk usually includes political and economic uncertainty. Transition countries are characterized by big budget deficit, inflation, domestic currrency appreciation, inconstant exchange terms, low accumulation, limits and market restrictons. Special risk type is market concentration and monopoly. Other factors increasing foerign capital investment in transition countries are payment risk, market risk, operating risk, off-balance sheet risks, consolidation and convergence, money laundering, off-shore business, inadequate prudential control of banks and other financial mediators, outstanding corruption and criminal. Due to sinergetic action of these factors, transition states may be exposed to the risk of international reputation decrease.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128595443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
B. Gunter, Faisal Z. Ahmed, A. F. M. Ataur Rahman, Jesmin Rahman
This paper begins with examining Bangladesh’s economic structural transformation during 1980-2010, which is compared and contrasted with the transformation of India and Pakistan. It then calculates and compares the three countries’ macroeconomic volatility and uncertainty for the observation period (1980-2010), using unbiased volatility and uncertainty measures. It also reviews the evolution of Bangladesh’s macroeconomic uncertainty for each decade (i.e., the 1980s, 1990s and the 2000s). It shows, for example, that Bangladesh’s GDP volatility and uncertainty have been increasing over time. Reflecting on the fact that macroeconomic uncertainty has a negative impact on investment and growth, the paper derives various policy implications for Bangladesh, highlighting the importance of economic diversification, countercyclical monetary policy, smoothing external factors, and building up reserves and buffers.
{"title":"Economic Structure and Macroeconomic Uncertainty: Policy Implications for Bangladesh","authors":"B. Gunter, Faisal Z. Ahmed, A. F. M. Ataur Rahman, Jesmin Rahman","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2377006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2377006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper begins with examining Bangladesh’s economic structural transformation during 1980-2010, which is compared and contrasted with the transformation of India and Pakistan. It then calculates and compares the three countries’ macroeconomic volatility and uncertainty for the observation period (1980-2010), using unbiased volatility and uncertainty measures. It also reviews the evolution of Bangladesh’s macroeconomic uncertainty for each decade (i.e., the 1980s, 1990s and the 2000s). It shows, for example, that Bangladesh’s GDP volatility and uncertainty have been increasing over time. Reflecting on the fact that macroeconomic uncertainty has a negative impact on investment and growth, the paper derives various policy implications for Bangladesh, highlighting the importance of economic diversification, countercyclical monetary policy, smoothing external factors, and building up reserves and buffers.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"34 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114305688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Civil conflict disrupts the incentive for firms to make productive investments. This paper studies the determinants of profit reinvestment for firms in post-conflict transition economies. Results indicate that while access to finance is an important determinant of reinvestment in general, access to finance is not as important in the post-civil war context. However, property rights protections, in particular institutions of contract enforcement, are a more important determinant of profit reinvestment for firms operating in the post-conflict environment than for firms in general. Context specific obstacles to investment imply unique policy responses to facilitate post-conflict recovery.
{"title":"Firm Investment Decisions in the Post-Conflict Context","authors":"Colin O’Reilly","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2484629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2484629","url":null,"abstract":"Civil conflict disrupts the incentive for firms to make productive investments. This paper studies the determinants of profit reinvestment for firms in post-conflict transition economies. Results indicate that while access to finance is an important determinant of reinvestment in general, access to finance is not as important in the post-civil war context. However, property rights protections, in particular institutions of contract enforcement, are a more important determinant of profit reinvestment for firms operating in the post-conflict environment than for firms in general. Context specific obstacles to investment imply unique policy responses to facilitate post-conflict recovery.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122238892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Kawalec and Pytlarczyk (2013), we argue that the single European currency constitutes a serious threat to the European Union and the Single European Market,and we propose a controlled dismantlement of the Eurozone. In this paper, we undertake a deeper analysis of the measures which would minimize the risks throughout the process of the Eurozone dismantlement and contribute to rebuilding confidence in the future of Europe. · The dismantlement should be the result of a consensual decision to replace the euro with an alternative system of currency coordination. · The dismantlement should start with the exit of the most competitive countries. In the meantime, the euro should remain the common currency of less competitive countries. · The European Central Bank (ECB) should be preserved as the central bank for all 17 Eurozone member countries, even after some of those countries have replaced the euro with new currencies. In this capacity, the ECB should be in charge of designing,preparing, and implementing the segmentation of the Eurozone as well as managing the new currency coordination system – European Monetary System 2. · The forthcoming EU – USA free trade agreement would build new momentum for economic growth and contribute to restoring confidence in the future of Europe. As of today, neither the member states of the Eurozone nor European institutions such as the European Commission or the ECB have been able to come up with a game-changing proposal such as the Eurozone dismantlement. However, this may change as a result of adverse economic and political developments. One of the potential triggers could be the situation in France. Classification-JEL: E5, E58, F15, F31, G18
{"title":"Controlled Dismantlement of the Eurozone: A Proposal for a New European Monetary System and a New Role for the European Central Bank","authors":"S. Kawalec, Ernest Pytlarczyk","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2320440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2320440","url":null,"abstract":"In Kawalec and Pytlarczyk (2013), we argue that the single European currency constitutes a serious threat to the European Union and the Single European Market,and we propose a controlled dismantlement of the Eurozone. In this paper, we undertake a deeper analysis of the measures which would minimize the risks throughout the process of the Eurozone dismantlement and contribute to rebuilding confidence in the future of Europe. · The dismantlement should be the result of a consensual decision to replace the euro with an alternative system of currency coordination. · The dismantlement should start with the exit of the most competitive countries. In the meantime, the euro should remain the common currency of less competitive countries. · The European Central Bank (ECB) should be preserved as the central bank for all 17 Eurozone member countries, even after some of those countries have replaced the euro with new currencies. In this capacity, the ECB should be in charge of designing,preparing, and implementing the segmentation of the Eurozone as well as managing the new currency coordination system – European Monetary System 2. · The forthcoming EU – USA free trade agreement would build new momentum for economic growth and contribute to restoring confidence in the future of Europe. As of today, neither the member states of the Eurozone nor European institutions such as the European Commission or the ECB have been able to come up with a game-changing proposal such as the Eurozone dismantlement. However, this may change as a result of adverse economic and political developments. One of the potential triggers could be the situation in France. Classification-JEL: E5, E58, F15, F31, G18","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117109907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkish Abstract: Azerbaycan 18 Ekim 1991 de bagimsizligini ilan ettikten sonra ekonomisinin liberasyonu ve serbest piyasa ekonomisine gecmek maksadiyla bir cok onemli reformlara imza atmistir. Ekonomik hedeflerin gerceklestirilmesinde ulkenin en onemli kaynaklari ise hemen hemen hepsi Hazar’da yerlesen petrol ve dogal gaz rezervlerinden olusan enerji kaynaklariydi. Bu nedenle ekonomik hedeflere ulasma adina Hazar enerji kaynaklarinin en etkin bicimde kullanilmasi gerekmekteydi ve oyle de oldu. Zira Azerbaycan, ekonomik, siyasi ve sosyal acilardan yeniden yapilanma, kalkinma, gelisme ve bagimsizlik adina, Hazar enerji kaynaklarindan 1994 yilindan itibaren faydalanmaya basladi. Enerji kaynaklarinin uretim ve dunya piyasalarina ihracina iliskin cok onemli projelere karar verildi, insa edildi ve kullanilmaya baslandi.Bagimsizligini kazanan Hazar Havzasi ulkelerinden Kazakistan ve Azerbaycan buyuk petrol potansiyellerini, Turkmenistan ise dogal gaz zenginligini ekonomilerinde degisimi geceklestirmek icin gerekli kaynaklari saglamak ve gecis doneminin sikintilarini hafifletmek amaciyla bir an once kullanma ihtiyaci duydular. Ancak mevcut boru hatlari, Sovyetler Birligi'nin planli ekonomisi cercevesinde cumhuriyetler arasi isbolumune gore duzenlenmis oldugundan, bunlarin ihrac amacli kullanim imkânlari sinirliydi. Sovyetler Birligi'nin dagilmasinin ardindan Rusya disindeki uc kiyi devleti; Azerbaycan, Kazakistan ve Turkmenistan'in bagimsizliklarini ilan etmesiyle Hazar'in onemi buyuk oranda artmistir. Bu ulkeler icin Hazar enerji kaynaklarinin gelistirilmesi ekonomilerini yeniden yapilandirma, kalkinma ve dunya ekonomisine entegre olma acisindan onem arz etmektedir. English Abstract: After re-gaining its independence on 18 October 1991, the Republic of Azerbaijan started to transform to the market-based economy and to integrate into the world economy. The country’s oil and natural gas reserves have been considered the main source for financing range of government programs for reforms. On the one hand, these reserves had to be used effectively; on the other hand, there was a huge demand for foreign investment for extraction. To this end, Azerbaijan has signed “Contract of the Century” in 1994. Although Azerbaijan has wide oil and natural gas reserves, it has faced a number of difficulties in its transition way. This study analyzes these problems and reforms for solving them. One of the types of the problems were related to the economic structure of the former Soviet Union: disruption of the economic ties between the republics resulted in decline of production, high levels of unemployment and prices and consequently led to an economic recession in all of the republics. Another set of problems was related to lack of sufficient institutional bases to transform to the market economy. Moreover, internal conflicts between the political parties and groups for having authority as well as political chaos in the republic can be considered other serious problems d
{"title":"Problems Encountered During the Transition to Market Economy in Azerbaijan and Solution Attempts","authors":"C. Bulut, Elchin Suleymanov, Hasanov Fakhri","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2328910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2328910","url":null,"abstract":"Turkish Abstract: Azerbaycan 18 Ekim 1991 de bagimsizligini ilan ettikten sonra ekonomisinin liberasyonu ve serbest piyasa ekonomisine gecmek maksadiyla bir cok onemli reformlara imza atmistir. Ekonomik hedeflerin gerceklestirilmesinde ulkenin en onemli kaynaklari ise hemen hemen hepsi Hazar’da yerlesen petrol ve dogal gaz rezervlerinden olusan enerji kaynaklariydi. Bu nedenle ekonomik hedeflere ulasma adina Hazar enerji kaynaklarinin en etkin bicimde kullanilmasi gerekmekteydi ve oyle de oldu. Zira Azerbaycan, ekonomik, siyasi ve sosyal acilardan yeniden yapilanma, kalkinma, gelisme ve bagimsizlik adina, Hazar enerji kaynaklarindan 1994 yilindan itibaren faydalanmaya basladi. Enerji kaynaklarinin uretim ve dunya piyasalarina ihracina iliskin cok onemli projelere karar verildi, insa edildi ve kullanilmaya baslandi.Bagimsizligini kazanan Hazar Havzasi ulkelerinden Kazakistan ve Azerbaycan buyuk petrol potansiyellerini, Turkmenistan ise dogal gaz zenginligini ekonomilerinde degisimi geceklestirmek icin gerekli kaynaklari saglamak ve gecis doneminin sikintilarini hafifletmek amaciyla bir an once kullanma ihtiyaci duydular. Ancak mevcut boru hatlari, Sovyetler Birligi'nin planli ekonomisi cercevesinde cumhuriyetler arasi isbolumune gore duzenlenmis oldugundan, bunlarin ihrac amacli kullanim imkânlari sinirliydi. Sovyetler Birligi'nin dagilmasinin ardindan Rusya disindeki uc kiyi devleti; Azerbaycan, Kazakistan ve Turkmenistan'in bagimsizliklarini ilan etmesiyle Hazar'in onemi buyuk oranda artmistir. Bu ulkeler icin Hazar enerji kaynaklarinin gelistirilmesi ekonomilerini yeniden yapilandirma, kalkinma ve dunya ekonomisine entegre olma acisindan onem arz etmektedir. English Abstract: After re-gaining its independence on 18 October 1991, the Republic of Azerbaijan started to transform to the market-based economy and to integrate into the world economy. The country’s oil and natural gas reserves have been considered the main source for financing range of government programs for reforms. On the one hand, these reserves had to be used effectively; on the other hand, there was a huge demand for foreign investment for extraction. To this end, Azerbaijan has signed “Contract of the Century” in 1994. Although Azerbaijan has wide oil and natural gas reserves, it has faced a number of difficulties in its transition way. This study analyzes these problems and reforms for solving them. One of the types of the problems were related to the economic structure of the former Soviet Union: disruption of the economic ties between the republics resulted in decline of production, high levels of unemployment and prices and consequently led to an economic recession in all of the republics. Another set of problems was related to lack of sufficient institutional bases to transform to the market economy. Moreover, internal conflicts between the political parties and groups for having authority as well as political chaos in the republic can be considered other serious problems d","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"272 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115598763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While embrace of social media as a component of open government initiatives is still in its infancy in the Arab World, there is much expectation that public sector social media use will have a transformative impact on citizen participation in government, policy formation, and the way public sector entities conduct business. However, existing evolutionary models of e-government and open government maturity based on the experiences of Western democracies offer little support to Arab entities that operate in an institutional environment characterized by much different governance traditions. This study develops a social media maturity model which views public sector social media adoption as an evolutionary process that may involve substantial organizational changes for Arab institutions to move from initial stages of social media adoption to more advanced stages of social media use that truly reflect transparency, public participation, and collaboration. We find that current social media use by Arab government entities is focused primarily on one-way government to citizen communications that chronicle the activities of entities rather than offering additional public transparency and opportunities for citizen participation and collaboration. Arab open government initiatives remain focused on providing information on low priority activities which is already available via traditional media and on institutional websites. In this way, rather than being a force for reform, social media use in open government initiatives has perpetuated existing patterns of opacity, centralized decision making, and paternalism.
{"title":"An Arab Open Government Maturity Model for Social Media Engagement","authors":"Wesley Schwalje, Walid Aradi","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2276717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2276717","url":null,"abstract":"While embrace of social media as a component of open government initiatives is still in its infancy in the Arab World, there is much expectation that public sector social media use will have a transformative impact on citizen participation in government, policy formation, and the way public sector entities conduct business. However, existing evolutionary models of e-government and open government maturity based on the experiences of Western democracies offer little support to Arab entities that operate in an institutional environment characterized by much different governance traditions. This study develops a social media maturity model which views public sector social media adoption as an evolutionary process that may involve substantial organizational changes for Arab institutions to move from initial stages of social media adoption to more advanced stages of social media use that truly reflect transparency, public participation, and collaboration. We find that current social media use by Arab government entities is focused primarily on one-way government to citizen communications that chronicle the activities of entities rather than offering additional public transparency and opportunities for citizen participation and collaboration. Arab open government initiatives remain focused on providing information on low priority activities which is already available via traditional media and on institutional websites. In this way, rather than being a force for reform, social media use in open government initiatives has perpetuated existing patterns of opacity, centralized decision making, and paternalism.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"237 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114156342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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