Reserve accumulation has the benefit of decreasing external vulnerability but it comes with a high cost. Emerging economies have been accumulating reserves without reducing their levels of debt. This behavior is puzzling because these economies could also decrease their vulnerability by decreasing their debt. In this paper I construct a stochastic dynamic equilibrium model of a small open economy with non contingent debt and reserve assets. Reserves have the benefit of smoothing consumption when the country is in autarky, after defaulting. Once we assume the asymmetric default costs of Arellano (2008), the results show that the optimal policy is to accumulate positive levels of debt and reserves in equilibrium. These economies accumulate reserves without decreasing debt because it decreases the cost of autarky after they default. For governments to accumulate reserves and debt simultaneously they need to be patient enough to save but still have positive probability of default, the asymmetric default costs generate that.
{"title":"Why Do Emerging Economies Accumulate Debt and Reserves?","authors":"Juliana Salomao","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2533719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2533719","url":null,"abstract":"Reserve accumulation has the benefit of decreasing external vulnerability but it comes with a high cost. Emerging economies have been accumulating reserves without reducing their levels of debt. This behavior is puzzling because these economies could also decrease their vulnerability by decreasing their debt. In this paper I construct a stochastic dynamic equilibrium model of a small open economy with non contingent debt and reserve assets. Reserves have the benefit of smoothing consumption when the country is in autarky, after defaulting. Once we assume the asymmetric default costs of Arellano (2008), the results show that the optimal policy is to accumulate positive levels of debt and reserves in equilibrium. These economies accumulate reserves without decreasing debt because it decreases the cost of autarky after they default. For governments to accumulate reserves and debt simultaneously they need to be patient enough to save but still have positive probability of default, the asymmetric default costs generate that.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131248854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Restoration of democracy in Myanmar is one of the most important developments witnessed by Asia in the contemporary period. After a prolonged isolation, Myanmar has embarked on a path of political and economic reforms since 2011, paving the way for unlocking the country’s large potential. This paper presents the trade and connectivity links between India and Myanmar, and identifies the challenges and prospects.
{"title":"India-Myanmar Connectivity: Current Status and Future Prospects","authors":"P. De, J. Ray","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2260693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2260693","url":null,"abstract":"Restoration of democracy in Myanmar is one of the most important developments witnessed by Asia in the contemporary period. After a prolonged isolation, Myanmar has embarked on a path of political and economic reforms since 2011, paving the way for unlocking the country’s large potential. This paper presents the trade and connectivity links between India and Myanmar, and identifies the challenges and prospects.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"120 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124141924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.5089/9781475596649.001
Anke Hoeffler, R. Bates, G. Fayad
We revisit Lipset's law, which posits a positive and significant relationship between income and democracy. Using dynamic and heterogeneous panel data estimation techniques, we find a significant and negative relationship between income and democracy: higher/lower incomes per capita hinder/trigger democratization. Decomposing overall income per capita into its resource and non-resource components, we find that the coefficient on the latter is positive and significant while that on the former is significant but negative, indicating that the role of resource income is central to the result.
{"title":"Income and Democracy: Lipset's Law Revisited","authors":"Anke Hoeffler, R. Bates, G. Fayad","doi":"10.5089/9781475596649.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5089/9781475596649.001","url":null,"abstract":"We revisit Lipset's law, which posits a positive and significant relationship between income and democracy. Using dynamic and heterogeneous panel data estimation techniques, we find a significant and negative relationship between income and democracy: higher/lower incomes per capita hinder/trigger democratization. Decomposing overall income per capita into its resource and non-resource components, we find that the coefficient on the latter is positive and significant while that on the former is significant but negative, indicating that the role of resource income is central to the result.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"331 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116456856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I posit a research question: To what extent was Chile's democracy consolidated in the years 1992-2006 in light of Robert Dahl’s definition of a real democracy and the model presented by Linz and Stepan in their article "Toward Consolidated Democracies"?According to many researchers, Chile in 2006 was a model for the stabilization of democratic regimes in Latin America, thus it is very important to examine the extent to which at that period Chile implemented the democratic values of developed Western democracies.The paper is divided into three parts.In Part One, I present the procedural conditions of a real democracy according to Robert Dahl, and the model of consolidated democracies as presented by Linz and Stepan in the article "Toward Consolidated Democracies".In Part Two, I compare the adequacy of Chile's democracy according to the procedural conditions defined by Dahl and the degree to which it complies with the five basic conditions presented in Linz and Stepan’s model, while reviewing Chile’s political, economic and social developments between the years 1992-2006.In Part Three, I present researchers’ arguments regarding Chile's democracy as a result of recent developments.
{"title":"Chile's Democracy (1992-2006)","authors":"Chaim Shinar","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2375807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2375807","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I posit a research question: To what extent was Chile's democracy consolidated in the years 1992-2006 in light of Robert Dahl’s definition of a real democracy and the model presented by Linz and Stepan in their article \"Toward Consolidated Democracies\"?According to many researchers, Chile in 2006 was a model for the stabilization of democratic regimes in Latin America, thus it is very important to examine the extent to which at that period Chile implemented the democratic values of developed Western democracies.The paper is divided into three parts.In Part One, I present the procedural conditions of a real democracy according to Robert Dahl, and the model of consolidated democracies as presented by Linz and Stepan in the article \"Toward Consolidated Democracies\".In Part Two, I compare the adequacy of Chile's democracy according to the procedural conditions defined by Dahl and the degree to which it complies with the five basic conditions presented in Linz and Stepan’s model, while reviewing Chile’s political, economic and social developments between the years 1992-2006.In Part Three, I present researchers’ arguments regarding Chile's democracy as a result of recent developments.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114488699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The past two decades have witnessed a worldwide move by emerging markets to adopt explicit or implicit inflation targeting regimes. A notable and often discussed exception to this trend, of course, is China which follows a pegged exchange rate regime supported by capital controls. Another major exception is India. It is not clear how to characterize the monetary regime or identify the nominal monetary anchor in India. Is central bank policy in India following a predictable rule that is heavily influenced by a quasi inflation target? And how has the monetary regime been affected by the gradual process of financial liberalization in India? To address these points, we investigate monetary policy regime change in India using a Markov switching model to estimate a time-varying Taylor-type rule for the Reserve Bank of India. We find that the conduct of monetary policy over the last two decades can be characterized by two regimes, which we term ‘Hawk’ and ‘Dove.’ In the first of these two regimes, the central bank reveals a greater relative (though not absolute) weight on controlling inflation vis-a-vis narrowing the output gap. The central bank however was found to be in the “Dove” regime about half of our sample period, focusing more on the output gap and exchange rate targets to stimulate exports, rather than moderating inflation. India thus seems to be following its own direction in the conduct of monetary policy, seemingly not overly influenced by the emphasis on quasi-inflation targeting seen in many emerging markets.
{"title":"Dove or Hawk? Characterizing Monetary Policy Regime Switches in India","authors":"M. Hutchison, Rajeswari Sengupta, Nirvikar Singh","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2220920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2220920","url":null,"abstract":"The past two decades have witnessed a worldwide move by emerging markets to adopt explicit or implicit inflation targeting regimes. A notable and often discussed exception to this trend, of course, is China which follows a pegged exchange rate regime supported by capital controls. Another major exception is India. It is not clear how to characterize the monetary regime or identify the nominal monetary anchor in India. Is central bank policy in India following a predictable rule that is heavily influenced by a quasi inflation target? And how has the monetary regime been affected by the gradual process of financial liberalization in India? To address these points, we investigate monetary policy regime change in India using a Markov switching model to estimate a time-varying Taylor-type rule for the Reserve Bank of India. We find that the conduct of monetary policy over the last two decades can be characterized by two regimes, which we term ‘Hawk’ and ‘Dove.’ In the first of these two regimes, the central bank reveals a greater relative (though not absolute) weight on controlling inflation vis-a-vis narrowing the output gap. The central bank however was found to be in the “Dove” regime about half of our sample period, focusing more on the output gap and exchange rate targets to stimulate exports, rather than moderating inflation. India thus seems to be following its own direction in the conduct of monetary policy, seemingly not overly influenced by the emphasis on quasi-inflation targeting seen in many emerging markets.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133073162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We document a sharp reversal in electoral participation between the North and the South of Italy after the 1912 enfranchisement which extended voting rights from a limited lite to (almost) all adult males. When voting was restricted to the elite, electoral turnout was higher in the South but falls significantly below that in the North after the enfranchisement. Furthermore the new gap is never bridged over the following century and participation remains lower in the South despite the enrichment of democratic institutions and further extension of voting rights to the female population during the post war democratic republic. This pattern in the data is consistent with a simple model where individuals' voting in political elections is affected by private benefits and by civic duty, only elites can grab private benefits from participation in politics and civic culture differs across communities. We also find that extension of voting rights to non-elites results in a significant transfer of power to their political organizations only among populations with a high sense of civic duties. Together with the very persistent gap in participation between North and South our findings suggest that democratization - a process of concession of democratic rights - can benefit non-elites only when the latter have already a high sense of civic capital and is unlikely to be a viable avenue for inducing norms of civic behavior.
{"title":"Democratization and Civic Capital in Italy","authors":"L. Guiso, P. Pinotti","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2240152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2240152","url":null,"abstract":"We document a sharp reversal in electoral participation between the North and the South of Italy after the 1912 enfranchisement which extended voting rights from a limited lite to (almost) all adult males. When voting was restricted to the elite, electoral turnout was higher in the South but falls significantly below that in the North after the enfranchisement. Furthermore the new gap is never bridged over the following century and participation remains lower in the South despite the enrichment of democratic institutions and further extension of voting rights to the female population during the post war democratic republic. This pattern in the data is consistent with a simple model where individuals' voting in political elections is affected by private benefits and by civic duty, only elites can grab private benefits from participation in politics and civic culture differs across communities. We also find that extension of voting rights to non-elites results in a significant transfer of power to their political organizations only among populations with a high sense of civic duties. Together with the very persistent gap in participation between North and South our findings suggest that democratization - a process of concession of democratic rights - can benefit non-elites only when the latter have already a high sense of civic capital and is unlikely to be a viable avenue for inducing norms of civic behavior.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123363436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The scale and speed of migration into Chinese cities is unprecedented in modern times. Consequently, no single state has ever been pressed to alter its built environment so drastically in just one generation. Much has and will be written about this critical period in urban history. Three timely recent books stand out. The Concrete Dragon by Thomas J. Campanella lucidly describes the broader aesthetic alterations in Chinese cities during this planning and building boom. Shanghai Rising, a volume edited by Xiangming Chen, explores the complicated nexus of state power and global forces that underpins growth in the eponymous business capital. The Great Urban Transformation by You-Tien Hsing explains China’s furious territorial politics from a geographic perspective. Together these interdisciplinary works speak to the broader aesthetic, cultural, and territorial dimensions of urban China’s (literal) ascent. While urbanization is hardly unique to China, these books all give sufficient emphasis to the national context. They grapple with the requisite role of global forces in reshaping local environments, but in toto they tell a story of urbanization with Chinese characteristics.
{"title":"Book Review: Perspectives on Chinese Urbanization","authors":"Joshua K. Leon","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2497478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2497478","url":null,"abstract":"The scale and speed of migration into Chinese cities is unprecedented in modern times. Consequently, no single state has ever been pressed to alter its built environment so drastically in just one generation. Much has and will be written about this critical period in urban history. Three timely recent books stand out. The Concrete Dragon by Thomas J. Campanella lucidly describes the broader aesthetic alterations in Chinese cities during this planning and building boom. Shanghai Rising, a volume edited by Xiangming Chen, explores the complicated nexus of state power and global forces that underpins growth in the eponymous business capital. The Great Urban Transformation by You-Tien Hsing explains China’s furious territorial politics from a geographic perspective. Together these interdisciplinary works speak to the broader aesthetic, cultural, and territorial dimensions of urban China’s (literal) ascent. While urbanization is hardly unique to China, these books all give sufficient emphasis to the national context. They grapple with the requisite role of global forces in reshaping local environments, but in toto they tell a story of urbanization with Chinese characteristics.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129393740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bagimsizliklarini kazanir kazanmaz Postsovyet ulkeleri basta ozellestirme gelmekle reform calismalarina basladilar. Dunya ozellestirme pratiginin bu ulkelere boyle gec gelmesinin tek sebebi, devlet mulkiyetinin agirlik kazandigi planli ekonominin hakim olmasiydi. Arka arkaya ozellestirme programlari uygulayan Postsovyet ulkeleri, cesitli ozellestirme yontemleriyle ekonominin yapisini degistirmislerdir. Ozellestirme programlari bu ulkelerde ekonominin onemli parcasini olusturmaktaydi. Calismada Azerbaycan orneginde Postsovyet ulkeleri ekonomik yapisi ve ozellestirme evreleri arastirilmaya calisilmistir.While gain independence, Post-Soviet countries began to reform as in the first instance a privatization. The only cause world privatization practice came so late to this countries is that, planned economy was ruler. The Post-Soviet countries that started to put into practice privatization, with different privatization program changed their economic structure. Privatization programs become very important part of economy of these countries. In this study, the economic structure and privatization stages of Postsoviet countries in model of Azerbaijan Republic has been examined.
{"title":"Analysis of Privatization Process in Azerbaijan","authors":"Elvin Alirzayev","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2218335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2218335","url":null,"abstract":"Bagimsizliklarini kazanir kazanmaz Postsovyet ulkeleri basta ozellestirme gelmekle reform calismalarina basladilar. Dunya ozellestirme pratiginin bu ulkelere boyle gec gelmesinin tek sebebi, devlet mulkiyetinin agirlik kazandigi planli ekonominin hakim olmasiydi. Arka arkaya ozellestirme programlari uygulayan Postsovyet ulkeleri, cesitli ozellestirme yontemleriyle ekonominin yapisini degistirmislerdir. Ozellestirme programlari bu ulkelerde ekonominin onemli parcasini olusturmaktaydi. Calismada Azerbaycan orneginde Postsovyet ulkeleri ekonomik yapisi ve ozellestirme evreleri arastirilmaya calisilmistir.While gain independence, Post-Soviet countries began to reform as in the first instance a privatization. The only cause world privatization practice came so late to this countries is that, planned economy was ruler. The Post-Soviet countries that started to put into practice privatization, with different privatization program changed their economic structure. Privatization programs become very important part of economy of these countries. In this study, the economic structure and privatization stages of Postsoviet countries in model of Azerbaijan Republic has been examined.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131090749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the last 10 to 15 years, a significant shift has occurred in the understanding of the connection between economic growth and development, human resource development, research, innovations and technology. Unambiguous explanations of technological progress or human resource development have been abandoned. It is considered that economic growth and prosperity are founded on a combination of a well-functioning education system and on development level of research capacity which determines the development of innovations and technology. In other words, educated employees, i.e. human resources, become the moving force behind the creation of knowledge, which enables an increasing number of innovations, which lead to technological changes, which significantly expedite economic growth. It is pointed out that former research have shown that the very companies rarely encourage innovations, and that institutional framework in which companies, universities, research institutes and other organisations operate has a key role. The objectives of this paper are the following: 1. To establish whether, and to what extent, the Republic of Croatia lags behind the neighbouring countries in key components of development; 2. To point out the significance of education, educational policy and science and research policy, as well as technology and technological policy in the process of increasing competitiveness and reaching the average development level of the EU countries. The position of the Republic of Croatia in the environment of the European Union regarding human resource development, research capacity, innovations and technology will be determined in this paper by four groups of combined indices. Croatia will especially be compared with countries which become members the European Union after May 1, 2004: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Malta. Subjects of analysis are: 1) Human resource development measured by the human development index as a combined index consisting of three indicators: life span and the population's state of health (measured by the expected life span and purchasing power of the population), and the level of education of the population (measured by the adult literacy rate), and by a combined indicator of the share of respective population groups in primary, secondary and tertiary education; 2) Research capacity as a combined index of investments in research and development, investments in tertiary education and the number of scientific publications per million inhabitants; 3) Efficacy of technology and innovations as a combined index of the number of patents, licences and stamps; 4) The ability to absorb knowledge and technology as a ombined index of labour force productivity and the achieved development level. The research will be conducted by the bird's-eye view method.
{"title":"Human Resource and Research Capacity Development as a Prerequisite of Successful Inclusion of the Republic of Croatia into the European Union","authors":"Nada Karaman Aksentijević, Zoran Ježić","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2236901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2236901","url":null,"abstract":"In the last 10 to 15 years, a significant shift has occurred in the understanding of the connection between economic growth and development, human resource development, research, innovations and technology. Unambiguous explanations of technological progress or human resource development have been abandoned. It is considered that economic growth and prosperity are founded on a combination of a well-functioning education system and on development level of research capacity which determines the development of innovations and technology. In other words, educated employees, i.e. human resources, become the moving force behind the creation of knowledge, which enables an increasing number of innovations, which lead to technological changes, which significantly expedite economic growth. It is pointed out that former research have shown that the very companies rarely encourage innovations, and that institutional framework in which companies, universities, research institutes and other organisations operate has a key role. The objectives of this paper are the following: 1. To establish whether, and to what extent, the Republic of Croatia lags behind the neighbouring countries in key components of development; 2. To point out the significance of education, educational policy and science and research policy, as well as technology and technological policy in the process of increasing competitiveness and reaching the average development level of the EU countries. The position of the Republic of Croatia in the environment of the European Union regarding human resource development, research capacity, innovations and technology will be determined in this paper by four groups of combined indices. Croatia will especially be compared with countries which become members the European Union after May 1, 2004: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Malta. Subjects of analysis are: 1) Human resource development measured by the human development index as a combined index consisting of three indicators: life span and the population's state of health (measured by the expected life span and purchasing power of the population), and the level of education of the population (measured by the adult literacy rate), and by a combined indicator of the share of respective population groups in primary, secondary and tertiary education; 2) Research capacity as a combined index of investments in research and development, investments in tertiary education and the number of scientific publications per million inhabitants; 3) Efficacy of technology and innovations as a combined index of the number of patents, licences and stamps; 4) The ability to absorb knowledge and technology as a ombined index of labour force productivity and the achieved development level. The research will be conducted by the bird's-eye view method.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132157254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After winning the elections for the second time in 2007 the Justice and Development Party (AKP) embarked upon endeavors to revise drastically the Constitution of 1982 and for that purpose commissioned the preparation of a draft of new constitution. The apparent reason was to make it to conform to the EU principles. However, the intent of revising/rewriting the Constitution has led to serious polemics in the Country; the opponents accuse the AKP of undermining secularism that has been one of the guiding principles of the Republic. After briefly reviewing major tenets of the previous constitutions the article analyses the draft from the point of view of good governance and compares it with the currently existing constitution.
{"title":"Governance and the Turkish Constitutions: Past and Future","authors":"F. Andiç, Mustafa Koçak","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1112833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1112833","url":null,"abstract":"After winning the elections for the second time in 2007 the Justice and Development Party (AKP) embarked upon endeavors to revise drastically the Constitution of 1982 and for that purpose commissioned the preparation of a draft of new constitution. The apparent reason was to make it to conform to the EU principles. However, the intent of revising/rewriting the Constitution has led to serious polemics in the Country; the opponents accuse the AKP of undermining secularism that has been one of the guiding principles of the Republic. After briefly reviewing major tenets of the previous constitutions the article analyses the draft from the point of view of good governance and compares it with the currently existing constitution.","PeriodicalId":274895,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Regime Transitions (Topic)","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134097080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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