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Local Motions: Surfing and the Politics of Wave Sliding 局部运动:冲浪和波浪滑动的政治
Pub Date : 2002-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022000007202
Eric Ishiwata
Tapping into the politics and rhythms of surfing, this paper embodies a “set” of waves that seeks to erode the sedimentation of Hawaii's modern political orders. By foregrounding a more fluvial and dynamic sense of the political, this paper treats surfing not only as a heterotopic site of agency, but also as an opening for an “other” kind of politics.
利用冲浪的政治和节奏,这篇论文体现了“一组”海浪,试图侵蚀夏威夷现代政治秩序的沉淀。通过强调一种更具流动性和动态性的政治意识,本文不仅将冲浪视为代理的异位场所,而且将其视为一种“他者”政治的开端。
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引用次数: 28
Treading the Tiger's Tail: Pearl Harbor Veteran Reunions in Hawai'i and Japan 踩着老虎的尾巴:珍珠港老兵在夏威夷和日本的重聚
Pub Date : 2002-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022000007248
Marie Thorsten
This essay compares decade-long commemorations between American and Japanese veterans of Pearl Harbor, and the ancient kabuki legend of “Treading the Tiger's Tail”, which also concerns enemies who come to appreciate their commonalities. The “danger zones” in the joint Pearl Harbor reunions had less to do with enemies still fighting an old war, than with each nation's internally unresolved tensions and with sensitivities across a broader, more complex constellation of postures toward war memory. Hawai'i played a significant role in providing a more culturally porous milieu for the veterans to meet, away from the mainstream tensions in each of their respective nations.
这篇文章比较了美国和日本的珍珠港老兵之间长达十年的纪念活动,以及古老的歌舞伎传说“踏虎尾”,这也涉及到敌人认识到他们的共同点。珍珠港团聚活动中的“危险区域”与仍在打一场旧战争的敌人关系不大,而是与每个国家内部尚未解决的紧张局势有关,也与对战争记忆的更广泛、更复杂姿态的敏感性有关。夏威夷发挥了重要作用,为退伍军人提供了一个更具文化渗透性的环境,让他们远离各自国家的主流紧张局势。
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引用次数: 4
Archaeological Autopsy: Objectifying Time and Cultural Governance 考古解剖:物化时间与文化治理
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019739
T. Bennett
The increased interest in contemporary relations of culture and governance that has been prompted by the post-Foucauldian literature on governmentality has paid insufficient attention to the need to redefine the concept of culture, and to rethink its relation to the social, that such work requires. This paper contributes to such an endeavour by arguing the need to eschew the view that culture works by some general mechanism (of ideology or representation) in order to focus on the ways in which specific cultural knowledges are translated into distinctive technical and operational forms in the context of particular institutions and programmes of governance. In doing so, it draws on the perspectives of science studies and actor network theory and applies these to examine how the fabrication of the prehistoric past that resulted from the endeavours of the nineteenthcentury historical sciences was translated into distinctive technical forms in the context of typological museum displays. These developments are related to the changing objectives of liberal government and the emergence of an archaeologized structure of the self.
后福柯时代关于治理的文献促使人们对文化与治理的当代关系越来越感兴趣,但人们对重新定义文化概念的需要没有足够的关注,也没有重新思考文化与社会的关系,而这正是这项工作所需要的。本文通过论证需要避免文化通过某种一般机制(意识形态或表现形式)起作用的观点,从而为这种努力做出贡献,以便将重点放在特定文化知识在特定机构和治理计划的背景下转化为独特技术和操作形式的方式上。在此过程中,它借鉴了科学研究和行动者网络理论的观点,并应用这些观点来研究如何在类型学博物馆展示的背景下,将19世纪历史科学的努力所产生的史前过去的制造转化为独特的技术形式。这些发展与自由政府不断变化的目标和自我考古结构的出现有关。
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引用次数: 11
Reflexivity and Ambivalence: Culture, Creativity and Government in the BBC 反身性与矛盾心理:BBC的文化、创意与政府
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019000
Georgina Born
The BBC is an exemplary institution in the government of culture. In the context of the neo-liberalism of the 1990s it became also a key experimental site for the development of a new culture of government, one in which notions of markets, efficiency, accountability and audit were translated into the public sector. The focus of this paper is an analysis, based on ethnographic research, of the BBC's culture of markets, accountability and audit in the mid to late nineties. Indebted in part to the Foucauldian concern with the relations between forms of political rationality and specific technologies of government, the paper charts the substance and the anti-creative effects of these techniques. But it stresses also their contestability and negotiability, how they evoke ambivalance and coexist with diverse forms of resistance. In particular, through the case of the BBC, the paper sketches the contours of a sociology of reflexivity based on a more differentiated account of reflexivity than is found in the speculative, often normatively-directed writings of Beck, Giddens and Lash. It points to the layering of reflexivities in and around the contemporary BBC, and to the competing and antagonistic reflexivities that may inhabit any social space.
英国广播公司是文化政府的典范机构。在20世纪90年代新自由主义的背景下,它也成为发展一种新的政府文化的关键实验场所,在这种文化中,市场、效率、问责制和审计的概念被转化为公共部门。本文以民族志研究为基础,分析了九十年代中后期英国广播公司的市场文化、问责制和审计文化。部分得益于福柯式对政治理性形式与政府特定技术之间关系的关注,本文描绘了这些技术的实质和反创造性影响。但它也强调了它们的可争议性和可协商性,它们是如何唤起矛盾心理并与各种形式的抵抗共存的。特别是,通过BBC的案例,本文勾勒出了反身性社会学的轮廓,该社会学基于对反身性的更有区别的描述,而不是在贝克、吉登斯和拉什的投机性、通常是规范性导向的著作中发现的反身性。它指出了当代BBC内部和周围的反身性的分层,以及可能存在于任何社会空间的竞争性和对抗性反身性。
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引用次数: 36
Policing Perversion: The Contemporary Governance of Paedophilia 警察变态:恋童癖的当代治理
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019829
Samantha Ashenden
This paper explores recent vigilance attending pedophilia in the UK context. It examines governmental and popular responses to the perceived threat posed by child sex offenders, exhibited respectively in provisions for sex offender orders within the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, and in press and public campaigns for the “naming and shaming” of paedophiles. These two responses cohabit in current contexts of concern about childhood as innocence and vulnerability, and are worked out against the figure of the paedophile as a “dangerous individual”; nevertheless, they invoke different visions of political community. Developing Foucault's observation that contemporary political rationalities combine two distinct models of political community, that of the juridically constituted polity and that of the society rendered calculable and organized through normalizing models of risk, the paper argues that both of these models are evident in governmental and popular responses to paedophilia. However, where the former, a technical and administrative response to a problem of social order, aims to achieve public safety through the professional prediction and management of risk, the latter is premised on the elimination of danger,demanding the public outing of paedophiles and their exorcism from the community. While these responses contest whether danger can be turned into risk through professional management, they are mutually enhancing in fostering governmental and popular concern with public and community safety.
本文探讨了最近警惕出席恋童癖在英国的背景下。它考察了政府和民众对儿童性犯罪者所构成的威胁的反应,这些反应分别体现在1998年《犯罪与混乱法》中关于性犯罪者命令的规定,以及“点名羞辱”恋童癖者的媒体和公众运动中。这两种反应在当前的背景下是共存的,人们关注童年是天真和脆弱的,并且是针对恋童癖者作为“危险个体”的形象而制定的;然而,它们唤起了政治共同体的不同愿景。发展了福柯的观察,即当代政治理性结合了两种不同的政治共同体模式,一种是由法律构成的政体,另一种是通过正常化的风险模型而变得可计算和有组织的社会。本文认为,这两种模式在政府和公众对恋童癖的反应中都很明显。然而,前者是对社会秩序问题的技术和行政回应,其目的是通过专业的风险预测和管理来实现公共安全,而后者的前提是消除危险,要求将恋童癖者公开外出并将其从社区中驱逐出去。虽然这些回应都在争论危险能否通过专业管理转化为风险,但它们在促进政府和公众对公共和社区安全的关注方面是相互促进的。
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引用次数: 32
Powers of Life and Death Beyond Governmentality 超越政府的生死权力
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019775
M. Dean
The work of Foucault on liberal government, and that of his followers, is subject to two dangers. The first is to regard the critical character of liberalism (as governing through freedom) as providing safeguards against the despotic potentials of biopower and sovereignty. The second is to regard these heterogenous powers of life and death as somehow simply relocated or reinscribed within the field of liberal governmentality. The latter point is a major methodological error; the former closes the gap between the analytics of government and the normativity of liberalism itself. By working through these dangers, our understanding of the ethos of liberal government is transformed. That ethos today requires us to link governing through freedom to the powers of life and death, the exercise of choice to the sovereign decision, the contract to violence, economic citizenship to moral discipline and obligation, and rights and liberties to enforcement.
福柯关于自由政府的著作,以及他的追随者的著作,面临着两种危险。第一种是将自由主义的批判特征(通过自由进行治理)视为对生物权力和主权的专制潜力提供保障。第二种是把这些关于生死的异质权力简单地重新定位或重新定义在自由治理领域内。后一点是一个主要的方法论错误;前者缩小了政府分析与自由主义本身的规范性之间的差距。通过克服这些危险,我们对自由主义政府精神的理解发生了转变。今天,这种精神要求我们把通过自由进行治理同生死权联系起来,把选择的行使同主权决定联系起来,把契约同暴力联系起来,把经济公民权同道德纪律和义务联系起来,把权利和自由同强制执行联系起来。
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引用次数: 129
Governance and Cultural Authority 管治和文化权威
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019748
J. Valentine
This paper is a discussion of the political agency of Cultural Studies within the contemporary conjuncture. It begins by examining critical polemics around culture and postmodernity and moves on to consider Bennett's Foucauldian approach to cultural criticism. Although critical of Bennett's approach, the paper retains the Foucauldian notion of governmentality as the explanation of governance as a form of rule. The relevance of governance to cultural studies is shown through the argument that the political agency of cultural studies rests on an administrative structure that can no longer be verified empirically or conceptually. The argument proceeds by proposing that the liquidation of this political agency has been caused by the cultural agency of postmodernity, to which administrative and political authority is subordinate. Governance is the political expression of this state of affairs. After outlining the general features of governance the paper concludes with a discussion of how the political agency of culture is expressed through governance.
本文旨在探讨当代语境下文化研究的政治动因。它首先考察了围绕文化和后现代的批判性争论,然后考虑了班尼特的福柯式文化批评方法。尽管对班尼特的方法持批评态度,但本文保留了福柯式的治理概念,将治理作为一种规则形式加以解释。治理与文化研究的相关性通过以下论点得到体现:文化研究的政治机构依赖于一种行政结构,而这种结构已无法再得到经验或概念上的验证。接着,本文提出,这种政治机构的清算是由后现代的文化机构造成的,而行政和政治权威是从属的。治理是这种事态的政治表现。在概述了治理的一般特征之后,本文最后讨论了文化的政治代理是如何通过治理来表达的。
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引用次数: 9
The Empire of Uniformity and the Government of Subject Peoples 统一帝国与臣民政府
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019784
C. Helliwell, B. Hindess
James Tully's Strange Multiplicity uses the example of indigenous minorities in the white settler colonies of North America to develop a remarkably powerful critique of liberal constitutionalism's rule of uniformity. In proclaiming the identity of all persons before the law, he insists, liberal constitutional arrangements commonly discriminate against indigenous and other minorities. While the force of this critique is undeniable, it nevertheless takes at face value one of the central claims of liberal consitutionalism, namely, its claim to be based on the rule of uniformity. Examination of liberal reflections on the government of subject peoples, most of whom were regarded as being, in Mill's words, “not sufficiently advanced for representative government“, suggests a rather different picture. In place of the rule of uniformity we find a variety of alternatives but, most commonly, an insistence, first, that the government of such peoples should focus on their welfare and eventual improvement rather than on their liberty and, second, that they should be governed as far as possible through their own institutions and structures of authority. The result was a highly differentiated form of rule in which what were believed to be indigenous arrangements were adapted to the joint requirements of improvement and administrative convenience. Thus, what seems to be a powerful commitment to individual liberty on the part of liberal political reason should be seen as simply one element in a broader liberal perspective on the government of populations. At least as important in this perspective as the rule of uniformity is the presumption that some cultures are more advanced than others and a corresponding view of many cultural differences in historical and developmental terms.
詹姆斯·塔利(James Tully)的《奇怪的多样性》(Strange Multiplicity)以北美白人移民殖民地的土著少数民族为例,对自由宪政的统一性原则进行了非常有力的批判。他坚持认为,在宣布法律面前所有人的身份时,自由的宪法安排通常歧视土著和其他少数民族。尽管这种批评的力量是不可否认的,但它还是从表面上理解了自由宪政主义的核心主张之一,即它声称以统一原则为基础。自由主义对臣民政府的反思——用密尔的话说,大多数臣民被认为“不够先进,不适合代议制政府”——显示出一幅截然不同的图景。我们找到了许多替代统一性的规则,但最常见的是一种坚持,第一,这些民族的政府应该关注他们的福利和最终的改善,而不是他们的自由;第二,他们应该尽可能通过他们自己的机构和权威结构来治理。其结果是形成了一种高度不同的规则形式,在这种形式中,被认为是当地的安排被调整以适应改进和行政便利的共同要求。因此,自由主义政治理性对个人自由的强有力承诺,应该被视为更广泛的自由主义对人口管理的观点中的一个要素。从这个角度来看,至少与一致性原则同样重要的是,某些文化比其他文化更先进的假设,以及从历史和发展角度对许多文化差异的相应看法。
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引用次数: 43
A Common Power to Keep Them All In Awe: A Comment on Governance 让所有人敬畏的共同力量:对治理的评论
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019720
P. Gay
This article will consider some notions of governance and explore some of the issues of political ordering, particularly those relating to sovereignty and authority, that they tend to challenge, sideline, or seek to transcend. It does so primarily through an examination of the ways in which these notions have been employed to explain and/or endorse reforms in the organization and role of the public administration in certain liberal democratic states, most notably Britain. It concludes that Hobbesian conceptions of ‘state’ ‘sovereignty’ and ‘authority’ still matter and have by no means been eclipsed by the development of governance.
本文将考虑治理的一些概念,并探讨政治秩序的一些问题,特别是那些与主权和权威有关的问题,它们往往会挑战、边缘化或寻求超越这些问题。本书主要通过考察这些概念在某些自由民主国家(尤其是英国)被用来解释和/或支持公共行政机构的组织和角色改革的方式来做到这一点。它的结论是,霍布斯的“国家”、“主权”和“权威”概念仍然很重要,而且绝不会因治理的发展而黯然失色。
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引用次数: 15
Rethinking the Factory: Caterpillar Inc. 反思工厂:卡特彼勒公司
Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1362517022019766
P. Miller, T. O'Leary
Analyses of government have had little to say about the management of people within the modern corporation. This paper seeks to remedy this neglect by examining the transformation of the principles and practices for governing the factory which occurred in the USA across the last two decades of the twentieth century. This transformation included changes to the technology and physical layout of factories, changes to the concepts according to which manufacturing is organized, and changes in the public discourse concerning work and the worker. The reshaping of identities for workers and managers, and the construction of new ideas of economic citizenship, represented new ways of governing economic life. “Rethinking the factory” meant both a physical reconstruction of the factory, as well as a reconstruction of ideas and practices about how to govern the actions of persons within the reengineered customer-driven factory.
对政府的分析很少涉及现代公司内部的人员管理。本文试图通过研究二十世纪最后二十年发生在美国的工厂管理原则和实践的转变来纠正这种忽视。这种转变包括工厂的技术和物理布局的变化,组织制造业的概念的变化,以及关于工作和工人的公共话语的变化。工人和管理者身份的重塑,以及经济公民新观念的建构,代表了治理经济生活的新方式。“重新思考工厂”既意味着工厂的物理重建,也意味着关于如何在重新设计的客户驱动的工厂中管理人员行为的思想和实践的重建。
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引用次数: 18
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Cultural Values
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