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A Study on the Learning and Practice of Songdang Park Yeong and the Criticism of Junior Scholars 宋堂朴英的学习与实践与青年学者的批评研究
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.35
JangWon Park
This paper investigates the philosophical characteristics of Songdang Park Yeong, who was an early Dohak scholar in the Joseon Dynasty and played a huge role in making the school of Neo-Confucianism in the regions along the Nakdong River. Park Yeong and his Neo-Confucianism has not been paid much attention to until recently. Significant studies on the school in Neo-Confucianism in the regions along the Nakdong River have been published lately, but research on Park Yeong remains as rare as before. He has not been well known to the philosophical public, though he had made a considerable contribution to the development of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty in the early-to-mid 16th century. To find out the reasons for this low recognition of his contributions, we tried to show his integrated studies which were conducted in his lifetime with talents for both pen and sword and the ability to solve real-life problems. By investigating Baekrokdonggyuhae and Daehakdo among his present writings, we found that Park Yeong's Neo-Confucianism had the characteristics of being practice-orientated as well as having a special emphasis on self-acceptance and mind. Though Park Yeong's Neo-Confucianism was stigmatized as unorthodox by Yi Hwang and Yi Yi, two influential junior scholars, their criticism seemed to be unfair and improper, for it was derived from a prejudice against their military backgrounds and not with each other. Due to their stigmatic criticism, Park Yeong's well-informed Confucian-oriented learning and practice has been underestimate Songdang Park Yeong had become a Dohak scholar with a military background. He, who was free from social identity restrictions, had learned medicine and six arts and had taken care of people at risk in advance. He carried out his function faithfully to pass the teachings of the sages on to the next generation in the period of the extinction of Sahrim. Park Yeong's learning and practice had included Munmugyeomjeon, Silhak activity, excellent educational performance, achieving his purpose at the risk of his life, which is worth investigating considering the aspects of the various developments of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty in a permissive way.
宋堂朴永是朝鲜早期的道学学者,在洛东江一带理学的形成过程中发挥了巨大的作用。直到最近,朴英和他的理学才受到关注。虽然最近对洛东江一带的理学学派进行了有意义的研究,但对朴英的研究仍然很少。虽然他在16世纪初至中期对朝鲜理学的发展做出了很大贡献,但在哲学界并不为人所知。为了找出对他的贡献认可度低的原因,我们试图展示他一生所进行的综合研究,既有笔剑才能,又有解决现实问题的能力。通过对朴荣当代作品《白鹿东海》和《大学道》的考察,我们发现,朴荣的理学具有实践导向的特点,并特别强调自我接纳和心灵。朴荣的理学虽然被有影响力的后辈学者李黄和李毅指责为“非正统”,但这种批评似乎是不公平和不恰当的,因为这种批评是基于对他们的军事背景的偏见,而不是彼此的偏见。由于他们的污名化的批评,朴英博学的儒学和实践被低估了,宋堂朴英成为了具有军事背景的道学学者。他不受社会身份的限制,学习过医学和六艺,并提前照顾过有危险的人。他忠实地履行了自己的职责,在萨赫姆灭绝的时期将圣贤的教诲传递给下一代。朴永的学习和实践包括文武真传、实学活动、优秀的教育成绩、冒着生命危险达到目的等,从朝鲜时代理学发展的各个方面来看,这是值得研究的。
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引用次数: 0
Evaluations of Joseon Confucian Scholars on Shen Gui-bao’s Concept of Intelligence and Jeong Jae-gyu’s Understanding of it 朝鲜儒家对沈贵宝“智”观的评价及郑在圭对“智”观的理解
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.177
Wonseok Lee
Jeong Jae-gyu (鄭載圭, 1843-1911) was a scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty who contributed to the solidification and formation of the Nosa school (蘆沙學派) through the publication of Nosajib (蘆沙集) and active lecture activities based on the independent acceptance of his teacher, Ki Jeong-jin (奇正鎭). He explained the concept of intelligence based on the definitions of Shen Gui-bao (沈貴珤), an early scholar of the Yuan Dynasty, and even though the volume was not large, he presented a deep analysis and a unique interpretation. Few Joseon Neo-Confucian scholars had explained the concept of intelligence based on Shen Gui-bao, so his attempts are unique. Shen Gui-bao explained, “the Intelligence includes the axis of change in the real world where the heavenly principles are inherent and has a mirror to judge the conflicts of human affairs”. Hu Bing-wen (胡炳文) used the explanation to justify his concept of intelligence. However, since intelligence is a principle, and the “axis of change in the real world” is also a principle, an unreasonable proposition of ‘principle includes principle’ can be established according to Shen Gui-bao’s definitions. Therefore, Kim Chang-hyeop (金昌協) and others criticized Shen Gui-bao, saying that such a proposition cannot be accepted. However, in the 19th century, Lee Hang-ro (李恒老) and Lee Jin-sang (李震相) showed a positive attitude toward Shen Gui-bao’s definitions. Jeong Jae-gyu, who partially accepted the influence of Lee Jin-sang, reaffirmed the fundamental position of intelligence through the phrase “Intelligence includes the axis of change in the real world”, and emphasized that intelligence is the basis for both moral judgment and the principle of perception. Furthermore, in the Neo-Confucian system, intelligence corresponds to a quiet virtue, so Jung Jae-gyu’s emphasis on it might lead to a theory of cultivation centered on solitude (靜), which can be confirmed in questions and answers shared with Ki Jung-jin, his writings, and poems.
宋Jae-gyu(鄭載圭,1843 - 1911)是一位学者在朝鲜王朝后期导致凝固,形成Nosa学校(蘆沙學派)通过出版Nosajib(蘆沙集)和活跃的课堂活动基于独立接受他的老师,Ki Jeong-jin(奇正鎭)。他以元代早期学者沈贵宝的定义为基础,对智力的概念进行了阐释,虽然篇幅不大,但分析深刻,诠释独特。以沈贵宝为基础解释智力概念的朝鲜理学家很少,所以他的尝试是独特的。沈贵宝解释说:“智能包括现实世界的变化轴,其中天理是固有的,有一面镜子来判断人类事务的冲突。”胡秉文用这个解释来证明他的智力概念是正确的。然而,既然智力是一种原则,“现实世界的变化轴”也是一种原则,那么根据沈贵宝的定义,就可以建立一个“原则包含原则”的不合理命题。因此,金昌惠等人批评沈贵宝说,这样的主张是不能接受的。然而,在19世纪,李行禄和李晋相对沈贵宝的定义表现出积极的态度。部分接受李镇相影响的郑在圭通过“智力包括现实世界的变化轴心”这句话,再次确认了智力的根本地位,并强调智力是道德判断和感知原则的基础。此外,在新儒家体系中,智慧对应于一种安静的美德,因此郑在圭对它的强调可能会导致一种以独处为中心的修身理论,这可以从与启正镇分享的问答、他的著作和诗歌中得到证实。
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引用次数: 0
Implications of Virtue Ethics On Yulgok's Sincere Intention〔誠意〕 德性伦理对栗谷“诚意”的启示
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.87
BoKyung Choi
The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that Yulgok's sincere intention〔誠意〕 implies the characteristics of virtue ethics. This paper aims to establish the meaningful discussion that Yulgok's sincere intention goes beyond the limits of normative ethics, duty ethics, or the constraints of knowledge, and is significant in pursuing the goal of individual's daily moral practice and well-being. Virtue ethics place emphasis on the will for the prosperity of the community, well-being, the virtues, character, and the cultivation of the agent. The moral agent can intentionally and repeatedly engage in virtuous actions through habituation thereby transforming their character. Yulgok's sincere intention aims to derive natural moral conduct through everyday will for practice, with the goal of cultivating virtuous dispositions. In other words, humans possess intellectual abilities and the virtues of renyilizhi〔仁義禮智〕. By cultivating these virtues, they attain an ideal state of character where virtuous actions can naturally manifest regardless of time and place. When aspiring to virtuous actions, the moral agent must be capable of comparing and analyzing various cases to derive rational judgments and conducts. This can be confirmed through Yulgok's interpretation of yi〔意〕 separated by nianlusi〔念慮思〕. Furthermore, Yulgok emphasized the importance of sincere mind〔實心〕. This is a driving force for appropriate judgment and moral choices making the virtue of renyilizhi〔仁義禮智〕 and impartiality. Therefore Yulgok's sincere intention provides a meaningful discussion explaining the interdependence between intellectual virtues and moral virtues required in the process of habituation.
本研究的目的是为了证明栗谷的真诚意图隐含着美德伦理的特征。本文旨在建立一个有意义的讨论,即玉谷的真诚意图超越了规范伦理学、责任伦理学或知识约束的限制,对追求个人日常道德实践和幸福的目标具有重要意义。美德伦理学强调社会的繁荣、幸福、美德、品格和代理人的培养。道德行为人可以通过习惯而有意地、反复地从事有道德的行为,从而改变他们的性格。玉谷的真诚意图是通过日常的实践意志来获得自然的道德行为,以培养善良的性情为目标。换句话说,人类拥有智力和仁义之德。通过培养这些美德,他们达到了一种理想的品格状态,在这种状态下,美德的行为可以在任何时间和地点自然地表现出来。在追求道德行为时,道德主体必须能够比较和分析各种情况,从而得出理性的判断和行为。这可以通过郁谷对“一”的解释来证实,“一”与“念”分开。此外,栗谷还强调了真诚的重要性。这是一种正确判断和道德选择的动力,使得仁义之德和公正之德得以形成。因此,Yulgok的真诚意图提供了一个有意义的讨论,解释了在习惯化过程中所需的智力美德和道德美德之间的相互依存关系。
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引用次数: 0
Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) and Shim Dae-yoon(沈大允)’s Pluralistic Understanding of the Concept of Sokhyung(贖刑) in The Book of Documents: From the Perspective of Heumhul(欽恤) 郑玉勇、沈大润对《文献经》中“小炯”概念的多元理解——从钦虚的角度看
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.145
Seyoung Seo
This article aims to review the concept of ‘Sokhyung(贖刑)’ as an example of a pluralistic interpretation of ‘Heumhul(欽恤)’ in The Book of Documents in the 18th and 19th centuries, and compared and reviewed the interpretation of The Book of Documents by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) and Shim Dae-yoon(沈大允). Sokhyung is to replace the original sentence by paying property after the sentence is confirmed. It is a specific application example of Heumhul, which means careful and lenient application of punishment. In The Book of Documents, the discussion related to Sokhyung is presented in Chapter 11 of Soonjeon(舜典) and Yeohyung(呂刑). Seojipjeon(書集傳) written by Chae Chim(蔡沈) became the standard for interpreting Sokhyung, and he opposed Sokhyung because it was not fair. At this time, Sokhyung has the meaning of ‘commutation’, and in this respect, Sokhyung takes on the character of Heumhul in that it is a lenient application of the law. Scholars of the Joseon Dynasty generally tended to follow the views of Chae Chim, but a new interpretation trend emerged in the 18th and 19th centuries. Jeong Yak-yong was in favor of the system of Sokhyung on the grounds that the body was preserved by carrying out Sokhyung. At this time, Sokhyung has a meaning of Heumhul in that it is a method of carefully applying punishment and plays a role in realizing the Virtue that likes to save lives(好生之德). Shim Dae-yoon opposed the system of Sokhyung, but did not fully agree with Chae Chim's view. He argued that Sokhyung has the character of applying the law leniently and plays a role of promising that the punishment will disappear(刑期無刑), but criticized the system of Sokhyung in that it interferes with the discretionary application of the law(權衡).
本文旨在回顾18世纪和19世纪《文献大全》中以“释玄”为例的“释玄”概念,并比较和回顾郑岳勇()和沈大允()对《文献大全》的解释。小炯是在确认判决后,用财产代替原判。这是慎重、从轻处罚的“重刑”的具体应用事例。在《文献集》中,有关小炯的论述在《顺传》和《律令》第11章中。蔡谦所著的《西志传》成为释释《西经》的标准,他反对《西经》,因为它不公平。现在的“小景”具有“减刑”的意思,因此,“小景”具有“宽厚适用”的性质。朝鲜时期的学者们一般倾向于遵循蔡钦的观点,但在18、19世纪出现了新的解释趋势。郑若龙认为,通过实施“小庆”,遗体得以保存,因此赞成小庆制。在这个时候,小炯具有Heumhul的意思,因为它是一种仔细应用惩罚的方法,在实现喜欢拯救生命的美德中起着作用。沈大润虽然反对小炯制,但并不完全赞同蔡谦的主张。他主张说,“小京具有宽大适用法律的特点,起到了‘刑罚消失’的承诺作用”,但批评说,“小京制度妨碍了自由适用法律”。
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引用次数: 0
Concerning the Distinction between Xing and Ming in Mengzi 7B24 Focusing on Zhu Xi's Two Interpretations 论《孟子》7B24中“兴”与“明”的区别——以朱熹的两种解释为中心
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.5
WonTae Chang
In the latter part of Mencius 7B24, Mencius makes the distinction between ‘xing (性)’ and ‘ming (命)’. Zhao Qi interprets this ‘ming’ as ‘minglu (命祿)’, which means luck, accidental encounters, or times that one faces. On the other hand, Zhu Xi refers it to as the quality that one is endowed with. He then provides a new interpretation of ‘ming’ in the latter section. Zhu Xi’s understanding appears to be similar to Wang Chong’s theory of endowment of qi, and therefore has been criticized for not corresponding with the original text of Mencius. However, Zhu’s interpretation actually shares some important characteristics with the existing interpretation. As Zhao Qi does, Zhu also accepts accidental elements possible in life without getting into fatalism, and hence admits the existence of moral responsibility. Eventually, Zhu Xi takes a step forward to deal with the scope of luck and misfortune in life in a more comprehensive way, and at the same time discusses the problem of moral responsibility. In this way, Zhu Xi’s interpretation should be seen as a further development of Mencius’s philosophy.
在《孟子7B24》的后半部分,孟子区分了“行”和“明”。赵琦把这个“明”解释为“明”,意思是运气、偶然的遭遇或一个人面临的时代。另一方面,朱熹把它称为一个人所具有的品质。然后,他在后一节对“明”进行了新的解释。朱熹的理解似乎与王充的气赋学说相似,因此被批评为与《孟子》原文不符。然而,朱的解释实际上与现有的解释有一些重要的共同之处。与赵淇一样,朱也接受了生活中可能存在的偶然因素,而不陷入宿命论,从而承认了道德责任的存在。最后,朱熹更进一步,更全面地处理了人生的福与祸的范围,同时探讨了道德责任的问题。这样看来,朱熹的解释应该被看作是对孟子哲学的进一步发展。
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引用次数: 0
Widang Jeong In-bo’s Empathy of the Sincere Mind and Governing a Nation and Saving the People 郑仁甫的诚心移情与治国救民
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.207
Jeong-gil Han
This article reexamines Jeong In-bo’s lifelong studies and achievements from the perspective of understanding him as a statesman. Keenly empathizing the pain of the people who lost their nation, he recognizes that it was the task of the times to reclaim national sovereignty and relieve the people from suffering. He finds the cause of the collapse of Joseon inside Joseon, and diagnoses that all problems originated from ‘thinking of promoting one’s own interests (自私念)’. What he suggested to resolve these problems is ‘to awaken the sincere mind’. He believes that separation can be turned into oneness, conflict into love, and slaughter into revitalization only when ‘thinking of promotion of one’s own interest’ is overcome by awakening the sincere mind of all Joseon people. While studying Yangming studies, Jeong In-bo realized that the sincere mind has the ability to empathize, and verified this realization by his own experience. Through this experience, he submitted ‘empathy of the sincere mind’ as a statecraft principle that can save the world. All of his activities including educational, academic, media and political activities, aim at ‘governing a nation and saving the people’ according to the statecraft principle of ‘empathy of the sincere mind’. Jeong In-bo paved the way for advancing Korean Studies by awakening the importance of Korean Studies to his colleagues and students who worked at Yonhee College. Furthermore, with a deep understanding of Joseon’s reality after liberation, he adopted ‘strengthening and raising the national spirit’, which was the spirit of the times, as his educational ideology, and suggested a way for the nation to move forward by seeking detailed practical plans. He also brought the thoughts and works of Silhak scholars in the late Joseon dynasty into light; from his view, these scholars related to the nation and its people through the sincere mind and academically explored the way to save the nation and its people. He inspired the sense of subjectivity of the people by exploring Joseon’s spirit of 5,000 years in his research on Joseon history, enhancing the sense of identity of our nation. He struggled to solve the problems of the times by spreading his academic achievements through the media and carrying out an enlightenment movement to awaken the sincere mind of the people. Even in his short political term in Syngman Rhee’s government, he tried to correct the bureaucracy. All these academic works and activities of Jeong In-bo were motivated by the determination to save the world.
本文从政治家的角度重新审视郑仁甫一生的研究和成就。他对失去国家的国民的痛苦感同身受,认为恢复国家主权,解除国民的苦难是时代的任务。他在朝鲜内部找到了朝鲜崩溃的原因,并诊断出一切问题都源于“一己之私的思想”。他建议解决这些问题的方法是“唤醒真诚的心”。他认为,只有唤醒全体朝鲜人民真诚的心,克服“只顾自己利益的想法”,才能把分离变成团结,把矛盾变成爱,把屠杀变成振兴。郑仁甫在研究阳明学的过程中,认识到真诚的心具有同理心的能力,并以自己的经历验证了这一认识。通过这次经历,他将“真诚的同情”作为一种可以拯救世界的治国原则。他的一切活动,包括教育、学术、媒体和政治活动,都以“治国救民”为宗旨,遵循“诚心共情”的治国原则。郑仁甫向在延熙大学工作的同事和学生们强调了韩国学的重要性,为韩国学的发展奠定了基础。此外,他对光复后朝鲜的现实有深刻的了解,将“加强和提高民族精神”这一时代精神作为自己的教育理念,并通过制定具体的实际计划,提出了国家前进的道路。他还介绍了朝鲜末年实学学者的思想和著作。在他看来,这些与国家和人民有关的学者通过真诚的心灵和学术探索救国救民之道。他在研究朝鲜历史的过程中,通过探索5000年的朝鲜精神,激发了国民的主体性意识,增强了民族认同感。他努力解决时代问题,通过媒体传播他的学术成果,开展启蒙运动,唤醒人们的真诚心灵。即使在李承晚政府的短暂政治任期内,他也试图纠正官僚主义。郑仁甫的所有学术著作和活动都是出于拯救世界的决心。
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引用次数: 0
Hangang School’s Research Status, Achievements and Tasks 汉钢学堂研究现状、成果与任务
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.115
NaJin Chu
Hangang Jeong Gu can be considered a representative Yeongnam regions’s scholar of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. He was a scholar who followed in the footsteps of both Emperor Lee Hwang and Jo Sik, and developed his studies especially in the fields of psychology and art. He was a scholar who inherited from the scholastic mantle of Lee Hwang and Jo Sik, and developed his own scholarship, especially focusing on study of mind and study of ritual. He was active mainly in the Yeongnam region centered on Seongju and Daegu. The Yeongnam region was located on the road to the Japanese invasion during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 and directly suffered the damage. For this reason, after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, those who led the righteous army activities in the Yeongnam region led the academic world, and among them, there were many figures of the Hangang School, including Jeong Gu. Studies on Jeong Gu have been accumulated for about 40 years, starting in 1985, and are being studied in various fields such as literature, history, and philosophy. And as the research on Jeong Gu progressed, the Hangang School, which inherited the academic flow of Jeong Gu, was gradually studied. In this paper, research on the Hangang School is largely divided into four categories: the external appearance and status of the Hangang School, the aspect of academic transmission of Jeong Gu, the growth and expansion of the Hangang School, and the social practice of the Hangang School. First of all, the denotation and status of the Hangang School were examined through Hoiyeongeupmunjehyeonrok and Bongsanyokhangrok. Hoiyeongeupmunjehyeonrok is Jeong Gu’s literary record, which examines the overall scale and extension of the Hangang School, and through Bongsanyokhangrok, Jeong Gu’s academic influence at the time, as well as the bonds and solidarity within the school can be confirmed. And the aspect of Jeong Gu’s academic transmission was examined through Hangangeonhaeongrok, a collection of Jeong Gu’s words and actions. Through this, it is possible to confirm Jeong Gu’s academic thoughts passed down to the Hangang School. In addition, the growth and expansion of the Hangang School can be confirmed through the process in which a large number of second-generation and third-generation Confucian scholars in the Daegu region who were active at the time were absorbed into the Hangang School as Jeong Gu moved his lecture center from Seongju to Daegu and Chilgok. In addition, as one of the aspects of social practice of the Hangang School, it can be confirmed through the development of righteous armies activities during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Lastly, it contains contents about some tasks in the study of the Hangang School in the future.
汉江郑九可以说是16世纪末17世纪初岭南地区学者的代表。他是一位追随李皇和赵植的学者,在心理学和艺术领域发展了自己的研究。他继承了李黄和赵植的学术衣钵,并发展了自己的学术,特别是对心灵和仪式的研究。他主要活跃在以星州和大邱为中心的岭南地区。1592年日本侵略朝鲜时,岭南地区位于日本侵略的道路上,直接遭受了损失。因此,1592年日本侵华后,在岭南地区领导义军活动的人在学界占据了主导地位,其中不乏郑九等汉江派人士。从1985年开始,对郑九的研究已经积累了40多年,在文学、历史、哲学等多个领域展开了研究。随着对郑九研究的深入,继承了郑九学术流的汉江学派也逐渐得到了研究。本文对汉江学派的研究大致分为四大类:汉江学派的外观与地位、郑固的学术传承方面、汉江学派的成长与壮大、汉江学派的社会实践。首先,通过《会阴文记》和《奉山学录》考察了汉江派的外延和地位。《会阴文志录》是记录汉江学堂整体规模和扩展情况的郑九的文学记录。通过《奉山学录》,可以确认郑九当时的学术影响力和学堂内部的联系和团结。并通过郑九的言行集《汉江行经录》考察了郑九的学术传播方面。通过这一点,可以确认郑九传承到汉江学派的学术思想。此外,随着郑九将讲堂从星州搬到大邱和赤谷,当时活跃的大邱地区的儒学第二代和第三代学者大量被吸收到汉江学堂的过程中,汉江学堂的成长和扩大也得到了证实。另外,作为汉江派社会实践的一个方面,可以通过1592年侵朝期间义军活动的发展得到印证。最后,提出了今后汉江学派研究的一些任务。
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引用次数: 0
Disgust as seen through Lao-tzu’s Thought: Focusing on the Correlative Thinking of the Dao 老子思想中的厌恶——以道的相关思想为中心
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2023.7.59.245
Jong-Ok You
The purpose of this study is to explore alternatives to disgust, which is a social problem today, based on Lao-tzu’s thought. Various discussions on how to approach the problem of hate have recently focused on legal aspects. However, in order to get to the root of the problem, we need a philosophical approach that can provide wisdom along with an understanding of the science of disgust. Among the various causes of hate, the process of generating and categorizing prejudice and discriminating against people based on certain criteria is one of the core elements of hate. Lao-tzu’s thought may offer a new way forward in this regard. Lao-tzu did not see the world’s constitution as a simple division of things into this and that, separated from their relationship to each other by a set of criteria. He also warned against trapping objects within specific concepts by talking about the limits of conceptualization. In this article, I will interpret Lao-tzu’s thought from a correlative standpoint and use it to derive an alternative to aversion based on the dimensions of ‘correlation’and ‘conceptualization’.
本研究旨在以老子的思想为基础,探讨厌恶这一当今社会问题的解决之道。关于如何处理仇恨问题的各种讨论最近都集中在法律方面。然而,为了找到问题的根源,我们需要一种哲学方法,既能提供智慧,又能理解厌恶的科学。在产生仇恨的各种原因中,根据一定的标准对人进行偏见和歧视的产生和分类的过程是仇恨的核心要素之一。老子的思想可能为这方面的研究提供新的思路。老子不认为世界的构成是简单地把事物划分成这个和那个,用一套标准把它们的相互关系分开。他还通过讨论概念化的局限性,警告不要将对象困在特定的概念中。在这篇文章中,我将从关联的角度来解读老子的思想,并以此为基础,基于“关联”和“概念化”的维度来推导出一种替代厌恶的方法。
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Perspective of Public Office and Employment of Zhuangzi 庄子的公职观与就业观研究
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2022.12.58.135
Jeong-Keun Shin
Scholars in ancient East Asian society tried to practice humanities by going on the path of public office after polishing their studies. In particular, Confucianism viewed study and public office as a virtuous cycle. Among ancient thinkers, Zhuangzi is usually regarded as having a negative attitude towards this. Of course, employment today is wider than public offices in that it encom-passes public offices, public and private enterprises, and self-employed businesses. Employment can be said to have a more general characteristic in that it does not require only the will of Confucian scriptures(四書五經) according to individual choices. In addition, employment is basically focused on profits and aims at individual self-realization. Zhuangzi tends to oppose public office, just as he might refuse an offer from the prime minister. In addition, Zhuangzi does not directly discuss employment. How-ever, Zhuangzi suggests a third way beyond the confrontation between usefulness and dance. Here, the possibility of public office can be derived. Furthermore, Zhuangzi actually presents a master sage(至人) engaged in various livelihoods. This can be extended to activities that engage in livelihood and enjoy hobbies according to Dao(道). In this paper, I would like to draw a meaning-ful proposal for a person considering employment today through the perspective of Zhuangzi's public office and employment.
古代东亚社会的学者们在完善学业后,试图走上公职之路来实践人文。特别是,儒家认为学习和公职是一个良性循环。在古代思想家中,庄子通常被认为对此持否定态度。当然,今天的就业范围比政府部门更广,因为它包括政府部门、公共和私营企业以及个体经营企业。就业可以说有一个更普遍的特点,因为它不需要仅仅根据儒家经典的意志来根据个人的选择。此外,就业基本上以利润为中心,以个人自我实现为目标。庄子倾向于反对担任公职,就像他可能拒绝宰相的提议一样。此外,庄子并没有直接讨论就业问题。然而,庄子在无用与舞蹈的对立之外,提出了第三条道路。在这里,可以推导出公职的可能性。此外,庄子实际上是一个从事各种生计的大师圣人。这可以扩展到根据道从事生计和享受爱好的活动。在这篇文章中,我想通过庄子的公职和就业的视角,为今天考虑就业的人提出一个有意义的建议。
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引用次数: 0
A Study on a Royal Lecture’s Situation of Mencius in the Period of King Yeongjo and Recognition of Mencius 英祖时期孟子御讲情况与对孟子的认识研究
Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.19065/japk.2022.12.58.97
Hae-im Lee
A royal lecture of Mencius in the period of King Yeongjo shows the unique characteristics of the Joseon Confucian classics. While the founder of the Chinese Ming dynasty deleted the phrase of Mencius which did not conform the absolute monarch, King Yeongjo had the same mind set as the founder of the Chinese Ming dynasty and did not’s do this. It led the attendees in a royal lecture to have a discussion freely with King Yeongjo. It reveals what Mencius’s intention is. King Yeongjo tries to evaluate Mencius as a servant without hiding his true feelings. this shows that he tries to figure out Mencius as the composition of the monarch and his subordinates, and to emphasize the virtue of loyalty by limiting Mencius to his subordinate status. On the other hand, the subordinates who attended a royal lecture try to realize the royal leaderships of King Yeongjo by interpreting Mencius' interests and moral nature as the composition of Zhu Xi's desires and moral principles. For this reason, Joseon scholars also insisted that King Yeongjo became a moral ruler through studying to keep consciousness awake. This can be said to be an intrinsic characteristic of the Joseon Confucian classics culture to interpret servants as equivalent to the monarch.
英祖时代的一篇《孟子的皇家讲学》,展现了朝鲜儒家经典的独特之处。虽然中国明朝的缔造者删除了不符合绝对君主的孟子短语,但英祖与中国明朝的缔造者有着相同的心态,没有这样做。这是在与英祖国王进行自由讨论的皇家讲座中,让参加者们自由讨论的地方。它揭示了孟子的意图。英祖不掩饰自己的真实感受,试图把孟子当作仆人来看待。这说明他试图将孟子理解为君臣的构成,并通过将孟子限制在自己的从属地位上来强调忠义之德。另一方面,参加皇家讲学的臣子们试图通过将孟子的利益和道德本质解释为朱熹的欲望和道德原则的组成部分来实现英祖王的皇家领导。因此,朝鲜学者们也主张,英祖王是通过学习来保持意识清醒,从而成为道德统治者的。这可以说是朝鲜儒家经典文化的内在特征,将仆人等同于君主。
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引用次数: 0
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THE JOURNAL OF ASIAN PHILOSOPHY IN KOREA
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