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The Survival Dilemmas of Qinglou Talented Women in the Late Ming Dynasty and Their Encounters with the Patriarchal Order 明末青楼才女的生存困境及其与宗法秩序的遭遇
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2024-03-05 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340072
Huimin Cao
During the Ming and Qing Dynasties it was common thought that the Qinglou talented women were not bound by normal human relationships and women’s virtues because they lived outside the patriarchal order. Chased after by male bigwigs in the society, they mingled at upper-class male playing places and obtained higher reputations because of their outstanding talent. However, they held a very contradictory position because, especially in the Ming dynasty, women’s virtues were still regarded as an important standard of female evaluation in the society. On the one hand, they faced dilemmas in their living conditions, and on the other, there was a subtle interaction between their living space and the patriarchal clan system – this also occurred because of changes created by the patriarchal clan system and social rules, which exerted a continuous influence on the way a female could survive in the later imperial period. Based on historical and literary documents such as jottings, novels, and unofficial history of Ming and Qing Dynasties, this essay aims at analyzing the living space of these talented women.
明清时期,人们普遍认为青楼才女不受正常人际关系和妇德的约束,因为她们生活在父权秩序之外。她们被社会上的男性权贵追逐,混迹于上层社会的男性娱乐场所,因才华出众而声名鹊起。然而,她们所处的地位却非常矛盾,因为尤其是在明代,女性的德行仍被视为社会评价女性的重要标准。一方面,她们面临着生存条件的困境,另一方面,她们的生存空间与宗法宗族制度之间又存在着微妙的互动关系--这也是由于宗法宗族制度和社会规则所造成的变化,对帝制后期女性的生存方式产生了持续的影响。本文以明清笔记、小说、野史等历史和文学文献为基础,旨在分析这些才女的生存空间。
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引用次数: 0
Creating through Copying: Materia Medica, Women Painters, and Late Ming Culture 通过临摹进行创作:本草纲目》、女画家与晚明文化
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2024-03-05 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340073
Ruiying Gao
In the late Ming, illustrated materia medica works became increasingly salient among educated elites in the Jiangnan area. This article analyzes two hand-illustrated treatises, Jinshi kunchong caomu zhuang and Bencao tupu, and the cultural contexts of their production. The interplays between copying and editing and image-text relationships in the two works provide insight into how materia medica was exploited as a pictorial subject for ideas about the human-nature dynamic. I demonstrate that materia medica images represented symbolic possession of the natural world and thus served as a maker of social distinction. I also shed light on the perpetuated tradition of making images of materia medica as an intellectual practice. My examinations of materia medica images by women artists also challenge the correlations between gender and representations of flora and fauna in the historiography of Chinese paintings.
晚明时期,图解本草在江南地区的知识精英中日益突出。本文分析了《金石昆仲草木状》和《本草图谱》两部手绘本草著作及其产生的文化背景。这两部作品中抄写和编辑之间的相互作用以及图像与文本之间的关系,让我们了解到本草是如何作为一个图像主题被用来表达人与自然的动态关系。我证明了本草图像代表了对自然世界的象征性占有,从而成为社会区别的制造者。我还揭示了制作本草图像作为一种知识实践的悠久传统。我对女性艺术家创作的本草图像的研究还挑战了中国绘画史学中性别与动植物表现之间的关联。
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引用次数: 0
Chinese Civilians Beyond the Palisade: an Inquiry on the Opening of Northern Manchuria to Han Commoners in the Yongzheng era 围墙外的中国平民:雍正年间北满洲对汉族平民开放的探究
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2024-03-05 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340074
A. Sepe
Even before the Qianlong ban of 1740 (fengjin zhengce 封禁政策), which officially and thoroughly prohibited Han civilians’ migration to Manchuria, the Qing rulers’ attitude toward the phenomenon was, most of the time, a negative one. Generally speaking, the court meant to preserve the territory to the imperial family themselves and the Manchu people. More specifically, as the policies addressing southern Manchuria (present day Liaoning province) changed over time, as the rulers’ wish to keep the place to their own people clashed with concerns about repopulation and land reclamation – for which Chinese settlers could be a resource, spontaneous settling in the northern part of the region (bianwai 邊外, “beyond the (Willow) Palisade”) was always formally forbidden. Such a difference was clearly reflected by the local administrative structures. The Chinese-fashioned system, zhouxianzhi 州縣制, was present in southern Manchuria since 1653, whereas it was established in Jilin only in Yongzheng era. Emperors Kangxi and Qianlong controlled or opposed the growth of the Chinese civil population in Manchuria. As a consequence, they kept unaltered or weakened the Chinese branch of the local government while making efforts to develop the local Eight Banners’ structures. Yongzheng’ policies were headed toward a different direction. Not only did the sovereign enlarge the civil administration in Liaoning; even more significantly, he ordered the foundation of three civil administrative centres in northern Manchuria – Yongji 永吉, Changning 長寧 and Taining 泰寧, which were in charge of the increasing civil population. Neither in China nor in western studies such policies have been attached the importance they are worth of. In addition, Qing sources such as Veritable Records, Gazetteers and the Collected Statutes provide very scarce information on such maneuver. By resorting to archival sources, both in Chinese and in Manchu, this work aims at researching into the rationales and the decision making process which lead to a brief but important interruption of the main trend of Qing rule of their motherland.
1740 年乾隆颁布的《封禁政策》正式彻底禁止汉族平民移居满洲,在此之前,清朝统治者对这一现象的态度大多是消极的。一般来说,朝廷的目的是为皇室本身和满族人民保留领土。更具体地说,由于针对南满(今辽宁省)的政策随着时间的推移而变化,由于统治者希望将此地留给自己的子民的愿望与对重新安置人口和开垦土地的担忧发生了冲突--而汉人定居者可以成为这方面的一种资源,因此在该地区北部(边外,"柳条边外")的自发定居一直被正式禁止。这种差异明显反映在地方行政结构上。自 1653 年起,南满就开始实行汉化的州县制,而吉林则在雍正年间才开始实行。康熙和乾隆皇帝控制或反对满洲汉人人口的增长。因此,他们在努力发展地方八旗机构的同时,保持或削弱了地方政府的汉人分支机构。雍正的政策则朝着另一个方向发展。这位君主不仅扩大了辽宁的民政机构,更重要的是,他下令在北满洲建立了三个民政中心--永吉、长宁和泰宁,负责管理不断增加的民政人口。无论是在中国还是在西方的研究中,这些政策都没有得到应有的重视。此外,《实录》、《地名词典》和《成文法汇纂》等清朝资料中有关此类活动的信息非常少。通过利用汉文和满文档案资料,这部作品旨在研究导致清朝统治祖国的主要趋势短暂但重要中断的理由和决策过程。
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引用次数: 0
Gods of Mount Tai: Familiarity and the Material Culture of North China, 1000–2000, written by Susan Naquin 《泰山众神:熟悉与华北物质文化》,1000-2000,苏珊·纳昆著
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340068
Hannibal Taubes
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引用次数: 0
Denigrating Taoism in the West: A typology of Late Qing Chinese scholars’ discourse in Western languages 诋毁西方道教:晚清中国学者西文话语的类型学
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340070
Joseph Ciaudo
The purpose of this short article is to offer a typology of the speech acts deployed by Chinese scholars who wrote in Western languages in the late Qing era. By identifying passages dealing with Taoism in their writings, and classifying them into five types of arguments – 1) using the orthodox-heterodox dichotomy; 2) ignoring it; 3) presenting it as an already defeated rival to Confucianism; 4) describing it as a superstition; 5) claiming that it is a form of extremism – the present paper argues that the denigration of Taoism by these Chinese scholars writing in Western languages was profoundly affected by transcultural writing practices, and that in the end Taoism was often but a pawn in the intellectual and political projects of these intellectuals. It served as an awful counterpoint when one tried to project a positive light on Confucianism.
这篇短文的目的是为晚清时期用西方语言写作的中国学者所使用的言语行为提供一个类型学。通过识别他们著作中涉及道教的段落,并将其分为五种类型的论点:1)使用正统-非正统二分法;2)忽略它;3)将其呈现为儒学已经被击败的对手;4)将其描述为迷信;5)声称道教是一种极端主义——本文认为,这些用西方语言写作的中国学者对道教的诋毁受到了跨文化写作实践的深刻影响,最终,道教往往只是这些知识分子的知识和政治计划中的一个棋子。当一个人试图对儒家思想进行正面解读时,它就成了一个可怕的对应物。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-02701000
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引用次数: 0
A Record of the Tea Retreat: The Chaliao ji by Lu Shusheng 《茶隐记:吕树生的茶寮记》
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340071
L. Zanini
The Chaliao ji 茶寮記 (A Record of the Tea Retreat) by the scholar-official Lu Shusheng 陸樹聲 (1509–1605) stands out in the vast corpus of essays on tea produced in the late Ming dynasty for two reasons. Firstly, the social status of its author, who held the highest official position among all tea writers of the period, shows that tea appreciation was actively discussed among the highest echelons of the late Ming gentry. Secondly, the Chaliao ji is the earliest publication to bring together the issues of the construction of a private tea room, prescriptions for the preparation of loose-leaf tea, as well as instructions for savouring the beverage, thus further delineating specific aspects of literati tea culture as social markers.This study examines the background and content of Chaliao ji. It first provides an overview of Lu Shusheng’s biography, from his experience in officialdom to his later life in retirement, focusing on his construction of a garden and his commitment to Buddhism and tea appreciation. It then discusses the contents of the text, the several extant editions and issues regarding its authorship. Finally, it provides an English translation of the Chaliao ji accompanied by the Chinese text and commentary.
茶寮记茶寮記 书生陆树声陸樹聲 (1509-1605)在明代晚期大量的茶学散文中脱颖而出,原因有二。首先,其作者的社会地位表明,晚明士绅的最高阶层积极讨论品茶问题。其次,《茶寮记》是最早将私人茶室的建造、散叶茶的调制处方以及品尝饮料的说明等问题汇集在一起的出版物,从而进一步将文人茶文化的特定方面描绘成社会标志。本研究考察了《茶寮记》的产生背景和内容。本文首先概述了陆树声的传记,从他的官场经历到他晚年的退休生活,重点介绍了他建造花园以及他对佛教和品茶的承诺。然后讨论了文本的内容、现存的几个版本以及关于作者的问题。最后,提供了《茶寮记》的英译本,并附有中文文本和评注。
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引用次数: 0
A Piece of Qing History 一段清史
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340069
Ildikó Gyöngyvér Sárközi
The roots of the genealogy writing tradition of the Chinese Sibe go back to the Qing Dynasty. This tradition has played a crucial role to create a genealogical community of the Sibe: genealogies were the material carriers of knowledge preserved about their ancestors and their past. However, many of the genealogies were lost during the turbulent time of the twentieth century, and although numerous Sibe clans embark on reproducing their own family trees, it is only the memory of the elderly they can most often draw on. This study is intended to present and highlight the significance a specific collection of genealogies compiled by a self-taught Sibe historian, offering valuable sources for conduct research on the history of the Qing-dynasty and the Sibe.
中国四伯族谱书写传统的根源可以追溯到清朝。这一传统在创建西贝人的系谱社区方面发挥了至关重要的作用:系谱是保存有关其祖先及其过去的知识的物质载体。然而,许多家谱在20世纪的动荡时期丢失了,尽管许多锡伯族开始复制他们自己的家谱,但他们最常利用的只是老年人的记忆。本研究旨在展示和突出由自学成才的史家编撰的特定家谱集的意义,为进行清朝和史家的历史研究提供宝贵的资源。
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引用次数: 0
In the Eye(s) of the Storm(s): Álvaro Semedo, an Observer of Two Dynastic Transitions in the Global Crisis of the 17th Century 风暴之眼:Álvaro塞梅多,17世纪全球危机中两个王朝转型的观察者
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340065
I. Pina
It is certainly uncommon for a seventeenth-century observer to have borne witness to two dynastic transitions in places as far apart as the opposite corners of Eurasia – the Iberian Peninsula and China. Álvaro Semedo, a Portuguese Jesuit, is one such case. He was in Madrid, when news arrived that the Portuguese had proclaimed a national king in 1640, bringing sixty years of Iberian Union to an end. Semedo returned to China in 1645, one year after the Qing had taken Peking. In 1650, he witnessed first-hand the siege and reconquest of Canton by the Qing. This article aims to explore the political transition in China through the eyes of a European missionary who had already been caught by the breakup of the Habsburg empire. How did he position himself in both dynastic transitions? What comparisons did he make? Was he aware of the “global crisis”? These are some of the questions that will be addressed.
17世纪的观察者见证了两个王朝在遥远的欧亚大陆角落——伊比利亚半岛和中国——发生的转变,这当然是罕见的。葡萄牙耶稣会士阿尔瓦罗·塞梅多就是这样一个例子。1640年,葡萄牙人宣布成为国家国王,结束了伊比利亚联盟60年的历史,当时他正在马德里。1645年,清占领北京一年后,塞梅多回到中国。1650年,他亲眼目睹了清朝对广州的围攻和重新占领。本文旨在通过一位被哈布斯堡帝国解体所困扰的欧洲传教士的视角来探讨中国的政治转型。他是如何在两次王朝转型中定位自己的?他做了什么比较?他知道“全球危机”吗?以下是将要解决的一些问题。
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引用次数: 0
“Miseries, Tribulations, and Calamities”: António de Gouveia as an Eye-witness to the Seventeenth-century Eurasian Crisis “苦难、磨难和灾难”:António de Gouveia作为17世纪欧亚危机的目击者
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.1163/24684791-12340064
C. Gomes, J. Cunha
The “General Crisis of the Seventeenth-Century” as a concept was first applied to Europe, where the Portuguese Restoration of 1640 was one of its most striking episodes, when a national dynasty dethroned a foreign one. Geoffrey Parker extended its use worldwide, having in mind similar events taking place all over the globe, namely in China, where dynastic transition took centre stage. Some parallels can be drawn between the two sides of Eurasia, though sometimes in opposite terms (e.g., while the Braganzas were Portuguese, the Qing were Manchu). Among the coincidences occurring in both countries during dynastic changes, there is mention to omens and wondrous signs, interpreted as manifestations of something about to change, breaking away from the old established order which had lost some sort of divine assent. By using the writings of the Portuguese Jesuit António de Gouveia (1592/94–1677), namely his letters, some of which unpublished, we will seek to see how he interpreted these signs and dynastic change in China, while his own country (Portugal) was going through a similar process. We will make use of materials dating from 1636 to the 1650s, to see what kind of parallelisms Gouveia draws between the Chinese seventeenth-century crisis and the Portuguese case, and how he depicts and characterises the events occurring in China.
“十七世纪的大危机”作为一个概念首次应用于欧洲,1640年葡萄牙复辟是欧洲最引人注目的事件之一,当时一个民族王朝废黜了一个外国王朝。杰弗里·帕克(Geoffrey Parker)将其应用范围扩展到了世界各地,考虑到全球各地都在发生类似的事件,即在中国,王朝过渡占据了中心舞台。欧亚大陆两岸之间可以有一些相似之处,尽管有时是相反的(例如,当布拉干萨人是葡萄牙人时,清朝人是满族人)。在两国王朝更迭期间发生的巧合中,有一种是预兆和奇妙的迹象,被解释为即将发生变化的事物的表现,打破了失去某种神圣认可的旧秩序。通过使用葡萄牙耶稣会士António de Gouveia(1592/94–1677)的著作,即他的信件(其中一些未发表),我们将试图了解他是如何解读这些迹象和中国的王朝变化的,而他的国家(葡萄牙)正经历着类似的过程。我们将利用1636年至1650年代的材料,看看高维亚在17世纪的中国危机和葡萄牙案件之间有什么样的相似之处,以及他如何描述和描述中国发生的事件。
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