This article presents a small hoard of nine bronze coins that was discovered during excavations in room 29 of the east wing of the Agora of Pella, buried below a clay floor of the Hellenistic period. It contains one bronze coin in the name of the Amphaxians, three in the name of the Macedonians Amphaxians, four in the name of the Macedonians Botteatai, and one in the name of the Macedonians. Their description is the following (see p. 205, images 1-9): no. 1: Head of Herakles r. / Club, ΑΜΦΑ-ΞΙΩΝ, all in laurel wreath nos. 2-4: Head of Apollo r. / Tripod, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ (monogram: ΑΜΦ) nos. 5-8: Head of Zeus r. / Winged thunderbolt, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ (monogram: ΒΟΤ) no. 9: Head of Apollo r. / kithara, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ Both the dating and the circulation pattern of the bronze issues of the Amphaxians, the Botteatai and the Macedonians have been discussed extensively; it is now generally accepted that they were minted during the reign of the two last kings, Philip V and Perseus to serve for the needs of the local economies, but their issuing continued after the battle of Pydna and the control of Macedonia by the Romans. The iconography and the mintmarks of these coins can be connected to two other groups of bronze coins that were minted after 168 BC, namely the coins of the Roman quaestors in Macedonia and the autonomous coins of three major cities of the region, Thessaloniki, Pella and Amphipolis. The hoard from Pella is a rare case, because it only contains coins minted by the Amphaxians, the Botteatai and the Macedonians whereas no issues of Philip V and Perseus, the Roman quaestors or the three cities are present, as in most hoards. It is also worth mentioning that the type Heracles/club of the Amphaxians found in the Pella hoard, so far has been only encountered in hoards dated after the abolishment of the monarchy in 168. For these reasons, we suggest that the hoard Pella/2011 should be dated to the years 168-148 BC, that is after the battle of Pydna and before the creation of the Roman province of Macedonia.
{"title":"Ο «θησαυρός» Πέλλα/2011. Παρατηρήσεις στη νομισματοκοπία των διοικητικο-πολιτικών ενοτήτων της Μακεδονίας του 2ου αι. π.Χ.","authors":"Νικόλαος Ακαμάτης","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.30908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.30908","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a small hoard of nine bronze coins that was discovered during excavations in room 29 of the east wing of the Agora of Pella, buried below a clay floor of the Hellenistic period. It contains one bronze coin in the name of the Amphaxians, three in the name of the Macedonians Amphaxians, four in the name of the Macedonians Botteatai, and one in the name of the Macedonians. Their description is the following (see p. 205, images 1-9): \u0000no. 1: Head of Herakles r. / Club, ΑΜΦΑ-ΞΙΩΝ, all in laurel wreath \u0000nos. 2-4: Head of Apollo r. / Tripod, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ (monogram: ΑΜΦ) \u0000nos. 5-8: Head of Zeus r. / Winged thunderbolt, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ (monogram: ΒΟΤ) \u0000no. 9: Head of Apollo r. / kithara, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ \u0000Both the dating and the circulation pattern of the bronze issues of the Amphaxians, the Botteatai and the Macedonians have been discussed extensively; it is now generally accepted that they were minted during the reign of the two last kings, Philip V and Perseus to serve for the needs of the local economies, but their issuing continued after the battle of Pydna and the control of Macedonia by the Romans. The iconography and the mintmarks of these coins can be connected to two other groups of bronze coins that were minted after 168 BC, namely the coins of the Roman quaestors in Macedonia and the autonomous coins of three major cities of the region, Thessaloniki, Pella and Amphipolis. The hoard from Pella is a rare case, because it only contains coins minted by the Amphaxians, the Botteatai and the Macedonians whereas no issues of Philip V and Perseus, the Roman quaestors or the three cities are present, as in most hoards. It is also worth mentioning that the type Heracles/club of the Amphaxians found in the Pella hoard, so far has been only encountered in hoards dated after the abolishment of the monarchy in 168. For these reasons, we suggest that the hoard Pella/2011 should be dated to the years 168-148 BC, that is after the battle of Pydna and before the creation of the Roman province of Macedonia.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42545238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The cult of Zeus Hypsistos seems to have emerged first in Macedonia and then to have spread to the other eastern provinces of the Roman Empire. Indeed, it is in western and central Macedonia, the heart of the ancient kingdom, that we find a large number of sanctuaries devoted to Zeus Hypsistos, together with offerings and votive dedications of various types, some of which date back to the second century BCE. This cult is quite distinct from that of Theos Hypsistos, which –with the exception of the cosmopolitan city of Thessalonike– is effectively absent from Macedonia. It is to be noted that in Macedonia Zeus Hypsistos retained the traditional iconographic elements of Zeus Olympios and was represented either anthropomorphically, in a sacrificial pose, or through his symbols (eagle, bull). Nevertheless, the two cults were not identical. Zeus Hypsistos was not a substitute for the patron god of the Macedonian royal house, which had been suppressed by Rome, nor did he represent a metamorphosis of the ancient divinity, associated with novel religious practices. It is clear that the new cult maintained the Zeus tradition but combined this with new elements and features, which gradually lent a different profile and character to the cult of Zeus Hypsistos, adapted to the religious and cultural context of the Roman Empire.
{"title":"Zeus Hypsistos en Macédoine : la dynamique sociale d’un culte « nouveau » dans le contexte socio-culturel de l’Empire","authors":"A. Rizakis","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.30218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.30218","url":null,"abstract":"The cult of Zeus Hypsistos seems to have emerged first in Macedonia and then to have spread to the other eastern provinces of the Roman Empire. Indeed, it is in western and central Macedonia, the heart of the ancient kingdom, that we find a large number of sanctuaries devoted to Zeus Hypsistos, together with offerings and votive dedications of various types, some of which date back to the second century BCE. This cult is quite distinct from that of Theos Hypsistos, which –with the exception of the cosmopolitan city of Thessalonike– is effectively absent from Macedonia. It is to be noted that in Macedonia Zeus Hypsistos retained the traditional iconographic elements of Zeus Olympios and was represented either anthropomorphically, in a sacrificial pose, or through his symbols (eagle, bull). Nevertheless, the two cults were not identical. Zeus Hypsistos was not a substitute for the patron god of the Macedonian royal house, which had been suppressed by Rome, nor did he represent a metamorphosis of the ancient divinity, associated with novel religious practices. It is clear that the new cult maintained the Zeus tradition but combined this with new elements and features, which gradually lent a different profile and character to the cult of Zeus Hypsistos, adapted to the religious and cultural context of the Roman Empire.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45480160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Greek epigram published in this article was discovered in 2016 in modern Turkey, at Kibyra in southwest Asia Minor, during excavations under the directorship of Assoc. Prof. Şükrü Özüdoğru of the University of Burdur. Six lines preserving 3 elegiac distichs are carved on a stone that also features a relief showing a round shield with two greaves on either side. The epigram probably dates between the 1st century BCE and the 1st century CE and evokes the classical ideal of both physical and civic excellence in commemorating a man who died fighting as a citizen-soldier.
{"title":"New Funerary Epigram from Kibyra","authors":"Özgen Acar, C. Kokkinia","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.29691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.29691","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000\u0000\u0000\u0000The Greek epigram published in this article was discovered in 2016 in modern Turkey, at Kibyra in southwest Asia Minor, during excavations under the directorship of Assoc. Prof. Şükrü Özüdoğru of the University of Burdur. Six lines preserving 3 elegiac distichs are carved on a stone that also features a relief showing a round shield with two greaves on either side. The epigram probably dates between the 1st century BCE and the 1st century CE and evokes the classical ideal of both physical and civic excellence in commemorating a man who died fighting as a citizen-soldier.\u0000\u0000\u0000\u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49323734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents 16 grave inscriptions from Assos in the Troad, dating between the fifth century BC and the end of the second century BC. Thirteen of these inscriptions were discovered between 1981 and 2005 and 3 were found in the third excavation term (2006-ongoing).Two of the inscriptions discovered between 1989 and 1994 are mentioned in R. Stupperich’s excavation reports and all but two are printed in majuscules in J.Freydank’s doctoral dissertation (published 2000). None, however, have been the subject of a comprehensive evaluation. From the dialectal point of view, these inscriptions greatly contribute to the epigraphic corpus of Assos. The composition of the inscriptions that display specific features of the Lesbian dialect is unremarkable in most cases; they usually consist only of the deceased’s name in the nominative case, while in five cases a patronymic follows in the genitive. Nevertheless, two inscriptions are remarkable since they document for the first time the use of an adjective of possession in the Lesbian dialect. In addition, these inscriptions add several new names to the onomastic repertoire of Assos and Asia Minor: Eratophanes, Simmeia, Aigidaia, Phaeia, Amphereidaia/Ampheridaia, Kleotthis, Oligidas, Agasikles, Nikasis, Sphodrias, Agias, Soter, Kydrantha, Isodikos, Euandros, Sosigenes, Phileia, Zoila, Sotadas, Peristera, [..]stratidas, Anaxagoras, and Mikkylos.
{"title":"Re-discovered and new grave inscriptions from the necropoleis of Assos, Part I","authors":"Tolga Özhan","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.28452","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.28452","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents 16 grave inscriptions from Assos in the Troad, dating between the fifth century BC and the end of the second century BC. Thirteen of these inscriptions were discovered between 1981 and 2005 and 3 were found in the third excavation term (2006-ongoing).Two of the inscriptions discovered between 1989 and 1994 are mentioned in R. Stupperich’s excavation reports and all but two are printed in majuscules in J.Freydank’s doctoral dissertation (published 2000). None, however, have been the subject of a comprehensive evaluation. From the dialectal point of view, these inscriptions greatly contribute to the epigraphic corpus of Assos. The composition of the inscriptions that display specific features of the Lesbian dialect is unremarkable in most cases; they usually consist only of the deceased’s name in the nominative case, while in five cases a patronymic follows in the genitive. Nevertheless, two inscriptions are remarkable since they document for the first time the use of an adjective of possession in the Lesbian dialect. In addition, these inscriptions add several new names to the onomastic repertoire of Assos and Asia Minor: Eratophanes, Simmeia, Aigidaia, Phaeia, Amphereidaia/Ampheridaia, Kleotthis, Oligidas, Agasikles, Nikasis, Sphodrias, Agias, Soter, Kydrantha, Isodikos, Euandros, Sosigenes, Phileia, Zoila, Sotadas, Peristera, [..]stratidas, Anaxagoras, and Mikkylos.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43747322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper begins by demonstrating that speakers in the Assembly did not misrepresent major events in recent history. An examination of Demosthenes’ speeches to the Assembly shows that his statements about recent events are accurate but are usually brief. This is true for speeches to the Assembly found in Thucydides and Xennophon. The main part of the essay shows that the speech On the Peace attributed to Andocides makes major mistakes about recent events (such as the walls and fleet of Athens, peace between the Boeotians and the Spartans, Athenian control over Euboea, peace with Persia, etc.). The speech also does not conform to the rhetorical conventions of the Assembly (naming one’s ancestors, giving lengthy accounts of past events), contains statements about presbeis autokratores which are inconsistent with the evidence for this institution in Classical Greece and uses the term spondai in a way unparalleled in classical sources. All this evidence shows that the speech is not a genuine work of Andocides but a forgery composed in the Hellenistic or Roman period.
{"title":"Major Events in the Recent Past in Assembly Speeches and the Authenticity of [Andocides] On the Peace","authors":"E. Harris","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.28450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.28450","url":null,"abstract":"This paper begins by demonstrating that speakers in the Assembly did not misrepresent major events in recent history. An examination of Demosthenes’ speeches to the Assembly shows that his statements about recent events are accurate but are usually brief. This is true for speeches to the Assembly found in Thucydides and Xennophon. The main part of the essay shows that the speech On the Peace attributed to Andocides makes major mistakes about recent events (such as the walls and fleet of Athens, peace between the Boeotians and the Spartans, Athenian control over Euboea, peace with Persia, etc.). The speech also does not conform to the rhetorical conventions of the Assembly (naming one’s ancestors, giving lengthy accounts of past events), contains statements about presbeis autokratores which are inconsistent with the evidence for this institution in Classical Greece and uses the term spondai in a way unparalleled in classical sources. All this evidence shows that the speech is not a genuine work of Andocides but a forgery composed in the Hellenistic or Roman period.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48441690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An early second century BC fragmentary inscription from Kibyra in honour of a local athlete mentions among others two victories won at festivals whichwere presided by “king Philip”, who can be no other than Philip V. The first festival was the Erotideia at a city the name of which has been lost. The second one was the Herakleia at a city in Macedonia, the name of which is not preserved. The author of the present article argues that the rst city was Thespiai in Boiotia, and that the second one was Beroia. He bases his argument on an epigram by Chrysogonos from the Anthologia Palatina explained in 1934 by Charles Edson, who on literary and numismatic evidence submitted that the Antigonids hailed from Beroia. Several inscriptions discovered locally since then leave no doubt that Herakles Kynagidas was the principal divinity of that city. Going a step further, the author connects the festival Herakleia with a list of victors from various parts of the Greek world, found at Beroia, which was known from the time of Alfred Delacoulonche, but had remained uninterpreted. A diagramma of Philip V from Amphipolis offers fresh evidence on the rules under which foreign athletes participated in Macedonian festivals.
{"title":"Une nouvelle fête macédonienne dans une inscription de Kibyra","authors":"M. Hatzopoulos","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.28431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.28431","url":null,"abstract":"An early second century BC fragmentary inscription from Kibyra in honour of a local athlete mentions among others two victories won at festivals whichwere presided by “king Philip”, who can be no other than Philip V. The first festival was the Erotideia at a city the name of which has been lost. The second one was the Herakleia at a city in Macedonia, the name of which is not preserved. The author of the present article argues that the rst city was Thespiai in Boiotia, and that the second one was Beroia. He bases his argument on an epigram by Chrysogonos from the Anthologia Palatina explained in 1934 by Charles Edson, who on literary and numismatic evidence submitted that the Antigonids hailed from Beroia. Several inscriptions discovered locally since then leave no doubt that Herakles Kynagidas was the principal divinity of that city. Going a step further, the author connects the festival Herakleia with a list of victors from various parts of the Greek world, found at Beroia, which was known from the time of Alfred Delacoulonche, but had remained uninterpreted. A diagramma of Philip V from Amphipolis offers fresh evidence on the rules under which foreign athletes participated in Macedonian festivals.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45178220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper reconsiders a ceramic medallion found near the village of Palat on the right bank of the Strymon River, ca. 8 km northwest of the town of Sandanski in southwest Bulgaria. The cluster of Roman settlements near the village of Palat may have belonged to the territory of Parthicopolis (mod. Sandanski), which fell under the jurisdiction of Macedonia Prima. The medallion illustrates a gladiatorial combat between two equites, who are identifiable through their pairing, clothing and weapons. Autopsy established the presence of a Greek inscription, which had so far escaped attention. The recorded names, Σωτηρίδας and Αἴας, seem to correspond to the equites depicted. Gladiatorial scenes with inscribed names are quite commonly represented on various media, including ceramic medallions, especially in the western provinces of the Roman empire. Ceramic medallions, serving a range of functions, were mass-produced in molds. The larger dimensions of our example, most probably a product of a local workshop, could be intended to be hung on a wall in the privacy of a domestic residence, although the possibility for funerary use cannot be excluded. This artifact from Palat, inspired by imagery current in the western provinces of the Roman empire, bears testimony to Roman cultural influence in the territory of Parthicopolis in the first half of the third century AD. At the same time, it offers hitherto overlooked iconographic indications that the equites’ role in the games was commemorated through the medium of ceramic medallions along the Thracian frontier, as it was in the western provinces of the Roman empire.
{"title":"A New Look at an Inscribed Ceramic Medallion with Gladiators (Equites) from the Region of Parthicopolis in the Roman Province of Macedonia","authors":"Emil Nankov","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.27584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.27584","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reconsiders a ceramic medallion found near the village of Palat on the right bank of the Strymon River, ca. 8 km northwest of the town of Sandanski in southwest Bulgaria. The cluster of Roman settlements near the village of Palat may have belonged to the territory of Parthicopolis (mod. Sandanski), which fell under the jurisdiction of Macedonia Prima. The medallion illustrates a gladiatorial combat between two equites, who are identifiable through their pairing, clothing and weapons. Autopsy established the presence of a Greek inscription, which had so far escaped attention. The recorded names, Σωτηρίδας and Αἴας, seem to correspond to the equites depicted. Gladiatorial scenes with inscribed names are quite commonly represented on various media, including ceramic medallions, especially in the western provinces of the Roman empire. Ceramic medallions, serving a range of functions, were mass-produced in molds. The larger dimensions of our example, most probably a product of a local workshop, could be intended to be hung on a wall in the privacy of a domestic residence, although the possibility for funerary use cannot be excluded. This artifact from Palat, inspired by imagery current in the western provinces of the Roman empire, bears testimony to Roman cultural influence in the territory of Parthicopolis in the first half of the third century AD. At the same time, it offers hitherto overlooked iconographic indications that the equites’ role in the games was commemorated through the medium of ceramic medallions along the Thracian frontier, as it was in the western provinces of the Roman empire.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43462390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Of two articles devoted to the Thracian tribes attested in Aegean Thrace during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the first, published here, focuses on the tribe of the Corpiloi (the second article, under the title ‘Ἔθνη Θρᾳκῶν στὴ Θράκη τοῦ Αἰγαίου κατὰ τοὺς ἑλληνιστικοὺς καὶ ρωμαϊκοὺς χρόνους, ΙΙ. Σαπαῖοι καὶ Σαπαϊκή’, devoted to the Sapaioi, will be published in the following volume of Τεκμήρια). The relevant testimonia, exclusively literary, range from the first century BC ‒or the beginning of the second century BC, for those who accept the emendation Coreli-Corpili in the text of Livy‒ to the beginning of the second century AD. They consist of short references in Strabo, Pliny the Elder, and Solinus, a reference to the στενὰ τῶν Κορπίλων by Appian in conjunction with the battle of Philippi in 42 BC, as well as a reference to a Κορπιλικὴ στρατηγία in Claudius Ptolemy. The present article tries to define Corpiloi’s localization, suggesting the lower course of the Hebrus river, mainly to the west but also, possibly, to the east of the river, up to the north of Ainos. In view of their relatively short emergence in ancient sources, the article also addresses the question of Corpiloi’s relation to the region’s major tribes, namely the Odrysai and the Sapaioi. Finally, a brief and preliminary overview of the region’s archaeological map indicates integration into the region’s wider cultural sphere.
在希腊化和罗马时期在爱琴海色雷斯证实的两篇关于色雷斯部落的文章中，第一篇发表在这里，重点关注科皮洛伊部落（第二篇，标题为“ἜθηθρᾳκῶστὴθράκητῦΑἰγαίςκατὰτὺςἑλληιστικὺςκαὶρωμακὺςχρίς。∑απαῖικαὶ∑απα¦Βκ¦Β'，致力于萨帕伊，将发表在下一卷的¦Βεκμ¦Βρια）。相关的证言，完全是文学性的，从公元前一世纪或公元前二世纪初，对于那些接受《利维》文本中Coreli Corpili校订的人来说，一直到公元二世纪初。它们包括Strabo、Pliny The Elder和Solinus中的简短引用，即στεὰτῶ公元前42年，阿皮亚在腓力比战役中提出了一个¦Βὴ克劳迪乌斯·托勒密的στρατηγία。本文试图定义科皮洛伊的定位，提出赫布里斯河的下游，主要在河的西部，但也可能在河的东部，直到艾诺斯的北部。鉴于他们在古代资源中出现的时间相对较短，本文还讨论了科皮洛伊人与该地区主要部落（即奥德里赛人和萨帕伊人）的关系问题。最后，对该地区考古地图的简要和初步概述表明，该地区已融入更广泛的文化领域。
{"title":"Ἔθνη Θρᾳκῶν στὴ Θράκη τοῦ Αἰγαίου κατὰ τοὺς ἑλληνιστικοὺς καὶ ρωμαϊκοὺς χρόνους I. Κορπίλοι καὶ Κορπιλική","authors":"Μαρία-Γαβριέλλα Παρισάκη","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.27026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.27026","url":null,"abstract":"Of two articles devoted to the Thracian tribes attested in Aegean Thrace during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the first, published here, focuses on the tribe of the Corpiloi (the second article, under the title ‘Ἔθνη Θρᾳκῶν στὴ Θράκη τοῦ Αἰγαίου κατὰ τοὺς ἑλληνιστικοὺς καὶ ρωμαϊκοὺς χρόνους, ΙΙ. Σαπαῖοι καὶ Σαπαϊκή’, devoted to the Sapaioi, will be published in the following volume of Τεκμήρια). The relevant testimonia, exclusively literary, range from the first century BC ‒or the beginning of the second century BC, for those who accept the emendation Coreli-Corpili in the text of Livy‒ to the beginning of the second century AD. They consist of short references in Strabo, Pliny the Elder, and Solinus, a reference to the στενὰ τῶν Κορπίλων by Appian in conjunction with the battle of Philippi in 42 BC, as well as a reference to a Κορπιλικὴ στρατηγία in Claudius Ptolemy. The present article tries to define Corpiloi’s localization, suggesting the lower course of the Hebrus river, mainly to the west but also, possibly, to the east of the river, up to the north of Ainos. In view of their relatively short emergence in ancient sources, the article also addresses the question of Corpiloi’s relation to the region’s major tribes, namely the Odrysai and the Sapaioi. Finally, a brief and preliminary overview of the region’s archaeological map indicates integration into the region’s wider cultural sphere.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49125284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to present the institution of double guardianship of infant kings by pointing to the connection between appointment of more than one guardian and protection and upbringing of young monarchs. Multiple guardianship was an established practice in the setting of Greek poleis, which aimed at the protection of the ward’s person from untrustworthy guardians. In a royal context this institution emerged as a solution to the problems concerning Alexander’s succession after 323 BC. Nevertheless, there is a possibility that it was already known in Classical Macedonia in relation to the role of royal women, who acted as protectors of their children along with men who were appointed as regents. During the Hellenistic era double guardianship became very popular in the Ptolemaic kingdom. There it is connected with the loss of the queen mother, who could exercise guardianship for her royal son. Tutorship and guardianship were sometimes combined into one person, something that led influential tutors of young rulers to become the true administrators of the kingdom.
{"title":"Double Guardianship and Hellenistic Monarchy: Protecting the Person of Infant Kings","authors":"Dionysios Filias","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.26962","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.26962","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to present the institution of double guardianship of infant kings by pointing to the connection between appointment of more than one guardian and protection and upbringing of young monarchs. Multiple guardianship was an established practice in the setting of Greek poleis, which aimed at the protection of the ward’s person from untrustworthy guardians. In a royal context this institution emerged as a solution to the problems concerning Alexander’s succession after 323 BC. Nevertheless, there is a possibility that it was already known in Classical Macedonia in relation to the role of royal women, who acted as protectors of their children along with men who were appointed as regents. During the Hellenistic era double guardianship became very popular in the Ptolemaic kingdom. There it is connected with the loss of the queen mother, who could exercise guardianship for her royal son. Tutorship and guardianship were sometimes combined into one person, something that led influential tutors of young rulers to become the true administrators of the kingdom.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46551349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Early Iron Age, Knossos was one of the most important cities of the Aegean. In addition to objects from elsewhere in the Aegean, a wide range of Cypriot, Phoenician and North Syrian imports has been discovered in the Early Iron Age Knossian cemeteries. In certain cases, these grave goods predate their funerary context by a century. This paper examines the stylistic and contextual dating of these imports, in an attempt to associate, from a contextual point of view, these items with the funerary practices of the Knossians. Grave goods deposited in the same cemeteriesalso included Early Iron Age local imitations of Late Bronze Age Near Eastern imports. It is suggested that members of the Early Iron Age Knossian elite treated certain contemporary objects, which belonged stylistically either to the Late Bronze Age Cypriot, Phoenician or North Syrian traditions, on the one hand, or to the local Minoan tradition, on the other hand, as if they were antiques and/or heirlooms. In this way, that is, by appropriating the ancestral past of the community, the elite could establish and maintain their authority. For this reason, “fake” keimelia and heirlooms had to acquire new complex “biographies”.
{"title":"Heirloom or Antique? Import or Imitation? Objects with Fictive “Biographies” in Early Iron Age Knossos","authors":"Vyron Antoniadis","doi":"10.12681/TEKMERIA.26161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/TEKMERIA.26161","url":null,"abstract":"During the Early Iron Age, Knossos was one of the most important cities of the Aegean. In addition to objects from elsewhere in the Aegean, a wide range of Cypriot, Phoenician and North Syrian imports has been discovered in the Early Iron Age Knossian cemeteries. In certain cases, these grave goods predate their funerary context by a century. This paper examines the stylistic and contextual dating of these imports, in an attempt to associate, from a contextual point of view, these items with the funerary practices of the Knossians. Grave goods deposited in the same cemeteriesalso included Early Iron Age local imitations of Late Bronze Age Near Eastern imports. It is suggested that members of the Early Iron Age Knossian elite treated certain contemporary objects, which belonged stylistically either to the Late Bronze Age Cypriot, Phoenician or North Syrian traditions, on the one hand, or to the local Minoan tradition, on the other hand, as if they were antiques and/or heirlooms. In this way, that is, by appropriating the ancestral past of the community, the elite could establish and maintain their authority. For this reason, “fake” keimelia and heirlooms had to acquire new complex “biographies”.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49504998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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