This article analyzes the clauses of the Athenian Standards Decree, which has long been interpreted as banning allied cities from minting their own coinage. It interprets the Standards Decree not as a sign of Athenian imperialism, as previously thought, but as a technical financial measure aimed at streamlining tax collection within the empire. It examines evidence from mints, hoards, and Athenian financial documents that cast doubt on this traditional interpretation. Following other scholars who have questioned the conventional view, the article introduces additional evidence to support an interpretation of the decree as a purely financial measure. Oaths in treaties between Athens and her allies are examined to show that all restorations of capital punishment in the missing part of the Bouleutic Oath are untenable because the Council did not have the power to impose punishments over 500 drachms. The article rejects previous attempts to see an allusion to the decree in a passage from Aristophanes’ Birds (spring 414 BC) and to date it shortly before 414 BC, because of the manuscript tradition, ancient scholia, the passage’s meaning, and the decree’s purpose. Instead, the mention of four districts of the Athenian Empire and the inclusion of weights and measures alongside coinage point to a date in the autumn of 413 BC, coinciding with the introduction of the eikoste (a 5% tax). The article argues that through this decree, Athens attempted to increase revenue and to collect significant quantities of Attic currency. How- ever, this measure did not last long; Athens reintroduced the tribute system most probably sometime after the decisive sea battle of Cyzicus.
{"title":"Deconstructing a Prussian Myth: The Athenian Standards Decree (IG I3 1453a-g)","authors":"Selene E. Psoma","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.38341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.38341","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000This article analyzes the clauses of the Athenian Standards Decree, which has long been interpreted as banning allied cities from minting their own coinage. It interprets the Standards Decree not as a sign of Athenian imperialism, as previously thought, but as a technical financial measure aimed at streamlining tax collection within the empire. It examines evidence from mints, hoards, and Athenian financial documents that cast doubt on this traditional interpretation. Following other scholars who have questioned the conventional view, the article introduces additional evidence to support an interpretation of the decree as a purely financial measure. Oaths in treaties between Athens and her allies are examined to show that all restorations of capital punishment in the missing part of the Bouleutic Oath are untenable because the Council did not have the power to impose punishments over 500 drachms. The article rejects previous attempts to see an allusion to the decree in a passage from Aristophanes’ Birds (spring 414 BC) and to date it shortly before 414 BC, because of the manuscript tradition, ancient scholia, the passage’s meaning, and the decree’s purpose. Instead, the mention of four districts of the Athenian Empire and the inclusion of weights and measures alongside coinage point to a date in the autumn of 413 BC, coinciding with the introduction of the eikoste (a 5% tax). The article argues that through this decree, Athens attempted to increase revenue and to collect significant quantities of Attic currency. How- ever, this measure did not last long; Athens reintroduced the tribute system most probably sometime after the decisive sea battle of Cyzicus. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" 43","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141680631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
P. Themelis (Κριτική Εστία 5, [1994-1996], 269; SEG 45, 1266) published a shortgraffito that was engraved on the door lintel connecting the rooms 23 and 26of the so-called House 2 of Sector I of ancient Eleftherna. It reads Νείκην τῷΚυρείῳ. It has been dated to the third or the early fourth century CE and ithas been interpreted as a wish to the God by Christians, possibly related to thereligious persecutions of the Roman State against them ca. 250 CE. The use ofthe terms κύριος and ν(ε)ίκη in Roman and Late Roman acclamations foundin textual sources, in both religious and secular contexts, is here analysed;the author rejects the previous interpretations and argues that this graffito isan acclamatory wish for a victory and/or the well-being of the owner of thehouse. Based on Amm. Marc. 16.8.9, he, moreover, connects it with a contem-porary ritual of the Roman house.
{"title":"Μια νέα ερμηνεία ενός γκράφιτι από υστερορωμαϊκή οικία της αρχαίας Ελεύθερνας","authors":"Γεώργιος Δεληγιαννάκης","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.37186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.37186","url":null,"abstract":"P. Themelis (Κριτική Εστία 5, [1994-1996], 269; SEG 45, 1266) published a shortgraffito that was engraved on the door lintel connecting the rooms 23 and 26of the so-called House 2 of Sector I of ancient Eleftherna. It reads Νείκην τῷΚυρείῳ. It has been dated to the third or the early fourth century CE and ithas been interpreted as a wish to the God by Christians, possibly related to thereligious persecutions of the Roman State against them ca. 250 CE. The use ofthe terms κύριος and ν(ε)ίκη in Roman and Late Roman acclamations foundin textual sources, in both religious and secular contexts, is here analysed;the author rejects the previous interpretations and argues that this graffito isan acclamatory wish for a victory and/or the well-being of the owner of thehouse. Based on Amm. Marc. 16.8.9, he, moreover, connects it with a contem-porary ritual of the Roman house.","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"9 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140253265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is widely assumed that Macedonia in the late Archaic period was under East Greek influence. This view was formed decades ago, based on scant evidence, but has since been established through repetition and persists despite the growing number of reported and published finds that indicate otherwise. In this paper I intend to challenge this opinio communis and to reframe the issue of Ionic influence in archaic Macedonia within the wider Northern Aegean context. To this end, the relevant pieces of evidence are reviewed, focusing on works of sculpture in the Ionic style and inscriptions in Ionic script, but also examining the coinage in the name of Alexander I. In short, it is demonstrated that the available pieces of evidence do not support widespread East Greek influence in Macedonia in the late Archaic period and it is argued that it was rather through the Cycladic colonies in the Strymonic Gulf that Ionic art reached Macedonia; that mostly Ionians from these colonies were responsible for the inscriptions in Ionic script in Macedonia; and that it was possibly a Central, not East, Ionic script that was employed on Alexander I’s coinage.
{"title":"Ionic Art and Script in Archaic Macedonia: Origin(s), Medium(s), Effect(s)","authors":"Angelos Boufalis","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.36758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.36758","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000It is widely assumed that Macedonia in the late Archaic period was under East Greek influence. This view was formed decades ago, based on scant evidence, but has since been established through repetition and persists despite the growing number of reported and published finds that indicate otherwise. In this paper I intend to challenge this opinio communis and to reframe the issue of Ionic influence in archaic Macedonia within the wider Northern Aegean context. To this end, the relevant pieces of evidence are reviewed, focusing on works of sculpture in the Ionic style and inscriptions in Ionic script, but also examining the coinage in the name of Alexander I. In short, it is demonstrated that the available pieces of evidence do not support widespread East Greek influence in Macedonia in the late Archaic period and it is argued that it was rather through the Cycladic colonies in the Strymonic Gulf that Ionic art reached Macedonia; that mostly Ionians from these colonies were responsible for the inscriptions in Ionic script in Macedonia; and that it was possibly a Central, not East, Ionic script that was employed on Alexander I’s coinage. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139809407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is widely assumed that Macedonia in the late Archaic period was under East Greek influence. This view was formed decades ago, based on scant evidence, but has since been established through repetition and persists despite the growing number of reported and published finds that indicate otherwise. In this paper I intend to challenge this opinio communis and to reframe the issue of Ionic influence in archaic Macedonia within the wider Northern Aegean context. To this end, the relevant pieces of evidence are reviewed, focusing on works of sculpture in the Ionic style and inscriptions in Ionic script, but also examining the coinage in the name of Alexander I. In short, it is demonstrated that the available pieces of evidence do not support widespread East Greek influence in Macedonia in the late Archaic period and it is argued that it was rather through the Cycladic colonies in the Strymonic Gulf that Ionic art reached Macedonia; that mostly Ionians from these colonies were responsible for the inscriptions in Ionic script in Macedonia; and that it was possibly a Central, not East, Ionic script that was employed on Alexander I’s coinage.
{"title":"Ionic Art and Script in Archaic Macedonia: Origin(s), Medium(s), Effect(s)","authors":"Angelos Boufalis","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.36758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.36758","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000It is widely assumed that Macedonia in the late Archaic period was under East Greek influence. This view was formed decades ago, based on scant evidence, but has since been established through repetition and persists despite the growing number of reported and published finds that indicate otherwise. In this paper I intend to challenge this opinio communis and to reframe the issue of Ionic influence in archaic Macedonia within the wider Northern Aegean context. To this end, the relevant pieces of evidence are reviewed, focusing on works of sculpture in the Ionic style and inscriptions in Ionic script, but also examining the coinage in the name of Alexander I. In short, it is demonstrated that the available pieces of evidence do not support widespread East Greek influence in Macedonia in the late Archaic period and it is argued that it was rather through the Cycladic colonies in the Strymonic Gulf that Ionic art reached Macedonia; that mostly Ionians from these colonies were responsible for the inscriptions in Ionic script in Macedonia; and that it was possibly a Central, not East, Ionic script that was employed on Alexander I’s coinage. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"4 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139869226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the new findings on the iconography of the two figural friezes painted in the interior of the “Tomb of the Philosophers”, an early Hellenistic, monumental, built cist grave, situated in the east cemetery of Pella, Macedonia. A new technical investigation of the tomb’s wall paintings has allowed the revision of older readings of the two friezes. In the lower, main figural frieze new observations pertain to figure characterization, through features, dress and attributes, as well as to the scene’s setting. The figures of the frieze offer the earliest preserved gathering of intellectuals whose professional insignia cannot be missed, while the celestial globe shown on the west wall appears to be one of the earliest extant representations of the device and the earliest preserved in a funerary environment. The new identification proposed for the monuments shown in the upper, secondary frieze, which represents a horse race, aligns the frieze’s composition with established iconographic schemes of agonistic events, adds multiple levels of symbolism, and ties the Pella wall-paintings more tightly than previously believed with the “Torre Annunziata philosopher mosaic”, Pompeii, and its twin from Sarsina, Umbria. The bonds of astronomy/cosmology with political theory and with aspects of Macedonian royal ideology, in particular, are set in relief. Finally, it is argued that the physical vicinity of the “Tomb of the Philosophers” with the palace of Pella and the royal court informed the mode of burial of a man of thought with favourable relations to his times’ monarchy, as well as his mode of portrayal as “the astronomer” on the west wall, a figure that presents us with a Macedonian iconographic hybrid of a philosopher, resonating the Platonic concept of the “philosopher king”.
{"title":"“Tomb of the Philosophers” in Pella, Macedonia Revisited: New Findings on Its Iconography","authors":"M. Kalaitzi, H. Brecoulaki, Giovanni Verri","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.36631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.36631","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000This article discusses the new findings on the iconography of the two figural friezes painted in the interior of the “Tomb of the Philosophers”, an early Hellenistic, monumental, built cist grave, situated in the east cemetery of Pella, Macedonia. A new technical investigation of the tomb’s wall paintings has allowed the revision of older readings of the two friezes. In the lower, main figural frieze new observations pertain to figure characterization, through features, dress and attributes, as well as to the scene’s setting. The figures of the frieze offer the earliest preserved gathering of intellectuals whose professional insignia cannot be missed, while the celestial globe shown on the west wall appears to be one of the earliest extant representations of the device and the earliest preserved in a funerary environment. The new identification proposed for the monuments shown in the upper, secondary frieze, which represents a horse race, aligns the frieze’s composition with established iconographic schemes of agonistic events, adds multiple levels of symbolism, and ties the Pella wall-paintings more tightly than previously believed with the “Torre Annunziata philosopher mosaic”, Pompeii, and its twin from Sarsina, Umbria. The bonds of astronomy/cosmology with political theory and with aspects of Macedonian royal ideology, in particular, are set in relief. Finally, it is argued that the physical vicinity of the “Tomb of the Philosophers” with the palace of Pella and the royal court informed the mode of burial of a man of thought with favourable relations to his times’ monarchy, as well as his mode of portrayal as “the astronomer” on the west wall, a figure that presents us with a Macedonian iconographic hybrid of a philosopher, resonating the Platonic concept of the “philosopher king”. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"14 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139597506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pausanias, arriving at Amphissa shortly after AD 170, met with Aitolian residents -instead of Locrians- who wanted to renounce the Locrian past of the city. These Aitolians, according to him, had refused to move to Patras or Nicopolis, when Augustus divided Aitolia between the two new colonies. Pausanias also visited Myania, Chaleion and Naupactos and mentions that the rest of the Ozolian Locris, except Amphissa, was “under the control” of the Greeks of Patras. The combination of the ancient sources (Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny and the epigraphic record of West Locris) with the archaeological finds from the region provides some information on the status of the Ozolian cities in the Roman period. The new status quo imposed by Rome in Aitolia and in Epictetos Aitolia fragmented the Hesperians and strongly affected the settlement pattern of the region. As far as Amphissa is concerned, an honorary inscription from the sanctuary of Athena Kranaia in Elateia may shed light on the matter of its new Aitolian population.
{"title":"Ozolian Locris in Roman Times: A Lost People in a Fragmented Land","authors":"George Zachos","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.35450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.35450","url":null,"abstract":"
 
 
 Pausanias, arriving at Amphissa shortly after AD 170, met with Aitolian residents -instead of Locrians- who wanted to renounce the Locrian past of the city. These Aitolians, according to him, had refused to move to Patras or Nicopolis, when Augustus divided Aitolia between the two new colonies. Pausanias also visited Myania, Chaleion and Naupactos and mentions that the rest of the Ozolian Locris, except Amphissa, was “under the control” of the Greeks of Patras. The combination of the ancient sources (Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny and the epigraphic record of West Locris) with the archaeological finds from the region provides some information on the status of the Ozolian cities in the Roman period. The new status quo imposed by Rome in Aitolia and in Epictetos Aitolia fragmented the Hesperians and strongly affected the settlement pattern of the region. As far as Amphissa is concerned, an honorary inscription from the sanctuary of Athena Kranaia in Elateia may shed light on the matter of its new Aitolian population.
 
 
","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136374895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers an edition of 19 Greek inscriptions from the Museum of Malatya (ancient Melitene, Cappadocia), among them 13 previously-unpublished texts including two new metrical inscriptions. With the exception of the one in the Appendix, these texts are funerary, should be dated to the period c. 150-250/300 AD, and take the form of family members dedicating funerary monuments in commemoration of deceased relatives. They offer significant insight into naming habits in this part of inland Asia Minor at the time of the Roman empire, not least in the use of Greek and Roman conventions including double-names and short names; among the inscriptions are several names otherwise not firmly attested in otherwise-published inscriptions (Amate, Anophthenes, Atios, Mazoubine, Taurophilos). A plague or illness is attested in one inscription. The funerary formulae of these inscriptions offer insight into the use of traditional Greek acclamations and also the translation into Greek of the Latin habit of dedicating funerary monuments to the Household Gods. The physical aspects of the stelai, featuring pedimental decorations, acroteria and inscribed texts, and sometimes objets de toilette, echo Greek traditions in commemoration but also constitute a recognisably local style. Aspects of the human bust portraits on a number of the monuments resemble those known elsewhere in inland Asia Minor. The metrical aspect of two of the inscriptions demonstrates a further level of artistry and engagement with a long Greek epitaphic tradition and indicates an aspirational literary ostentation. Overall, they illustrate the mingling of Greek, Roman and other cultures in a region influenced by the presence of the 12th Roman Legion; in particular they enunciate the signi cance of funerary display across the cultural spectrum and demonstrate the power of private funerary monuments to express family ties in Cappadocia at a time of Roman power. Summary for Turkish Readers Türkçe Özet:Birden Çok Etnik Unsur Barındıran Antik Kappadokia Bölgesinde Yeni İsimler, Mevkiler ve Ailevi Duyarlılık: Malatya Müzesi’nden Antik Yunanca Yazıtlar Malatya Arkeoloji Müzesi’ndeki Antik Yunanca yazıtlar, ilgili Müze Müdürlüğü’nün 3 Haziran 2021 tarih ve E-28262782-806.01.03-1429753 sayılı izinleri ile çalışılmış ve bu makale kapsamında yayınlanmıştır. Müze’deki gerekli belgeleme işlemi Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi’nden Arkeolog Alev Çetingöz tarafından Ağustos 2021 tarihinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu makalede toplam 18 adet Yunanca yazıtlı taş eser takdim edilmektedir. Makalede önce, Müze’de teşhirde olan ve daha önce yayını yapılmış Antik Yu- nanca yazıtlı beş adet mezar steli tanıtıldıktan sonra, daha önce yayını yapılmayan 13 adet yazıt tanıtılmıştır. Yazıtların 17 adeti İ.S. 2.-3. yy. arasına, yani Roma Dönemi’ne, biri ise İ.S. 5.-6. yy.’a aittir. Makalede tanıtılan eserlerin içeriği sırası ile şöyledir: a. Daha önce yayınları yapılmış
本文提供了来自马拉提亚博物馆(古Melitene，卡帕多西亚)的19个希腊铭文的版本，其中有13个以前未发表的文本，包括两个新的格力铭文。除了附录中的那个，这些文字都是陪葬的，应该可以追溯到公元150-250/300年，并采取家庭成员为纪念已故亲属而奉献陪葬纪念碑的形式。它们提供了对罗马帝国时期小亚细亚内陆地区命名习惯的重要见解，尤其是对希腊和罗马惯例的使用，包括双名和短名;在这些铭文中，有几个名字在其他出版的铭文中没有得到证实(阿玛特、阿诺菲尼、阿提奥斯、马佐宾、陶洛菲洛斯)。瘟疫或疾病在一个铭文中得到证实。这些铭文的丧葬公式提供了对传统希腊赞美诗的使用的洞察力，也将拉丁人将丧葬纪念碑献给家庭之神的习惯翻译成希腊语。石碑的物理方面，以山形装饰、神庙和铭文为特色，有时还有梳妆用品，呼应了希腊传统的纪念活动，但也构成了一种可识别的当地风格。许多纪念碑上的人体半身像与小亚细亚内陆其他地方已知的相似。两个铭文的格律方面展示了艺术的进一步水平，并与长期的希腊墓志铭传统接触，表明了一种有抱负的文学炫耀。总的来说，它们说明了希腊、罗马和其他文化在一个受第十二罗马军团影响的地区的融合;特别是，它们阐明了跨文化范围的丧葬展示的重要性，并展示了私人丧葬纪念碑在罗马统治时期表达卡帕多西亚家庭关系的力量。总结为土耳其的读者Turkce Ozet: Birden科钦Etnik Unsur酒吧ındı跑Antik Kappadokia Bolgesinde Yeniİ微笑,Mevkiler ve Ailevi Duyarlıl kı:马拉蒂亚Muzesi 'nden Antik Yunanca Yazıtlar马拉蒂亚Arkeoloji Muzesi 'ndeki Antik Yunanca Yazıtlar, ilgili Muze Mudurluğu 'nun Haziran 2021 tarih ve e - 28262782 - 806.01.03 28262782说ılıizinleri ile卡尔ışılmışve bu makale kapsamında耶ınlanmıştır。m ze 'deki gerekli belgeleme i lemi Dokuz eyyl l Üniversitesi 'nden Arkeolog Alev Çetingöz tarafından Ağustos 2021 tarihinde gerekle tirilmi tir。但是makalede toplan 18 adet Yunanca yazıtlı taekeser takdim edilmektedir。Makalede önce, m zede te hirde olan ve daha önce yayını yapılmış Antik Yu- nanca yazıtlı beek adet mezar steel tanıtıldıktan sonra, daha önce yayını yapılmayan 13 adet yazıt tanıtılmıştır。Yazıtların 17 adeti İ.S。2. - 3。yy。arasına, yani Roma Dönemi 'ne, biri ise İ.S。5. 6。yy。“aittir。Makalede tanıtılan eserlerin içeriği sırası ile şöyledir: a. Daha önce yayınları yapılmış yazıtlar:i -海琳tarafından kocasıicin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,ii - Anneleri Na icin oğullarınıyaptırttıklarımezartaşı,iii - Kyrilla tarafından annesi Priska icin yaptırı局域网mezar yazıtıfragmanı,iv - Proklos tarafından Mikke icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,v -原基因tarafından冰斗ı年代ıEuphratia icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşıile vi - Mazoubine tarafından kocası托尼斯瓦伦斯马ve annesi icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı。b.达哈önce yayınlanmamış yazıtlar:1 -身处tarafı这样ı反对派ndan大盗ve kız kardeş我Kyrille icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,2 - Loukios tarafından冰斗ı年代ıGemella icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,3 - Yeraltıtanrı守护神ına adanan mezartaşı,4 - Aouillios (Avillius) tarafından kızkardeş我使挫折icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,5 - Klaudios Amiantos tarafından冰斗ı年代ıIphigeneia ve kendisi icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,6 -安提帕tarafından kız kardeş我Glaphyra icin yaptırı局域网şiir vezinli mezartaşı,7 - Taurophilos tarafından冰斗ı年代ıAme (Nea) icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,8 - Kyrillos tarafından annesi艾莉雅Stratoneike icin yaptırı局域网şiir vezinli mezartaşı,9 - Roustikos ve Iasonis tarafından oğullarıRoustikos icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,10 - Axios tarafından冰斗ı年代ıicin yaptırı局域网mezartaşı,11 - Apollonios ve Athenion tarafından尼卡斯icin yaptırı局域网mezartaşıile 12 - Anakon ve Proklos adlarıgecen yazıt。Makalenin sonunda ise zerinde Hristiyan azizi Theodoros 'un adının geçtiği Erken Bizans Dönemi 'ne ' it bir taekeser tanıtılmaktadır。
{"title":"New Names, Status and Family Sentiment in Multi-ethnic Cappadocia: Greek Inscriptions from the Museum of Malatya","authors":"E. Laflı, P. Liddel, Alev Çetingöz, T. Mitford","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.34979","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.34979","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000This article offers an edition of 19 Greek inscriptions from the Museum of Malatya (ancient Melitene, Cappadocia), among them 13 previously-unpublished texts including two new metrical inscriptions. With the exception of the one in the Appendix, these texts are funerary, should be dated to the period c. 150-250/300 AD, and take the form of family members dedicating funerary monuments in commemoration of deceased relatives. They offer significant insight into naming habits in this part of inland Asia Minor at the time of the Roman empire, not least in the use of Greek and Roman conventions including double-names and short names; among the inscriptions are several names otherwise not firmly attested in otherwise-published inscriptions (Amate, Anophthenes, Atios, Mazoubine, Taurophilos). A plague or illness is attested in one inscription. The funerary formulae of these inscriptions offer insight into the use of traditional Greek acclamations and also the translation into Greek of the Latin habit of dedicating funerary monuments to the Household Gods. The physical aspects of the stelai, featuring pedimental decorations, acroteria and inscribed texts, and sometimes objets de toilette, echo Greek traditions in commemoration but also constitute a recognisably local style. Aspects of the human bust portraits on a number of the monuments resemble those known elsewhere in inland Asia Minor. The metrical aspect of two of the inscriptions demonstrates a further level of artistry and engagement with a long Greek epitaphic tradition and indicates an aspirational literary ostentation. Overall, they illustrate the mingling of Greek, Roman and other cultures in a region influenced by the presence of the 12th Roman Legion; in particular they enunciate the signi cance of funerary display across the cultural spectrum and demonstrate the power of private funerary monuments to express family ties in Cappadocia at a time of Roman power. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000Summary for Turkish Readers \u0000Türkçe Özet:Birden Çok Etnik Unsur Barındıran Antik Kappadokia Bölgesinde Yeni İsimler, Mevkiler ve Ailevi Duyarlılık: Malatya Müzesi’nden Antik Yunanca Yazıtlar \u0000Malatya Arkeoloji Müzesi’ndeki Antik Yunanca yazıtlar, ilgili Müze Müdürlüğü’nün 3 Haziran 2021 tarih ve E-28262782-806.01.03-1429753 sayılı izinleri ile çalışılmış ve bu makale kapsamında yayınlanmıştır. Müze’deki gerekli belgeleme işlemi Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi’nden Arkeolog Alev Çetingöz tarafından Ağustos 2021 tarihinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. \u0000Bu makalede toplam 18 adet Yunanca yazıtlı taş eser takdim edilmektedir. Makalede önce, Müze’de teşhirde olan ve daha önce yayını yapılmış Antik Yu- nanca yazıtlı beş adet mezar steli tanıtıldıktan sonra, daha önce yayını yapılmayan 13 adet yazıt tanıtılmıştır. Yazıtların 17 adeti İ.S. 2.-3. yy. arasına, yani Roma Dönemi’ne, biri ise İ.S. 5.-6. yy.’a aittir. \u0000Makalede tanıtılan eserlerin içeriği sırası ile şöyledir: a. Daha önce yayınları yapılmış","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47389807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Herakles was jointly perceived in Thessaly and Macedonia as the legendary progenitor and patron deity of the Macedonian royal oikos and Thessalian elite ruling families, while he was worshipped at many social levels and contexts. This paper discusses the nature and role of Herakles’ cult, also in his capacity as Kynagidas, in the sacred landscape and socio-political milieu of the east and north Thessalian perioikoi from the fourth to the second century, when significant parts of both perioikic regions became officially annexed to Macedonia and eventually passed under the jurisdiction of the local Koina. Documents of the royal chancery, public resolutions, private and collective dedications corroborate literary and archaeological evidence, and showcase a prominent cult which was deeply rooted in both civic and royal contexts.
{"title":"Herakles and Herakles Kynagidas in Magnesia and Perrhaibia","authors":"S. Kravaritou","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.34129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.34129","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000Herakles was jointly perceived in Thessaly and Macedonia as the legendary progenitor and patron deity of the Macedonian royal oikos and Thessalian elite ruling families, while he was worshipped at many social levels and contexts. This paper discusses the nature and role of Herakles’ cult, also in his capacity as Kynagidas, in the sacred landscape and socio-political milieu of the east and north Thessalian perioikoi from the fourth to the second century, when significant parts of both perioikic regions became officially annexed to Macedonia and eventually passed under the jurisdiction of the local Koina. Documents of the royal chancery, public resolutions, private and collective dedications corroborate literary and archaeological evidence, and showcase a prominent cult which was deeply rooted in both civic and royal contexts. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48166624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the epigraphic and archaeological evidence attesting the staging of gladiatorial and associated spectacles in Roman Crete. The evidence indicates shows held in the capital of the province, Gortyn; in the colony of Knossos, in Hierapytna, and possibly in Chersonesos and Kissamos. Some of the spectacles that took place in Gortyn were extraordinary and very costly, including beast fights, public executions and gladiatorial combats with sharp weapons. The cities that presented these spectacles were leading towns and principal ports for the complex trade networks in which the island was involved, and open to innovation. The wealth thereby accumulated enabled the execution of new public infrastructures in these towns, among them the new type of spectacle building that appeared in the Mediterranean, the amphitheater.
{"title":"Gladiatorial Spectacles in Crete","authors":"Michalis Karambinis","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.34085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.34085","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000This article examines the epigraphic and archaeological evidence attesting the staging of gladiatorial and associated spectacles in Roman Crete. The evidence indicates shows held in the capital of the province, Gortyn; in the colony of Knossos, in Hierapytna, and possibly in Chersonesos and Kissamos. Some of the spectacles that took place in Gortyn were extraordinary and very costly, including beast fights, public executions and gladiatorial combats with sharp weapons. The cities that presented these spectacles were leading towns and principal ports for the complex trade networks in which the island was involved, and open to innovation. The wealth thereby accumulated enabled the execution of new public infrastructures in these towns, among them the new type of spectacle building that appeared in the Mediterranean, the amphitheater. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47748648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In addition to the documents that they disseminate, inscriptions sometimes contain artefacts of archival processes or “dockets”. Some three dozen examples are collected in the Catalogue, almost all of which accompany documents that originate outside the city where they are displayed. The article discusses what dockets imply about civic archives and what motivated their inclusion.
{"title":"Archival Dockets in Greek Inscriptions","authors":"C. Eilers","doi":"10.12681/tekmeria.33956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.33956","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000In addition to the documents that they disseminate, inscriptions sometimes contain artefacts of archival processes or “dockets”. Some three dozen examples are collected in the Catalogue, almost all of which accompany documents that originate outside the city where they are displayed. The article discusses what dockets imply about civic archives and what motivated their inclusion. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":30095,"journal":{"name":"Tekmeria","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46984821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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