Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.9
Nikolai N. Stankov
The author of the article investigates the reaction of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania, Austria and Germany on Charles Habsburg’s restoration attempts to retrieve the Hungarian crown in March, April and October, 1921. The work is based on archival and published documents. The author pays special attention to the diplomatic, political and military collaboration of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and Romania and to the forming of the Little Entente as a military and political alliance. The influence of the position of the Austrian government during Charles Habsburg’s first putsch on the domestic situation in that country and the international relation in Central Europe is analysed in the paper. The author of the article also demonstrates the character of the international negotiations in the issue dealing with Burgenland, Beneš’s attempts to be a moderator during the negotiations and the reaction of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania and Italy to them. The changes of the international relations in Central Europe at this time are also investigated in details. Besides that, Czechoslovakia was making attempts not only to strengthen the cooperation of the members of the Little Entente but also to isolate Hungary and to weaken its relations with Austria and Poland. The politicians in Prague achieved this purpose by concluding the treaties with Poland on 6 November 1921 and Austria on 16 December 1921. The successes of the Little Entente in the resistance against the Habsburgs’ restoration in Hungary dealt with the enforcement of its international, political and military positions in Central Europe. The German diplomats considered the activity of the Czechoslovakia and its country members as an attempt to isolate Germany. Under those conditions Germany and Hungary were both interested in cooperation. The negotiations between Hungary and Germany during the autumn of 1921 and the co-ordination of these states’ attitude with a number of international problems are analysed in the article.
{"title":"Habsburgs’ Attempts of the Restoration in Hungary in 1921 and the International Relations in Central Europe (based on the Czechoslovak diplomatic documents)","authors":"Nikolai N. Stankov","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.9","url":null,"abstract":"The author of the article investigates the reaction of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania, Austria and Germany on Charles Habsburg’s restoration attempts to retrieve the Hungarian crown in March, April and October, 1921. The work is based on archival and published documents. The author pays special attention to the diplomatic, political and military collaboration of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and Romania and to the forming of the Little Entente as a military and political alliance. The influence of the position of the Austrian government during Charles Habsburg’s first putsch on the domestic situation in that country and the international relation in Central Europe is analysed in the paper. The author of the article also demonstrates the character of the international negotiations in the issue dealing with Burgenland, Beneš’s attempts to be a moderator during the negotiations and the reaction of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania and Italy to them. The changes of the international relations in Central Europe at this time are also investigated in details. Besides that, Czechoslovakia was making attempts not only to strengthen the cooperation of the members of the Little Entente but also to isolate Hungary and to weaken its relations with Austria and Poland. The politicians in Prague achieved this purpose by concluding the treaties with Poland on 6 November 1921 and Austria on 16 December 1921. The successes of the Little Entente in the resistance against the Habsburgs’ restoration in Hungary dealt with the enforcement of its international, political and military positions in Central Europe. The German diplomats considered the activity of the Czechoslovakia and its country members as an attempt to isolate Germany. Under those conditions Germany and Hungary were both interested in cooperation. The negotiations between Hungary and Germany during the autumn of 1921 and the co-ordination of these states’ attitude with a number of international problems are analysed in the article.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76659111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.12
O. Kazak
The purpose of work is detection of specifics of various models of ethnocultural identity of the Eastern Slavic population of the Subcarpathian Rus’ in 1939–1944 and their interferences in the context of policy of the Hungarian authorities in the region. The methods of the research were general scientific and special historical methods: historical comparative, historical typological, historical systematic, method of historical retrospection, content analysis. The research result was disclosing assumptions and characteristics of the ethnocultural policy of Budapest in Subcarpathian Rus’, the reconstruction of the mechanisms of adaptation of various ethnocultural trends representatives (Russophiles, Ukrainophiles, Rusynophilles) to the existing conditions of social life in the region. The scientific novelty of the research is determined by the fact that on the basis of a wide range of archive documents of the various states and published sources, scholarly literature (including in Hungarian) was conducted a systematic study of the ethnocultural engineering of official Budapest in relation to the Eastern Slavic population of Subcarpathian Rus’. The results can be used for further studies of various aspects of social and national-cultural life of Subcarpathian Rus’, as well as for comparative analysis of political processes in Central Europe. The main provisions, the theoretical findings and the factual material, which contained in article, can be used for the writing of complex scientific works on national processes in Central and Eastern Europe in the twentieth century, courses of lectures on general history of the Contemporary period, special courses on the history of Hungary and Ukraine. The study results give recommendations to research institutions and educational institutions, leading research in the field of Hungarian studies and Rusyns studies.
{"title":"National-Cultural Movements of the East Slavic Population of Subcarpathian Rus' in the Context of Hungarian Policy (1938–1944)","authors":"O. Kazak","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.12","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of work is detection of specifics of various models of ethnocultural identity of the Eastern Slavic population of the Subcarpathian Rus’ in 1939–1944 and their interferences in the context of policy of the Hungarian authorities in the region. The methods of the research were general scientific and special historical methods: historical comparative, historical typological, historical systematic, method of historical retrospection, content analysis. The research result was disclosing assumptions and characteristics of the ethnocultural policy of Budapest in Subcarpathian Rus’, the reconstruction of the mechanisms of adaptation of various ethnocultural trends representatives (Russophiles, Ukrainophiles, Rusynophilles) to the existing conditions of social life in the region. The scientific novelty of the research is determined by the fact that on the basis of a wide range of archive documents of the various states and published sources, scholarly literature (including in Hungarian) was conducted a systematic study of the ethnocultural engineering of official Budapest in relation to the Eastern Slavic population of Subcarpathian Rus’. The results can be used for further studies of various aspects of social and national-cultural life of Subcarpathian Rus’, as well as for comparative analysis of political processes in Central Europe. The main provisions, the theoretical findings and the factual material, which contained in article, can be used for the writing of complex scientific works on national processes in Central and Eastern Europe in the twentieth century, courses of lectures on general history of the Contemporary period, special courses on the history of Hungary and Ukraine. The study results give recommendations to research institutions and educational institutions, leading research in the field of Hungarian studies and Rusyns studies.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73667451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.7
A. Stykalin
The historical experience of Hungarian-Romanian relations in previous eras affected the relations of the Hungarian national minority of Transylvania with the Romanian communist authorities from the 1950s to the 1980s. The concept of Romania as a unitary national state excluded the idea of Hungarian territorial autonomy even within its narrowest borders; Transylvanian Hungarians were declared an integral part of the Romanian political nation. This caused growing resistance from the consolidated Hungarian minority with a highly developed national identity and with the intelligentsia, which perceived itself as the guardian of the 1000-year-old Hungarian state and cultural traditions in Transylvania. The reaction of the Transylvanian Hungarian intelligentsia to the growing Romanian nationalist challenge changed as the Ceauşescu regime evolved, giving rise to different behavioral strategies. In the late 1960s, when Romania’s independent policy was internationally recognised the dominant attitude was to influence the situation through dialogue with the authorities. Later, from the end of the 1970s, the participation of Transylvanian Hungarians in the Romanian dissident movement intensified. The policy of the K.d.r regime concerning the Hungarians in Romania also changed depending on the state of Hungary–Romania relations.
{"title":"The Hungarian Community of Transylvania in Its Relations With the Romanian Communist Authorities From the 1950s to the 1980s","authors":"A. Stykalin","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.7","url":null,"abstract":"The historical experience of Hungarian-Romanian relations in previous eras affected the relations of the Hungarian national minority of Transylvania with the Romanian communist authorities from the 1950s to the 1980s. The concept of Romania as a unitary national state excluded the idea of Hungarian territorial autonomy even within its narrowest borders; Transylvanian Hungarians were declared an integral part of the Romanian political nation. This caused growing resistance from the consolidated Hungarian minority with a highly developed national identity and with the intelligentsia, which perceived itself as the guardian of the 1000-year-old Hungarian state and cultural traditions in Transylvania. The reaction of the Transylvanian Hungarian intelligentsia to the growing Romanian nationalist challenge changed as the Ceauşescu regime evolved, giving rise to different behavioral strategies. In the late 1960s, when Romania’s independent policy was internationally recognised the dominant attitude was to influence the situation through dialogue with the authorities. Later, from the end of the 1970s, the participation of Transylvanian Hungarians in the Romanian dissident movement intensified. The policy of the K.d.r regime concerning the Hungarians in Romania also changed depending on the state of Hungary–Romania relations.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81973171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.10
A. Silkin
The article deals with the Democratic Party, founded in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1919. The party existed until the early years after the Second World War. However, despite more than 30 years of history, in the first half of the 1920s the inability of the party to fulfill its original mission, as its founders saw it, was manifested. That predetermined the split of the Democratic Party in 1924. One after another, the founders of the party abandoned the fundamentalist Yugoslavism that characterized the first program of the party and its activities in the early 1920s. Not only did the democrats show a utilitarian approach to their own Yugoslavist credo, but so did almost everyone who hoped to occupy certain positions of power in the 1920s. Politicians had to balance the need to swear allegiance to the supranational ideology that laid the foundation of Yugoslavia with the desire to match the marginalized “narrow tribal” sentiments of voters. What happened to the democrats in the period under review is of particular interest, because it clearly demonstrates how quickly Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian leaders lost their barely acquired faith in the idea of the national unity of the Yugoslavians — an idea that turned out to be incapable of ensuring political mobilization of the masses.
{"title":"Democratic Party in the Early Years of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. “The Only Party of All Tribes, All Religions and All Classes”","authors":"A. Silkin","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.10","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the Democratic Party, founded in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1919. The party existed until the early years after the Second World War. However, despite more than 30 years of history, in the first half of the 1920s the inability of the party to fulfill its original mission, as its founders saw it, was manifested. That predetermined the split of the Democratic Party in 1924. One after another, the founders of the party abandoned the fundamentalist Yugoslavism that characterized the first program of the party and its activities in the early 1920s. Not only did the democrats show a utilitarian approach to their own Yugoslavist credo, but so did almost everyone who hoped to occupy certain positions of power in the 1920s. Politicians had to balance the need to swear allegiance to the supranational ideology that laid the foundation of Yugoslavia with the desire to match the marginalized “narrow tribal” sentiments of voters. What happened to the democrats in the period under review is of particular interest, because it clearly demonstrates how quickly Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian leaders lost their barely acquired faith in the idea of the national unity of the Yugoslavians — an idea that turned out to be incapable of ensuring political mobilization of the masses.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75543213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.2
Anastasia A. Zhdanovskaya
The focus of this article is the history of the Union for the Study of the History of Germans in Bohemia. This voluntary association operated in the Czech Lands and Czechoslovakia from 1862 to 1938. The Union emerged in an era of increasing nationalisation of public life in this region and became one of the many associations that attracted a particular national community. Such associations are often called “national defence unions”, which implies a focus on preserving the national core identity and specific parts thereof. Nevertheless, the objectives of the Union were formulated with an emphasis on purely scientific activities that would shed light on various aspects of German–Bohemian history, as well as allow for systematic collection of sources. In this article, the author attempts to answer the question of whether the scientific and educational mission of the Union could remain the same in such a tense context for Bohemian Germans. This issue is considered from different angles: the tasks of the organization, the specific results of its activities, the scale and transformation of its structure, its affiliation with German political activists, and the main product of the Union’s activities — its publication activity — are analysed. The latter is addressed by quantitative indicators, which allows us to see the true scale of the controversy and topicality of the Union’s materials. The result of the research is the conclusion that despite the complex sociopolitical context and the relevance of the request for an “appropriate” Bohemian history, the Union retained its focus on local research and over time became more and more professional, contrary to the spirit of the time, losing touch with pressing political tasks.
{"title":"Science, Politics, or Propaganda? From the History of the Union for Research of the History of Germans in Bohemia","authors":"Anastasia A. Zhdanovskaya","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.2","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of this article is the history of the Union for the Study of the History of Germans in Bohemia. This voluntary association operated in the Czech Lands and Czechoslovakia from 1862 to 1938. The Union emerged in an era of increasing nationalisation of public life in this region and became one of the many associations that attracted a particular national community. Such associations are often called “national defence unions”, which implies a focus on preserving the national core identity and specific parts thereof. Nevertheless, the objectives of the Union were formulated with an emphasis on purely scientific activities that would shed light on various aspects of German–Bohemian history, as well as allow for systematic collection of sources. In this article, the author attempts to answer the question of whether the scientific and educational mission of the Union could remain the same in such a tense context for Bohemian Germans. This issue is considered from different angles: the tasks of the organization, the specific results of its activities, the scale and transformation of its structure, its affiliation with German political activists, and the main product of the Union’s activities — its publication activity — are analysed. The latter is addressed by quantitative indicators, which allows us to see the true scale of the controversy and topicality of the Union’s materials. The result of the research is the conclusion that despite the complex sociopolitical context and the relevance of the request for an “appropriate” Bohemian history, the Union retained its focus on local research and over time became more and more professional, contrary to the spirit of the time, losing touch with pressing political tasks.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"82 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80303944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.4
Nenad Đ. Ninković
Among the dioceses of the Archbishopric of Karlovci (Metropolitanate), Buda was the smallest in terms of number of adherents. Its significance, however, was disproportionate to its size. During the eighteenth century, there were several influential Serbian bishops (such as Sinesije Živanović, Sofronija Kirilović, and Arsenije Radivojević) and archbishops (including Vikentije Jovanović, Isaija Antonović, and Pavle Nenadović) in the Habsburg Monarchy who came from the Diocese of Buda. In the Diocese of Buda, the class of merchants, traders, and the educated were more sophisticated than in any other Orthodox diocese in Hungary. This left a significant impact on Serbian history because they played an important role in the assemblies, which were the Serbs’ most important secular institution within the Habsburg Monarchy. This paper will first consider the beginnings of the Diocese of Buda, which was formed during the mid-16th century when Hungary was part of the Ottoman Empire. Then the development of the diocese will be analyzed, starting from 1695, when it was established according to the Privileges of Emperor Leopold I, until 1791, when it was headed by Dionisije Popović (Papazoglu), who until then had been the Metropolitan of Belgrade, and under whom a new period in the diocese’s history began. The paper will then address the history of Orthodox church building, the influence of bishops both inside and outside the Diocese of Buda, and the considerable differences between the northern and southern parts of the diocese.
{"title":"The Serbs in the Centre of the Hungarian State: The Diocese of Buda in the Eighteenth Century","authors":"Nenad Đ. Ninković","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.4","url":null,"abstract":"Among the dioceses of the Archbishopric of Karlovci (Metropolitanate), Buda was the smallest in terms of number of adherents. Its significance, however, was disproportionate to its size. During the eighteenth century, there were several influential Serbian bishops (such as Sinesije Živanović, Sofronija Kirilović, and Arsenije Radivojević) and archbishops (including Vikentije Jovanović, Isaija Antonović, and Pavle Nenadović) in the Habsburg Monarchy who came from the Diocese of Buda. In the Diocese of Buda, the class of merchants, traders, and the educated were more sophisticated than in any other Orthodox diocese in Hungary. This left a significant impact on Serbian history because they played an important role in the assemblies, which were the Serbs’ most important secular institution within the Habsburg Monarchy. This paper will first consider the beginnings of the Diocese of Buda, which was formed during the mid-16th century when Hungary was part of the Ottoman Empire. Then the development of the diocese will be analyzed, starting from 1695, when it was established according to the Privileges of Emperor Leopold I, until 1791, when it was headed by Dionisije Popović (Papazoglu), who until then had been the Metropolitan of Belgrade, and under whom a new period in the diocese’s history began. The paper will then address the history of Orthodox church building, the influence of bishops both inside and outside the Diocese of Buda, and the considerable differences between the northern and southern parts of the diocese.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73586169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.5
G. Vasin
The nineteenth century history of the Buda Diocese, one of the most important administrative-territorial units of the Serbian Orthodox Karlovci Metropolis, was filled with turbulent and dynamic events, as was that of the Serbs within the Habsburg monarchy. Since the diocese was located in the very centre of the Hungarian part of the empire, its position was difficult and significantly affected by events taking place on the central political stage of the country. The number of Serbs living on the territory of the monarchy was not large, which limited their opportunities and available resources. Events such as the Napoleonic wars, the revolution of 1848–1849, and attempts to resolve the national question in the second half of the nineteenth century all had a significant impact on the life of the diocese as a church unit. Many political decisions that determined the development of the empire and the position of its population were reflected in the Serbian church and its parishioners throughout the monarchy. The diocese was under the vigilant control of the Hungarian authorities, the numerous testimonies of which, at critical historical moments, increased the drama and instability of the daily life of the Serbs of the Buda Diocese.
{"title":"Serbs in the Centre of the Hungarian State: The Diocese of Buda in the long Nineteenth Century","authors":"G. Vasin","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"The nineteenth century history of the Buda Diocese, one of the most important administrative-territorial units of the Serbian Orthodox Karlovci Metropolis, was filled with turbulent and dynamic events, as was that of the Serbs within the Habsburg monarchy. Since the diocese was located in the very centre of the Hungarian part of the empire, its position was difficult and significantly affected by events taking place on the central political stage of the country. The number of Serbs living on the territory of the monarchy was not large, which limited their opportunities and available resources. Events such as the Napoleonic wars, the revolution of 1848–1849, and attempts to resolve the national question in the second half of the nineteenth century all had a significant impact on the life of the diocese as a church unit. Many political decisions that determined the development of the empire and the position of its population were reflected in the Serbian church and its parishioners throughout the monarchy. The diocese was under the vigilant control of the Hungarian authorities, the numerous testimonies of which, at critical historical moments, increased the drama and instability of the daily life of the Serbs of the Buda Diocese.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"74 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74811969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.8
Aleksandr M. Dronov
Josip Juraj Strossmayer is a major political figure in nineteenth century Croatian history, and he represents the archetype of a cleric-politician. As one of the ideologists of the Croatian People’s Party (the narodniaks), he advocated the reconstruction of the Habsburg monarchy on a federalist basis and considered the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia to be politically equal not only with Hungary, but also with Austria. Interested in religious philosophy, Strossmayer developed a “code of honour” for a narodniak-politician, based on political morality. Such morality was based on the “crystal” honesty of the people's representative towards himself and the voters, which meant following his principles to the end. In practice, the main criterion for compliance with this morality was the defence of the rights of the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia, and more broadly the southern Slavs of the Habsburg monarchy in relation to Hungary and Austria; in other words, every manner of resistance to Magyarisation and Germanisation. He followed this principle himself throughout the entire period of his major political activity (1860–1873), which eventually led to his disillusionment with politics and the realization of his own powerlessness to influence the situation in unfavourable political conditions in the Monarchy. Nevertheless, despite personal political setbacks and the associated attacks of political opponents in the press, he didn’t depart from his beliefs, but remained faithful to them, even when they ceased to be shared by the majority of his party colleagues. Croatian-Hungarian relations after 1868 he considered far from the ideal of political morality, mainly because of their inequality.
Josip Juraj Strossmayer是19世纪克罗地亚历史上的重要政治人物，他代表了神职政治家的原型。作为克罗地亚人民党(民粹派)的理论家之一，他主张在联邦制的基础上重建哈布斯堡王朝，并认为克罗地亚和斯拉沃尼亚王国在政治上不仅与匈牙利平等，而且与奥地利平等。由于对宗教哲学很感兴趣，斯特罗斯迈尔为民粹派政治家制定了一套基于政治道德的“荣誉准则”。这种道德是建立在人民代表对自己和选民的“水晶”诚实的基础上的，这意味着要坚持他的原则到底。在实践中，遵守这一道德的主要标准是捍卫克罗地亚和斯拉沃尼亚王国的权利，更广泛地说，是捍卫哈布斯堡王朝对匈牙利和奥地利的南斯拉夫人的权利;换句话说，就是对Magyarisation和Germanisation的各种抵抗。在他主要的政治活动(1860-1873)的整个时期，他一直遵循这一原则，这最终导致他对政治的幻想破灭，并意识到他自己无力在不利的政治条件下影响君主制的局势。然而，尽管他个人在政治上遭遇挫折，并在媒体上受到政治对手的攻击，但他并没有偏离自己的信仰，而是始终忠于自己的信仰，即使他的大多数党内同事不再认同他的信仰。他认为克罗地亚和匈牙利在1868年之后的关系与理想的政治道德相去甚远，主要是因为两国的不平等。
{"title":"Josip Juraj Strossmayer’s “Political Morality” in the Context of Croatian-Hungarian Relations in the 1860s and early 1870s","authors":"Aleksandr M. Dronov","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.8","url":null,"abstract":"Josip Juraj Strossmayer is a major political figure in nineteenth century Croatian history, and he represents the archetype of a cleric-politician. As one of the ideologists of the Croatian People’s Party (the narodniaks), he advocated the reconstruction of the Habsburg monarchy on a federalist basis and considered the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia to be politically equal not only with Hungary, but also with Austria. Interested in religious philosophy, Strossmayer developed a “code of honour” for a narodniak-politician, based on political morality. Such morality was based on the “crystal” honesty of the people's representative towards himself and the voters, which meant following his principles to the end. In practice, the main criterion for compliance with this morality was the defence of the rights of the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia, and more broadly the southern Slavs of the Habsburg monarchy in relation to Hungary and Austria; in other words, every manner of resistance to Magyarisation and Germanisation. He followed this principle himself throughout the entire period of his major political activity (1860–1873), which eventually led to his disillusionment with politics and the realization of his own powerlessness to influence the situation in unfavourable political conditions in the Monarchy. Nevertheless, despite personal political setbacks and the associated attacks of political opponents in the press, he didn’t depart from his beliefs, but remained faithful to them, even when they ceased to be shared by the majority of his party colleagues. Croatian-Hungarian relations after 1868 he considered far from the ideal of political morality, mainly because of their inequality.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":"75 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80837543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.10
Petr V. Moshechkov
The subject of the present study is the process of normalisation of the relations between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in 1933 — June 1934. Regarding the historiography of the problem it should be stressed that in the Russian as well as in the Czech and Slovak historiography exists a considerable part of scientific works which are concerned with this problem. Among them we can mark such works which were written in the 1950s — 1970s by Czechoslovak (A. Ort, V. Moulis, V. Olivová, V. Král) as well as Soviet (P. I. Rezonov, S. I. Prasolov, A. F. Kizchenko, I. A. Peters) historians. The modern Czech and Slovak works are presented by monographs and articles by A. Klímek, E. Kubů, B. Ferenčuhová, J. Dejmek, E. Voráček, D. Hubený and B. Litera. In contemporary Russian historical science the problem of Czechoslovak–Soviet relations in the middle of interwar period was studied by O. N. Ken and A. I. Rupasov. However, their studies are mainly concentrated on the circumstances of signing on 16 May 1935 of the Soviet-Czechoslovak treaty of mutual assistance on the background of the Franco-Soviet co-operation and the discussion of the project of the Eastern Pact. In this connection the main object of this study became the reconstruction of the process of talks which were carried on by Soviet diplomats with their Czechoslovak colleagues. The principal sources for this article are the materials presented in the fonds of the Archive of the foreign politics of Russian Federation and published in such collections as Documents and materials on the history of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations and Documents on the USSR foreign policy. The study shows that the politics led by Soviet as well as Czechoslovak governments toward each other, especially the adoption of concrete decisions, depended on the fluctuations, which took place in the European international policy.
本研究的主题是苏联和捷克斯洛伐克在1933年至1934年6月之间关系正常化的过程。关于这个问题的史学，应该强调的是，在俄罗斯以及捷克和斯洛伐克的史学中，存在着相当一部分与这个问题有关的科学著作。在这些作品中，我们可以看到捷克斯洛伐克(A. Ort, V. Moulis, V. olivov， V. Král)以及苏联(P. I. Rezonov, S. I. Prasolov, A. F. Kizchenko, I. A. Peters)历史学家在20世纪50年代至70年代所写的作品。现代捷克和斯洛伐克的作品由A. Klímek、E. kubdv、B. feren uhov、J. Dejmek、E. Voráček、D. Hubený和B. Litera的专著和文章呈现。在当代俄罗斯史学中，肯和鲁帕索夫研究了两次世界大战中期的捷苏关系问题。但是，他们的研究主要集中于在法苏合作的背景下于1935年5月16日签署苏联-捷克斯洛伐克互助条约的情况和对《东方条约》项目的讨论。在这方面，这项研究的主要目的是重建苏联外交官与其捷克斯洛伐克同事进行的会谈进程。本文的主要资料来源是俄罗斯联邦对外政治档案馆的资料，并发表在《苏联-捷克斯洛伐克关系史文件和资料》和《苏联外交政策文件》等文集中。研究表明，苏联和捷克斯洛伐克政府主导的相互政治，特别是具体决策的采用，取决于欧洲国际政策的波动。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.5
Imre Ress
The article examines the consequences of the processes of disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and of making of national states for the archival heritage of the multiethnic empire of the Habsburgs. It is based on the provisions of the Saint-Germain and Trianon peace treaties concluded in 1919 and 1920 at Versailles concerning the intellectual and cultural heritage, as well as archival and published sources from Vienna and Budapest relating to the order of execution of these provisions. The victorious successor states that strove to divide the organically created archival heritage of the Monarchy and the funds of the Hungarian National Archives according to the territorial approach and ethnic principal, in order to satisfy the needs of national historiographies which needed additional resources for legitimisation of their independent statehoods. Both treaties provided for the application of the principle of provenance for the provision of archival services (or the transfer of documents), which were considered national intellectual property, but they did not provide a substantive explanation of these terms. Thus, this general regulation did not provide a solid legal basis for bilateral negotiations, so they were largely dependent on the balance of political power and economic considerations. From a historical perspective, the archival convention between Austria and Hungary turned out to be the most effective from a professional point of view, since in it the concept of national intellectual property, vaguely formulated in peace treaties, was not exclusively tied to the territory of a national state. In Austro-Hungarian relations, mutual recognition and use of the principle of common intellectual property allowed for cultural and academic interest in archival material outside its own territory, and at the same time guaranteed unrestricted access to information and the ability to influence the professional processing of archival material. The principles of the Baden Convention of 1926, progressive for their time, and the very adherence to its spirit, triumphed in international archival theory and practice in the 1960s as one of the possible models for resolving interstate archival disputes.
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