Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.7
Viktor Kotov
This article analyses the image of the Habsburg dynasty in Czech nationalist thinking in the 1860s and at the beginning of the 1870s. This complex and changing image is explored through the case of the Sokol movement, which combined Czech nationalism with gymnastics. The research is based on the analysis of newspapers and other primary sources. The complexity of the analysed image derives from the existence of three interrelated currents of monarchist thought in the socalled Czech lands. The traditional current can be described as paternalistic, imperialist, and Catholic. The constitutional current was related to the emperor’s acceptance of the limitation of his power. The third current was Czech nationalist monarchism characterised by the link between the concept of Czech historical state right and the prospect of Franz Joseph I’s coronation as King of Bohemia. Among the main principles of Czech nationalist thinking was totalism, which in this case meant conceiving the nation as the supreme value. Among the consequences of putting Czech national interests over everything else were the merging of nationalist and constitutional currents of monarchist thought, the differential attitude towards Franz Joseph I’s predecessors, and the alternation of anifestations of loyalty and disloyalty. Among the latter were the decisions of the Prague Sokol society not to take part in the emperor’s visit to Prague in June 1868 and to purchase the copy of his rescript dated 12 September 1871, which contained the unfulfilled coronation promise. The totality of nationalism as a political religion and the existence of different interpretations of Austrianness led Czech nationalists to take it as simultaneously their anti-identity and subsidiary identity. Austrianness as the Czech subsidiary identity was related to the idea of multinational monarchy and the concept of Austro-Slavism, while the anti-identity was incited by the German and supranational interpretations.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.3
Dalibor Denda
In the first half of the twentieth century, the Danube was extremely important to Serbia and Yugoslavia in two ways. Firstly, it served as a communication line that played a significant role in the economy, especially that of the Kingdom of Serbia. Secondly, it served as a strategic barrier in wartime. The Danube's importance became even more evident during the so-called “Customs War”, or “Pig War” with Austria-Hungary between 1906 and 1911, which resulted in Serbia's economic independence. During the First World War, the Danube was not only a natural obstacle on the Austrian front, but also a strategic communication and supply line for both the Entente and the Central Powers. The control of the river, together with gaining full control of the Belgrade — Niš — Sofia — Constantinople railway line, was the main reason for the joint Austro-Hungarian, German and Bulgarian campaign against Serbia in October 1915. During the campaign, the Germans crossed the Danube in their section of the front line, which at the time was the largest crossing operation of the river in military history. After the First World War, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia gained the largest commercial fleet on the Danube through reparations. Between the two world wars, more than 40 % of Yugoslavian goods were exported along the Danube. In the late 1930s, the Danube’s role in supplying Nazi Germany with raw materials from the Balkans, especially Romanian oil, increased. The only place suitable for sabotage operations to destabilize the supply of the German war machine was the Iron Gate, a narrowing of the Danube at the Yugoslav-Romanian border. The importance of the Danube River was demonstrated during the April 1941 war, when Germany actually attacked Yugoslavia on the night of 5–6 April 1941, capturing the Sip Canal, the most important of the seven canals cut through the Iron Gate Gorge, guarded by the Yugoslav Army. In the Second World War, the Allies bombed many ports on the Danube and German ships carrying oil. Supplies were interrupted by the joint Soviet-Yugoslav offensive, which ended in the liberation of Belgrade. Finally, the largest battle of the Second World War in Yugoslavia, fought by the Red Army and the Yugoslav People's Liberation Army, took place from 11 to 29 November 1944, near the village of Batina, on the right bank of the Danube.
{"title":"The Danube as a Significant Line of Communication and Strategic Barrier for Serbia and Yugoslavia in the First Half of the Twentieth Century","authors":"Dalibor Denda","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.3","url":null,"abstract":"In the first half of the twentieth century, the Danube was extremely important to Serbia and Yugoslavia in two ways. Firstly, it served as a communication line that played a significant role in the economy, especially that of the Kingdom of Serbia. Secondly, it served as a strategic barrier in wartime. The Danube's importance became even more evident during the so-called “Customs War”, or “Pig War” with Austria-Hungary between 1906 and 1911, which resulted in Serbia's economic independence. During the First World War, the Danube was not only a natural obstacle on the Austrian front, but also a strategic communication and supply line for both the Entente and the Central Powers. The control of the river, together with gaining full control of the Belgrade — Niš — Sofia — Constantinople railway line, was the main reason for the joint Austro-Hungarian, German and Bulgarian campaign against Serbia in October 1915. During the campaign, the Germans crossed the Danube in their section of the front line, which at the time was the largest crossing operation of the river in military history. After the First World War, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia gained the largest commercial fleet on the Danube through reparations. Between the two world wars, more than 40 % of Yugoslavian goods were exported along the Danube. In the late 1930s, the Danube’s role in supplying Nazi Germany with raw materials from the Balkans, especially Romanian oil, increased. The only place suitable for sabotage operations to destabilize the supply of the German war machine was the Iron Gate, a narrowing of the Danube at the Yugoslav-Romanian border. The importance of the Danube River was demonstrated during the April 1941 war, when Germany actually attacked Yugoslavia on the night of 5–6 April 1941, capturing the Sip Canal, the most important of the seven canals cut through the Iron Gate Gorge, guarded by the Yugoslav Army. In the Second World War, the Allies bombed many ports on the Danube and German ships carrying oil. Supplies were interrupted by the joint Soviet-Yugoslav offensive, which ended in the liberation of Belgrade. Finally, the largest battle of the Second World War in Yugoslavia, fought by the Red Army and the Yugoslav People's Liberation Army, took place from 11 to 29 November 1944, near the village of Batina, on the right bank of the Danube.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83655653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.13
N. Filatova
The article deals with one of the forms of protest behaviour of Poles against Russians and Russian policies in the constitutional Kingdom of Poland (1815–1830), and is connected with the sphere of aristocratic life. It focuses on boycotts of secular events and demonstrative mourning during the investigation of members of the Patriotic Society and the Sejm trial (1827–1828) against them. This theme is explored in the context of the history of the Russian colony in Warsaw and the interaction between Russians and Poles from educated society. The sources are Polish and Russian documents of personal origin such as memoirs and epistolary heritage, as well as Polish periodicals and literature including pamphlets against Poles dancing with Russians and scenes from A. Mickiewicz’s poem Dziady. The novelty of the work lies in the treatment of secular life as one of the forms of national identity expression in Polish material. This problem is explored in the context of an understudied topic, namely the history of the Russian colony in Warsaw and the interaction between Russians and Poles from educated society on a daily level. One of the most important tasks of the article is to create a historical picture, free from subsequent historiographical and literary layers, from the influence of Romanticism on Polish historical memory. This is done by comparing sources of various types: ego-documents, literary texts of the era, and fiction created after the Polish National Liberation Uprising of 1830–1831.
{"title":"Social Life as a Form of National Resistance (from the History of Protest Behaviour of Poles in the Constitutional Kingdom of Poland)","authors":"N. Filatova","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.13","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with one of the forms of protest behaviour of Poles against Russians and Russian policies in the constitutional Kingdom of Poland (1815–1830), and is connected with the sphere of aristocratic life. It focuses on boycotts of secular events and demonstrative mourning during the investigation of members of the Patriotic Society and the Sejm trial (1827–1828) against them. This theme is explored in the context of the history of the Russian colony in Warsaw and the interaction between Russians and Poles from educated society. The sources are Polish and Russian documents of personal origin such as memoirs and epistolary heritage, as well as Polish periodicals and literature including pamphlets against Poles dancing with Russians and scenes from A. Mickiewicz’s poem Dziady. The novelty of the work lies in the treatment of secular life as one of the forms of national identity expression in Polish material. This problem is explored in the context of an understudied topic, namely the history of the Russian colony in Warsaw and the interaction between Russians and Poles from educated society on a daily level. One of the most important tasks of the article is to create a historical picture, free from subsequent historiographical and literary layers, from the influence of Romanticism on Polish historical memory. This is done by comparing sources of various types: ego-documents, literary texts of the era, and fiction created after the Polish National Liberation Uprising of 1830–1831.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90931761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.6
J. But
The extraordinary popularity of Emperor Francis Joseph I among the population of Austria-Hungary and the phenomenon of sustainable loyalty to the ruling dynasty of Habsburgs still remain on the immediate research agenda of historians today. The development of these phenomena was strongly contributed to by the Habsburg government politics on the patriotic education of school youth and promotion of the Habsburg dynastic myth, an important part of which was the figure of Francis Joseph. This paper is an attempt to reconstruct the idea of Francis Joseph I that was transmitted to hundreds of thousands of students in Cisleithania during their compulsory history classes at school. The history textbooks are well-known to be widely exploited, in a way no other means could match, in order to convey official historical images and relevant political beliefs to young people. For this reason, the history textbooks recommended by the Ministry of Culture and Education between 1880 and 1918 were selected as primary sources for this research. The author maintains that narratives about Francis Joseph in these textbooks have hardly any significant discrepancies either in plot or in ideological concepts and, in fact, they duplicate key thoughts in different languages and different terms. The research resulted in a reconstruction of a peculiar scheme, according to which Habsburg schoolchildren learn about their emperor as a sovereign and a person. According to this scheme, they were also led to believe that all good citizens of Austria-Hungary ought to be emotionally attached and constantly grateful to the emperor; they also ought to admire their wise ruler and regard him, with his perfect human characteristics, as an excellent role model.
{"title":"A Perfect Monarch: The Image of Francis Joseph I in Textbooks for Habsburg Schools","authors":"J. But","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.6","url":null,"abstract":"The extraordinary popularity of Emperor Francis Joseph I among the population of Austria-Hungary and the phenomenon of sustainable loyalty to the ruling dynasty of Habsburgs still remain on the immediate research agenda of historians today. The development of these phenomena was strongly contributed to by the Habsburg government politics on the patriotic education of school youth and promotion of the Habsburg dynastic myth, an important part of which was the figure of Francis Joseph. This paper is an attempt to reconstruct the idea of Francis Joseph I that was transmitted to hundreds of thousands of students in Cisleithania during their compulsory history classes at school. The history textbooks are well-known to be widely exploited, in a way no other means could match, in order to convey official historical images and relevant political beliefs to young people. For this reason, the history textbooks recommended by the Ministry of Culture and Education between 1880 and 1918 were selected as primary sources for this research. The author maintains that narratives about Francis Joseph in these textbooks have hardly any significant discrepancies either in plot or in ideological concepts and, in fact, they duplicate key thoughts in different languages and different terms. The research resulted in a reconstruction of a peculiar scheme, according to which Habsburg schoolchildren learn about their emperor as a sovereign and a person. According to this scheme, they were also led to believe that all good citizens of Austria-Hungary ought to be emotionally attached and constantly grateful to the emperor; they also ought to admire their wise ruler and regard him, with his perfect human characteristics, as an excellent role model.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79377979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.4
M. Gulić
During the “short” twentieth century, the Yugoslav state on several occasions faced wars or conflicts in which it temporarily or permanently disappeared. The Second World War irrevocably destroyed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It was occupied, fragmented, and came out of the war with a changed socio-political structure. When the fire of war spread again to Yugoslavia in April 1941, the Danube bridges were also damaged. They were destroyed by the Yugoslav army in an attempt to slow down the advance of German troops. At that time, the symbolic bridges of Belgrade and Novi Sad — the Bridge of King Peter the Second and the Bridge of Prince Tomislav — were destroyed. Temporary or rebuilt bridges were also damaged in the final phase of the war in 1944, either by Allied bombing raids or during the withdrawal of German troops, who demolished them in order to slow the invasion of the Yugoslav People’s Liberation Army and the Red Army. Half a century later, the bridges were damaged again. During the NATO aggression on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the most important roads were also hit. Among others, several Danube bridges were damaged, including all three bridges in Novi Sad — Varadin Bridge, Žeželj’s Bridge, and the Bridge of Freedom. The Danube bridges in Yugoslavia shared the fate of the state that built them. They were demolished and rebuilt, and their story is a metaphor for the history of a country that no longer exists, and which once covered a significant part of the course of the Danube.
{"title":"The Damage Suffered by Danube Bridges in Yugoslavia During the Twentieth Century","authors":"M. Gulić","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.4","url":null,"abstract":"During the “short” twentieth century, the Yugoslav state on several occasions faced wars or conflicts in which it temporarily or permanently disappeared. The Second World War irrevocably destroyed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It was occupied, fragmented, and came out of the war with a changed socio-political structure. When the fire of war spread again to Yugoslavia in April 1941, the Danube bridges were also damaged. They were destroyed by the Yugoslav army in an attempt to slow down the advance of German troops. At that time, the symbolic bridges of Belgrade and Novi Sad — the Bridge of King Peter the Second and the Bridge of Prince Tomislav — were destroyed. Temporary or rebuilt bridges were also damaged in the final phase of the war in 1944, either by Allied bombing raids or during the withdrawal of German troops, who demolished them in order to slow the invasion of the Yugoslav People’s Liberation Army and the Red Army. Half a century later, the bridges were damaged again. During the NATO aggression on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the most important roads were also hit. Among others, several Danube bridges were damaged, including all three bridges in Novi Sad — Varadin Bridge, Žeželj’s Bridge, and the Bridge of Freedom. The Danube bridges in Yugoslavia shared the fate of the state that built them. They were demolished and rebuilt, and their story is a metaphor for the history of a country that no longer exists, and which once covered a significant part of the course of the Danube.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85928346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.11
Irina A. Gerchikova
This article focuses on attitudes towards state power in Czechoslovak literature in the period 1948–1989, which can be divided into three stages of development. The first decade (from the late 1940s to the late 1950s), when the state actively intervened incultural life and developed methods of artistic creation management, was characterised by an unconditional acceptance and praise in literature of the gains of socialism (including the “industrial novel” and those about collectivization, such as by Alena Bernášková with her novel The Way Is Open; V. Řezač, who vividly expressed the pathos of socialist construction, his dilogy Offensive and Battle; Bohumil Říha; and the poets Jozef Kajnar, Jan Pilář, Vlastimil Školaudi). The second stage (from the late 1950s to the late 1960s) was marked with criticism of dogmatism and the search for a model of “socialism with a human face”, with the dream being a kind of “Czech” or “third way” for Czechoslovakia which could overcome the negative aspects of both Communist and Capitalist systems (Jiří Marek, Josef Nesvadba, Jiří S. Kupka and others). The third stage (1969–1989) was the era of “Normalization”, with the parallel existence of official subcensored literature serving the interests of the state, as well as “samizdat” and émigré literature with harsh criticism and condemnation of totalitarianism (Milan Kundera, Josef Škvorecký, Egon Hostovský, Karel Pecka and others). The majority of attention is paid to the first and second stages since they are less known. The life and work of Ladislav Mňačko, a prominent Slovak journalist and writer is also examined. His work, undeservedly, is little studied. His novel A Taste of Power — is a political pamphlet and a psychological analysis of power and the mechanism of its decay; a harsh and uncompromising judgment of totalitarianism.
本文关注的是1948-1989年间捷克斯洛伐克文学对国家权力的态度，捷克斯洛伐克文学的发展可分为三个阶段。第一个十年(从20世纪40年代末到50年代末)，当国家积极干预文化生活和发展艺术创作管理方法时，其特点是文学上无条件地接受和赞扬社会主义的成果(包括“工业小说”和那些关于集体化的作品，如Alena Bernášková的小说《道路是开放的》;V. Řezač，他生动地表达了社会主义建设的悲怆，他的小说《进攻与战斗》;BohumilŘ宫内厅;诗人约瑟夫·卡伊纳尔，Jan Pilář，弗拉斯提米尔Školaudi)。第二阶段(从1950年代末到1960年代末)的特点是对教条主义的批评和对“有人性的社会主义”模式的探索，梦想是捷克斯洛伐克的一种“捷克”或“第三条道路”，可以克服共产主义和资本主义制度的消极方面(Jiří Marek, Josef Nesvadba, Jiří S. Kupka和其他人)。第三阶段(1969-1989年)是“正常化”时期，同时存在着为国家利益服务的官方亚审查文学，以及对极权主义进行严厉批评和谴责的“地下文献”和“移民文学”(Milan Kundera, Josef Škvorecký， Egon Hostovský， Karel Pecka等人)。大多数注意力集中在第一和第二阶段，因为它们不太为人所知。拉迪斯拉夫Mňačko，一位杰出的斯洛伐克记者和作家的生活和工作也进行了审查。他的作品很少被研究，这是不合理的。他的小说《权力的滋味》是一本政治小册子，是对权力及其衰落机制的心理分析;对极权主义严厉而毫不妥协的判断。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.8
Larisa M. Arzhakova
The focus of this work is an attempt to identify images of power with the help of individual works by the Polish historian, writer, publicist, and social and political figure Józef Szujski (1835–1883), leader of the Krakow Historical School and one of the Stańczycy, a loyalist political grouping that formed in Galicia in the second half of the nineteenth century. The multi-genre creative heritage of Szujski represents fertile material in terms of determining whether it is generally valid to speak about images of power in relation to complex, multi-genre samples: historical works, dramaturgical works, journalism, and even satire. Among other questions which arise in the context of the stated theme are, “How meaningful and emotionally saturated is the image depending on the genre?” and “Can we say that the use of the category of the image guarantees a more adequate picture of the past and present created by the author?”. The conducted study convinces us that, as a rule, our author remains consistent in creating this or that character and this or that picture, whether we are talking about a historical work, a drama, or a satirical opus. In Szujski’s rich creative legacy, a cross-cutting theme is the problem of the perception of the national past and the impact of this past on the present, effectively the presence of the past in the present. Even taking into account the conventionality and arbitrariness of the images of power revealed in Szujski’s works, it should be recognised that the development of this theme has potential.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.5
E. Király
The Danube, along with Galicia and Bukovina, was the landscape most commonly associated—between 1955 and 1989—with a widely understood lost Austrian identity and with Austrian Central Europe. The article examines two books on the Danube which are based on a combination of geographical and historical perspectives and establishing a correlation between the Habsburg tradition and the wider Central European space. Both authors had personally visited the places they write about, but their works are not reducible to mere travel descriptions or trip reports. Ernst Trost’s book Die Donau. Lebenslauf eines Stromes was published in 1968, a few years after the Habsburg heritage study Das Blieb vom Doppeladler, which also contained a description of the Danube journey. Claudio Magris’s book Danubio can in turn be seen as a continuation of a dissertation written twenty years earlier (Der Habsburgische Mythos in der modernen österreichischen Literatur) on the literary “afterlife” of the Habsburg Monarchy. If Trost’s book bears the hallmarks of the Cold War, Magris’s is a product of the new discourses on Central Europe that emerged in the 1980s. Both books are not only embedded in the political discourses of their time, but practically “reinvent” the Danube as a political and poetic theme. In a comparative analysis of the two books, the starting point is the central theme of both texts, each of which is a Danube master-narrative. The paper then considers how the two Danube books structure spaces and set boundaries; then general questions of genre affiliation are treated.
1955年至1989年间，多瑙河与加利西亚和布科维纳一道，是最常被人们与奥地利身份和奥地利中欧联系在一起的景观。本文考察了两本关于多瑙河的书，这两本书结合了地理和历史的观点，并建立了哈布斯堡传统与更广阔的中欧空间之间的联系。两位作者都亲自到过他们所写的地方，但他们的作品不能简化为单纯的旅行描述或旅行报告。Ernst Trost的《Donau》一书。《生活的故事》出版于1968年，比哈布斯堡王朝的遗产研究《多普勒德勒之旅》晚了几年，后者也包含了对多瑙河之旅的描述。克劳迪奥·马格里斯的书《达努比奥》可以被看作是二十年前写的关于哈布斯堡王朝文学“来世”的论文(Der Habsburgische Mythos in Der modernen österreichischen literature)的延续。如果说特罗斯特的书带有冷战的特征，那么马格里斯的书则是20世纪80年代出现的关于中欧的新话语的产物。这两本书不仅嵌入了他们时代的政治话语，而且实际上“重塑”了多瑙河作为一个政治和诗歌主题。在对两本书的比较分析中，起点是两个文本的中心主题，每个文本都是多瑙河大师叙事。然后，本文考虑了这两本多瑙河图书如何构造空间和设置边界;然后是关于类型归属的一般性问题。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.9
A. Silkin
There is a tendency in Croatian historiography to present the government Stjepan Radić, who headed the Croatian (Republican) Peasants’ Party, as the forerunner of modern liberal democracy. The argument is the so-called Constitution of the Neutral Peasant Republic (1921), which provided for universal suffrage, government responsibility to the representative body, separation of powers, and so on. However, its other provisions do not align well with liberalism and, in general, with “modern” ideas about the state-legal structure. The Constitution should be viewed not as a draft law, but as a propaganda tool that appealed to the patriarchal-traditional views of the target audience. The state appeared as an enlarged model of a “peasant’s house” or “zadruga”, at the head of which was a strict but fair father of the people. He was endowed with not only secular, but also spiritual power over his “children”. S. Radić perceived the totality of his own slogans as a “reborn Christian religion”, and his activity as an “apostolate” or “preaching the liberation of the peasant people”. In the late 1930s Radić’s associates, who stood at the helm of power in Banovina Croatia, had the opportunity to embody their own ideas about the optimal state structure. Practice had little in common with theory, which is something that characterised many utopian national-state projects of the interwar period. The article deals with the ideological evolution of the party, which was predonimated by the changing historical context in which it had to act. The speeches and texts of S. Radić are considered not only as an expression of a credo, but also as a utilitarian tool for the political mobilization of the masses.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.14
Yulia V. Lobacheva
This article considers the emergence and activities of women’s organizations in Belgrade from the last quarter of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. An attempt is made to show that their features, circumstances of formation, and activity are connected with the history of Serbian society from the second half of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Special attention is paid to the position and particular aspects of the life of Serbian women at that time, as well as the history of women’s education, in the context of which the Women’s Higher School in Belgrade is mentioned. This paper considers the foundation and work of several charitable and charitable patriotic societies and briefly presents the activities of the Serbian National Women’s Union, the Working Women’s Society (Consciousness), and the Secretariat of the Women of the Social Democrats. Attention is drawn to the great role of educated women in the foundation and work of such organizations, who were undoubtedly of outstanding personal qualities, and had the desire and opportunity to work for the benefit of society and the country. The attitude of Belgrade society and the state to their activities is also examined. It is emphasised that the “collective”, patriotic, and heroic principles characteristic of the Serbian worldview manifested in the nature and activities of a number of organizations. This occurred at a time when there were no real internal or external conditions for the development of a movement in favour of changes in the position of women in Serbian society or broadening their rights. The research is based, in particular, on the testimonies of some Russian observers (scholars-Slavists, travellers etc.) who visited or lived in Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which complement the idea of the overall picture of Serbian and Belgradian life at that time.
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