Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.12
Gábor Vaderna
The 16-year-old Grand Duchess Alexandra Pavlovna married the 23-year-old Austrian Archduke Joseph in St. Petersburg on October 30, 1799. The wedding, of course, had dynastic aims: Habsburgs and Romanovs wanted to strengthen their political alliance against France. The newlyweds arrived in Buda, the capital of Hungary, on February 1, 1800. From then on, they were celebrated for several months in a series of representative events. The Hungarian noble estates and the citizens of Pest and Buda expressed their respect on these occasions, but also communicated their political position: what they expected from the Palatine, what they hoped for in the war against the French, and what the duties of the young wife were. Poems were often recited, often sung, and sometimes handed over in printed form at various celebrations (balls, theatre performances, masquerade balls, etc.). This lecture explores the poetic tradition followed by these poems and the different poetic techniques used to communicate the political positions.
{"title":"Occasional Poetry — Representative Poetry. Poetic Representation of the Wedding of Palatine Joseph and Grand Duchess Alexandra Pavlovna","authors":"Gábor Vaderna","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.12","url":null,"abstract":"The 16-year-old Grand Duchess Alexandra Pavlovna married the 23-year-old Austrian Archduke Joseph in St. Petersburg on October 30, 1799. The wedding, of course, had dynastic aims: Habsburgs and Romanovs wanted to strengthen their political alliance against France. The newlyweds arrived in Buda, the capital of Hungary, on February 1, 1800. From then on, they were celebrated for several months in a series of representative events. The Hungarian noble estates and the citizens of Pest and Buda expressed their respect on these occasions, but also communicated their political position: what they expected from the Palatine, what they hoped for in the war against the French, and what the duties of the young wife were. Poems were often recited, often sung, and sometimes handed over in printed form at various celebrations (balls, theatre performances, masquerade balls, etc.). This lecture explores the poetic tradition followed by these poems and the different poetic techniques used to communicate the political positions.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89391758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.10
N. Prystupa
The process of constructing the image of Klement Gottwald on the basis of materials presented in the newspaper Rudé parvo on the occasion of the birthday of the leader of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia is analysed in the article. The mechanisms of formation of the personality cult, which were used by party functionaries and newspaper journalists, are shown. The role of language and its use in creating the image of Klement Gottwald, the chairman of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, in the minds of citizens and in maintaining their sympathy to him was revealed. The evolution of the strategies utilised to influence public opinion was determined by the changes which took place in the state between 1945 and 1953. The set of practices developed in the media space which ensured the exaltation of Klement Gottwald and asserted his exceptional and sacral status are also shown.
{"title":"The Birthday of the Party Leader: Klement Gottwald’s Image on the Pages of the “Rudé Právo” Newspaper","authors":"N. Prystupa","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.10","url":null,"abstract":"The process of constructing the image of Klement Gottwald on the basis of materials presented in the newspaper Rudé parvo on the occasion of the birthday of the leader of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia is analysed in the article. The mechanisms of formation of the personality cult, which were used by party functionaries and newspaper journalists, are shown. The role of language and its use in creating the image of Klement Gottwald, the chairman of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, in the minds of citizens and in maintaining their sympathy to him was revealed. The evolution of the strategies utilised to influence public opinion was determined by the changes which took place in the state between 1945 and 1953. The set of practices developed in the media space which ensured the exaltation of Klement Gottwald and asserted his exceptional and sacral status are also shown.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80631461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.15
Kirill Popov
The problem of ethnic Germans dispersed among other peoples (the Hungarians, Romanians, Serbs, Slovaks, and Czechs) on the territories of different historical regions of Austro-Hungary, was one among many national questions in the “patchwork” monarchy of the Habsburgs. Divided in separated communes, which had been established at different times and had different levels of solidarity and self-consciousness, they faced a variety of contradictions. They were between two halves of the monarchy, between the core and the periphery, between one of the politically dominant nationalities of the state and all the others, between the bigger and smaller ethnic groups of a region, and even between Austro-Hungary and Germany. One such commune with a developed regional identity and high level of social and political activity, the Transylvanian Saxons, took the unifying language policy of Budapest as a challenge. Their attempts to prevent the enactment of the Toponyms Law IV/1898 revealed the wide spread of negative attitudes towards the Hungarian government among the Saxons. They had such an attitude in common with many social forces of the dual monarchy. The attention of various periodicals to the protests confirms such a conclusion. Using Saxon periodicals, the article examines and compares the perception of the Saxon reaction to the new law with that of the Slovaks, the Czechs and Germans from the Bohemian Crown Lands, and the liberal circles of the state capitals. The Slovaks were also affected by the Toponyms Law, and Germans from the Bohemian Crown lands lived with contradictions very similar to those experienced by the Saxons. At the same time, metropolitan liberal circles were politically dominant. Such a comparison reveals a degree of understanding of the similarities and differences between the national questions in different regions of Austro-Hungary by contemporaries and in the ways the same news was discussed in various periodicals. It also enriches our knowledge about the complexion of social and political life in the Habsburg monarchy at the turn of the century.
{"title":"Austro-Hungarian Press on the Resistance of the Transylvanian Saxons against the Toponyms Law IV/1898","authors":"Kirill Popov","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.15","url":null,"abstract":"The problem of ethnic Germans dispersed among other peoples (the Hungarians, Romanians, Serbs, Slovaks, and Czechs) on the territories of different historical regions of Austro-Hungary, was one among many national questions in the “patchwork” monarchy of the Habsburgs. Divided in separated communes, which had been established at different times and had different levels of solidarity and self-consciousness, they faced a variety of contradictions. They were between two halves of the monarchy, between the core and the periphery, between one of the politically dominant nationalities of the state and all the others, between the bigger and smaller ethnic groups of a region, and even between Austro-Hungary and Germany. One such commune with a developed regional identity and high level of social and political activity, the Transylvanian Saxons, took the unifying language policy of Budapest as a challenge. Their attempts to prevent the enactment of the Toponyms Law IV/1898 revealed the wide spread of negative attitudes towards the Hungarian government among the Saxons. They had such an attitude in common with many social forces of the dual monarchy. The attention of various periodicals to the protests confirms such a conclusion. Using Saxon periodicals, the article examines and compares the perception of the Saxon reaction to the new law with that of the Slovaks, the Czechs and Germans from the Bohemian Crown Lands, and the liberal circles of the state capitals. The Slovaks were also affected by the Toponyms Law, and Germans from the Bohemian Crown lands lived with contradictions very similar to those experienced by the Saxons. At the same time, metropolitan liberal circles were politically dominant. Such a comparison reveals a degree of understanding of the similarities and differences between the national questions in different regions of Austro-Hungary by contemporaries and in the ways the same news was discussed in various periodicals. It also enriches our knowledge about the complexion of social and political life in the Habsburg monarchy at the turn of the century.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91051146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.2
A. Vadas
The aim of this paper is to show the potential of study of private correspondence both in the reconstruction of past weather and climate on the one hand, and on the other in presenting some elements of the ice-regime of the Danube in the early modern period with its possible historical climate implications. The paper shows the results of the study of more than 10,000 private letters from the period between 1529 and 1650. The investigation resulted in dozens of previously unknown mentions of the presence of ice in the upper section of the Danube in the Carpathian Basin. Based upon this, it is possible to show some extremely cold or lasting winters and also to derive some general characteristics of the winters of the period. The paper shows that it is likely that the Danube froze over more frequently in the early modern period than it has done in the modern (instrumental) period which, amongst other reasons (human intervention in particular), could be attributable to change in the natural climatic conditions. Overall, the 120 years studied are considered a characteristically cold period of the Little Ice Age and it may be of primary importance to demonstrate similar climatic trends in the fluctuation of winter average temperatures in the Carpathian Basin and neighboring territories (Austria, Bohemia, Bavaria, and so forth). Apart from showing the potential of the study of the ice regime of rivers in reconstructing the past winter climates of the Carpathian Basin, the paper shows the need for the study of under-investigated types of evidence to gain historical environmental data.
{"title":"The Ice-Regime of the Danube and Winter Crossing Over Rivers in the Early Modern Times (1529–1650)","authors":"A. Vadas","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.2","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to show the potential of study of private correspondence both in the reconstruction of past weather and climate on the one hand, and on the other in presenting some elements of the ice-regime of the Danube in the early modern period with its possible historical climate implications. The paper shows the results of the study of more than 10,000 private letters from the period between 1529 and 1650. The investigation resulted in dozens of previously unknown mentions of the presence of ice in the upper section of the Danube in the Carpathian Basin. Based upon this, it is possible to show some extremely cold or lasting winters and also to derive some general characteristics of the winters of the period. The paper shows that it is likely that the Danube froze over more frequently in the early modern period than it has done in the modern (instrumental) period which, amongst other reasons (human intervention in particular), could be attributable to change in the natural climatic conditions. Overall, the 120 years studied are considered a characteristically cold period of the Little Ice Age and it may be of primary importance to demonstrate similar climatic trends in the fluctuation of winter average temperatures in the Carpathian Basin and neighboring territories (Austria, Bohemia, Bavaria, and so forth). Apart from showing the potential of the study of the ice regime of rivers in reconstructing the past winter climates of the Carpathian Basin, the paper shows the need for the study of under-investigated types of evidence to gain historical environmental data.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80648108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.13
Fanni Hende
The oration was a significant constituent of the ceremonies on the diets. In Hungarian political culture, the most luxurious ceremony was the reception of the King/Queen in the Diet (highest legislative body of the kingdom), which often meant the first meeting of the King/Queen and the His/Her subjects, since the seat of the Habsburg rulers had been in Vienna. The ceremonial entrance consisted of four stations. Firstly, one of the Catholic bishops held a speech in Wolfsthal, an Austrian village close to the Hungarian border, then the Archbishop of Esztergom welcomed the ruler at Köpcsény, at the border of the kingdom. The town clerk of Pressburg held his speech at the Vienna gate of Pressburg, and then at the castle the Archbishop of Esztergom received the ruler in the name of the clergy. The King, the Court Chancellor of Hungary and—in name of the estates—the Archbishop of Esztergom held orations at the official opening of the Diet, which was signed by the deliverance of the royal propositions, in which the ruler, exercising His/Her royal rights, prescribed the issues negotiated at the Diet. Historians have at their disposal texts of speeches (more often fragments, or short notes), which are used for content analysis of the symbolism and topicality in the communication of the king and the estates is possible. Through the analysis of these celebratory speeches, the paper illustrates some aspects of the dialogue between the ruler and the estates, and presents their reflection upon the political situation and the political language, rhetorical techniques and compositional elements they used. The political language is considered with a focus on the rulers’ depiction of the speakers, and on the usage of the rhetorical figures.
{"title":"The Political Communication of the Hungarian King and the Estates at the Ceremonies of the Diet between 1687 and 1765","authors":"Fanni Hende","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.13","url":null,"abstract":"The oration was a significant constituent of the ceremonies on the diets. In Hungarian political culture, the most luxurious ceremony was the reception of the King/Queen in the Diet (highest legislative body of the kingdom), which often meant the first meeting of the King/Queen and the His/Her subjects, since the seat of the Habsburg rulers had been in Vienna. The ceremonial entrance consisted of four stations. Firstly, one of the Catholic bishops held a speech in Wolfsthal, an Austrian village close to the Hungarian border, then the Archbishop of Esztergom welcomed the ruler at Köpcsény, at the border of the kingdom. The town clerk of Pressburg held his speech at the Vienna gate of Pressburg, and then at the castle the Archbishop of Esztergom received the ruler in the name of the clergy. The King, the Court Chancellor of Hungary and—in name of the estates—the Archbishop of Esztergom held orations at the official opening of the Diet, which was signed by the deliverance of the royal propositions, in which the ruler, exercising His/Her royal rights, prescribed the issues negotiated at the Diet. Historians have at their disposal texts of speeches (more often fragments, or short notes), which are used for content analysis of the symbolism and topicality in the communication of the king and the estates is possible. Through the analysis of these celebratory speeches, the paper illustrates some aspects of the dialogue between the ruler and the estates, and presents their reflection upon the political situation and the political language, rhetorical techniques and compositional elements they used. The political language is considered with a focus on the rulers’ depiction of the speakers, and on the usage of the rhetorical figures.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75828960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.8
Larisa M. Arzhakova
This article is devoted to the problem associated with the famous pamphlet “Stańczyk’s Portfolio” published in 1869 by the so called Cracow conservatives, including the founder of the Cracow historical school, Józef Szujski. Firstly, the context in which the idea of the pamphlet was born and developed is considered. Special attention is paid to the comparison of fundamentally important terms — loyalism and “ugoda” (reconciliation), which are used in Polish and Russian scientific literature when talking about the attitude of Polish society to the power of the Austrian Emperor or the Tsar. The author believes that these terms cannot be considered identical. The author of the article describes the success of Polish historians in studying the history of Polish conservatism; in particular, the activities of the Cracow conservatives during the period of Galician autonomy. The article also describes the lag in Russian historiography in the study of Polish (Cracow) conservatism and such important sources as “Stańczyk’s Portfolio”. This landmark work not only conveys the atmosphere in which Polish society found itself after the defeat of the 1863 insurrection, reflecting on the fate of the Fatherland in the past and present, but also contains the ideological postulates of the Cracow conservatives, which makes it possible to perceive the pamphlet not only as a reflection, but also as a political program of the Cracow conservatives. Considering the pamphlet as a socio-cultural monument, the author emphasizes the prospects for its study using interdisciplinary methods of historical and anthropological research.
{"title":"Stanczyk’s Portfolio: Reflection and/or Pprogram of the Cracow Conservatives","authors":"Larisa M. Arzhakova","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.8","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the problem associated with the famous pamphlet “Stańczyk’s Portfolio” published in 1869 by the so called Cracow conservatives, including the founder of the Cracow historical school, Józef Szujski. Firstly, the context in which the idea of the pamphlet was born and developed is considered. Special attention is paid to the comparison of fundamentally important terms — loyalism and “ugoda” (reconciliation), which are used in Polish and Russian scientific literature when talking about the attitude of Polish society to the power of the Austrian Emperor or the Tsar. The author believes that these terms cannot be considered identical. The author of the article describes the success of Polish historians in studying the history of Polish conservatism; in particular, the activities of the Cracow conservatives during the period of Galician autonomy. The article also describes the lag in Russian historiography in the study of Polish (Cracow) conservatism and such important sources as “Stańczyk’s Portfolio”. This landmark work not only conveys the atmosphere in which Polish society found itself after the defeat of the 1863 insurrection, reflecting on the fate of the Fatherland in the past and present, but also contains the ideological postulates of the Cracow conservatives, which makes it possible to perceive the pamphlet not only as a reflection, but also as a political program of the Cracow conservatives. Considering the pamphlet as a socio-cultural monument, the author emphasizes the prospects for its study using interdisciplinary methods of historical and anthropological research.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75784163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.14
A. Lagno, G. Pilipenko
Ego-documents (such as diaries, private correspondence, postcards, and photos) created by ordinary people attract a high amount of researchers’ attention. Egodocuments, especially those that have arisen in linguistic and cultural borderlands, provide information for studying the dialect and contactological features of idiomatic, ethnographic and, more broadly, anthropological phenomena, as well as valuable data on the history of the region. This paper presents the diary of Stepan F. Lagno, a dweller of the Ternopil region of Ukraine, which was written in 1985–1986 in the Ukrainian language, so the text is published with a translation into Russian along with comments. The paper contains a description of the historical source, a brief biographical note about the author, and a linguistic description of the diary's dialect features (dialects in the territory of Galicia). The published diary is a unique example of naïve literature in Slavic studies. The document contains daily records concerning the economic and household activities of a western Ukrainian peasant that will be interesting for ethnologists, anthropologists, and historians.
普通人创作的自我文件(如日记、私人信件、明信片、照片等)引起了研究者的高度关注。自我文献，特别是那些出现在语言和文化边缘地带的文献，为研究方言和接触学特征、民族志和更广泛的人类学现象提供了信息，以及该地区历史的宝贵数据。本文介绍了乌克兰Ternopil地区的居民Stepan F. Lagno的日记，该日记于1985-1986年用乌克兰语撰写，因此文本翻译成俄文并附有评论。这篇论文包含了对历史来源的描述，对作者的简短传记笔记，以及对日记方言特征(加利西亚地区的方言)的语言描述。出版的日记是naïve斯拉夫文学研究的一个独特的例子。该文件包含有关乌克兰西部农民的经济和家庭活动的日常记录，对民族学家，人类学家和历史学家来说将是有趣的。
{"title":"The Diary of Galicia-Dweller Stepan F. Lagno as an Object of Historical and Linguistic Analysis","authors":"A. Lagno, G. Pilipenko","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.14","url":null,"abstract":"Ego-documents (such as diaries, private correspondence, postcards, and photos) created by ordinary people attract a high amount of researchers’ attention. Egodocuments, especially those that have arisen in linguistic and cultural borderlands, provide information for studying the dialect and contactological features of idiomatic, ethnographic and, more broadly, anthropological phenomena, as well as valuable data on the history of the region. This paper presents the diary of Stepan F. Lagno, a dweller of the Ternopil region of Ukraine, which was written in 1985–1986 in the Ukrainian language, so the text is published with a translation into Russian along with comments. The paper contains a description of the historical source, a brief biographical note about the author, and a linguistic description of the diary's dialect features (dialects in the territory of Galicia). The published diary is a unique example of naïve literature in Slavic studies. The document contains daily records concerning the economic and household activities of a western Ukrainian peasant that will be interesting for ethnologists, anthropologists, and historians.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74809721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.11
Teodora Shek Brnardić
The Patriotic Society, founded in February 1793 by the learned Dubrovnik aristocrat Miho Sorgo (1739-1796), is considered the first true Enlightenment society in the Republic of Dubrovnik. Unlike the previous humanistic and baroque societies, which bore the name “academy” and were all dedicated to literary and linguistic topics, Sorgo’s society of amateur scholars was focused on practicality and social engagement. This meant a critical attitude towards the reality of Dubrovnik, and especially towards the ruling aristocratic oligarchy gathered in the Senate, which held a monopoly on political decision-making. Although Europe was undergoing profound social and political transformations at the time, the static nature of Dubrovnik’s conservative circles did not allow for any attempts at reform. Owing to this, the society of reformists was very short-lived, lasting only a year. This paper will present an overview of academic sociability in Dubrovnik up to the eighteenth century, as well as the establishment and goals of the Patriotic Society and its members. The topics of preserved speeches will be presented and the role of the aristocrat Tomo Bassegli (1756–1806), whose Enlightenment profile was formed during his stays in Switzerland, Germany and Austria.
{"title":"The Enlightenment at the End of the Republic of Dubrovnik. Patriotic Society (1793–1794)","authors":"Teodora Shek Brnardić","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.11","url":null,"abstract":"The Patriotic Society, founded in February 1793 by the learned Dubrovnik aristocrat Miho Sorgo (1739-1796), is considered the first true Enlightenment society in the Republic of Dubrovnik. Unlike the previous humanistic and baroque societies, which bore the name “academy” and were all dedicated to literary and linguistic topics, Sorgo’s society of amateur scholars was focused on practicality and social engagement. This meant a critical attitude towards the reality of Dubrovnik, and especially towards the ruling aristocratic oligarchy gathered in the Senate, which held a monopoly on political decision-making. Although Europe was undergoing profound social and political transformations at the time, the static nature of Dubrovnik’s conservative circles did not allow for any attempts at reform. Owing to this, the society of reformists was very short-lived, lasting only a year. This paper will present an overview of academic sociability in Dubrovnik up to the eighteenth century, as well as the establishment and goals of the Patriotic Society and its members. The topics of preserved speeches will be presented and the role of the aristocrat Tomo Bassegli (1756–1806), whose Enlightenment profile was formed during his stays in Switzerland, Germany and Austria.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82662868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.6
Anna Hausenblasová
In the 1930s, there were several changes in contacts between the Czechoslovak Republic and the Soviet Union. Russian emigration no longer had such a strong influence on the opinions of Czechoslovak society. On the other hand, the influence of the so-called left intelligentsia (inclined to the Soviet Union) was increasing under the growing threat of aggression from Nazi Germany. In 1935, Czechoslovakia officially recognized the existence of the Soviet Union; in terms of mutual relations, it represented a huge step. Several agreements were concluded, illegal and semi-legal contacts and connections became legal, and frequently they were further developed directly under the patronage of government representatives. The contacts between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia were not of exclusively political character: there were intensive contacts between the two states in the cultural sphere. Several organizations helped to maintain cultural relations, some of which were founded directly with the aim of establishing and developing contacts and cultural cooperation with the USSR, while others were supported these activities indirectly; the purpose of their work was to present the cultural development of other states, including that of the USSR, to the Czechoslovak public. Many of these organizations also hosted cultural and discussion evenings exhibitions, concerts, and lectures to inform the public of news from the Soviet Union. This article presents an analysis of the activities of the Society for Economic and Cultural Relations with the USSR, the Union of Friends of the USSR, “Left Front”, “Artistic Talk”, and the Painters’ Association “Manes” in the context of the political and historical situation of the 1930s in Czechoslovakia. The development of these relations was interrupted by the Munich events and the subsequent proclamation of the protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.
{"title":"Organisations which influenced the perception of Soviet culture in Czechoslovakia in the 1930s","authors":"Anna Hausenblasová","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.6","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1930s, there were several changes in contacts between the Czechoslovak Republic and the Soviet Union. Russian emigration no longer had such a strong influence on the opinions of Czechoslovak society. On the other hand, the influence of the so-called left intelligentsia (inclined to the Soviet Union) was increasing under the growing threat of aggression from Nazi Germany. In 1935, Czechoslovakia officially recognized the existence of the Soviet Union; in terms of mutual relations, it represented a huge step. Several agreements were concluded, illegal and semi-legal contacts and connections became legal, and frequently they were further developed directly under the patronage of government representatives. The contacts between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia were not of exclusively political character: there were intensive contacts between the two states in the cultural sphere. Several organizations helped to maintain cultural relations, some of which were founded directly with the aim of establishing and developing contacts and cultural cooperation with the USSR, while others were supported these activities indirectly; the purpose of their work was to present the cultural development of other states, including that of the USSR, to the Czechoslovak public. Many of these organizations also hosted cultural and discussion evenings exhibitions, concerts, and lectures to inform the public of news from the Soviet Union. This article presents an analysis of the activities of the Society for Economic and Cultural Relations with the USSR, the Union of Friends of the USSR, “Left Front”, “Artistic Talk”, and the Painters’ Association “Manes” in the context of the political and historical situation of the 1930s in Czechoslovakia. The development of these relations was interrupted by the Munich events and the subsequent proclamation of the protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84338570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.4
A. Peretyatko
The 1860s were marked by aggravation of national issues in the Austrian Military Frontier and in Russian Don Host. This paper undertakes an attempt to compare the processes that took place among the Don Cossacks and Austrian Grenzers at that time. The author shows that in both cases there were three variants of identity: state (as loyal servants of their emperor), corporate (as Cossacks/Grenzers), and national (as Russians/Croats/Serbs etc.). Historically, these identities complemented each other without being juxtaposed in direct contradiction; moreover the isolation of Cossacks and Grenzers, as well as their clear association with particular territory by the middle of the nineteenth century had already brought into their corporate identity traits of another, national, identity. However, by the 1860s, the economic problems of the Military Frontier and Don Host Oblast became so acute, that the issue of the abolishment of their special militarised status was discussed. In given circumstances, the imperial governments tried to establish dialogues with the Cossacks and Grenzers, which however led to unexpected consequences and greatly destabilised the situation. In fact, subsequently both at Don and at the Military Frontier a public struggle started between the proponents of convergence of local populace with their respected nations, and the people who considered that the Cossack/Grenzer estate status had to be preserved no matter the cost. As a result, by the 1870s the corporate identity of the Cossacks and Grenzers was increasingly becoming not an addition, but an alternative to their historical national identity, which created preconditions for the emergence of new political nations, although this did not occur.
{"title":"Self-Identification of Don Cossacks and Austrian Grenzers in the Context of Government Policy of the 1860s in the Russian and Austrian Empires","authors":"A. Peretyatko","doi":"10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.4","url":null,"abstract":"The 1860s were marked by aggravation of national issues in the Austrian Military Frontier and in Russian Don Host. This paper undertakes an attempt to compare the processes that took place among the Don Cossacks and Austrian Grenzers at that time. The author shows that in both cases there were three variants of identity: state (as loyal servants of their emperor), corporate (as Cossacks/Grenzers), and national (as Russians/Croats/Serbs etc.). Historically, these identities complemented each other without being juxtaposed in direct contradiction; moreover the isolation of Cossacks and Grenzers, as well as their clear association with particular territory by the middle of the nineteenth century had already brought into their corporate identity traits of another, national, identity. However, by the 1860s, the economic problems of the Military Frontier and Don Host Oblast became so acute, that the issue of the abolishment of their special militarised status was discussed. In given circumstances, the imperial governments tried to establish dialogues with the Cossacks and Grenzers, which however led to unexpected consequences and greatly destabilised the situation. In fact, subsequently both at Don and at the Military Frontier a public struggle started between the proponents of convergence of local populace with their respected nations, and the people who considered that the Cossack/Grenzer estate status had to be preserved no matter the cost. As a result, by the 1870s the corporate identity of the Cossacks and Grenzers was increasingly becoming not an addition, but an alternative to their historical national identity, which created preconditions for the emergence of new political nations, although this did not occur.","PeriodicalId":30305,"journal":{"name":"Central European Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79718820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：