Pub Date : 2023-07-19DOI: 10.1177/13505068231188918
Anne N Bang, C. Kroløkke
Empirically centring the hitherto unexplored mainstream Danish-Greenlandic Depo-Provera media debate, in this article, we show how syringes of synthetic progesterone circulated across bodies, borders, generations, and species to reproduce and disrupt animacy hierarchies in ‘post-colonial’ times. Feminist scholars have attended to the reproductive injustices revealed in the unequal global distribution of Depo-Provera. However, these critiques have not been brought into conversation with recent environmental humanities scholarship tracing toxic relationalities and their connections to toxic power hierarchies such as settler colonialism. This article connects this scholarship by foregrounding the ways in which birth control injections not only worked on feminised bodies to prevent pregnancies but also to highlight – and further expose – subordinated groups of reproductive subjects, rendered abnormal on the basis of ideas about agency and cognitive ability. To be treated with Depo-Provera was, in the debates, to be marked as Other – and to be marked as Other was to be marked as a candidate for ‘The Shot’.
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Pub Date : 2023-06-21DOI: 10.1177/13505068231183041
Itır Aladağ Görentaş
Boatcă M (2016) Global Inequalities beyond Occidentalism. New York: Routledge. Da Silva DF (2014) Toward a black feminist poethics: The quest (ion) of blackness toward the end of the world. The Black Scholar 44(2): 81–97. Drăgan M (2019) Roma futurism manifesto. Available at: https://giuvlipen.com/en/roma-futurism/ (accessed 28 November 2022). Krivonos D (2022) Carrying Europe’s white burden, sustaining racial capitalism: Young PostSoviet migrant workers in Helsinki and Warsaw. Sociology. Epub ahead of print 7 November. DOI: 10.1177/00380385221122413. Manolova P, Lottholz P and Kusic K (eds) (2019) Decolonial Theory and Practice in Southeast Europe (Special Issue of dVersia). Available at: https://dversia.net/4644/dversia-decolonialtheory-practice-southeast-europe/ Mark J (2022) Race. In: Mark J and Betts P (eds) Socialism Goes Global: The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the Age of Decolonization. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 221–254. Melamed J (2011) Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Rexhepi P (2022) White Enclosures: Racial Capitalism and Coloniality along the Balkan Route. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
{"title":"Book review: Gender-Based Violence in Migration – Interdisciplinary, Feminist and Intersectional Approaches","authors":"Itır Aladağ Görentaş","doi":"10.1177/13505068231183041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13505068231183041","url":null,"abstract":"Boatcă M (2016) Global Inequalities beyond Occidentalism. New York: Routledge. Da Silva DF (2014) Toward a black feminist poethics: The quest (ion) of blackness toward the end of the world. The Black Scholar 44(2): 81–97. Drăgan M (2019) Roma futurism manifesto. Available at: https://giuvlipen.com/en/roma-futurism/ (accessed 28 November 2022). Krivonos D (2022) Carrying Europe’s white burden, sustaining racial capitalism: Young PostSoviet migrant workers in Helsinki and Warsaw. Sociology. Epub ahead of print 7 November. DOI: 10.1177/00380385221122413. Manolova P, Lottholz P and Kusic K (eds) (2019) Decolonial Theory and Practice in Southeast Europe (Special Issue of dVersia). Available at: https://dversia.net/4644/dversia-decolonialtheory-practice-southeast-europe/ Mark J (2022) Race. In: Mark J and Betts P (eds) Socialism Goes Global: The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the Age of Decolonization. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 221–254. Melamed J (2011) Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Rexhepi P (2022) White Enclosures: Racial Capitalism and Coloniality along the Balkan Route. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.","PeriodicalId":312959,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Women's Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122590049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-26DOI: 10.1177/13505068231177546
Cathérine Van de Graaf
In November 2017, after receiving multiple complaints of sexual harassment, the Flemish Radio and Television Broadcasting Organization (VRT) terminated its collaboration with one of Flanders’ most popular TV personalities, Bart De Pauw. What followed was an explosion of opinions from both well-known and ordinary persons. The focus of this article is on the latter: Facebook users commenting on newspaper articles. To gather information about their legal consciousness with respect to the scandal, their comments are analysed using critical discourse analysis. The term legal consciousness refers to the ways in which ‘the law’ is invoked to evaluate and define certain behaviours that occur outside of a legal framework. Legal consciousness is apparent in the comments of social media users with references to elements of procedural justice: the presumption of innocence, to (the absence of) the right to a defence, or to the absence of any evidence. Despite the fact that the women in question have not made a claim in conventional judicial institutions, their complaints are still evaluated within such a framework. The conducted analysis seems to support the paradox identified by Gash and Harding: that law (or rather perceptions thereof) stands in the way of the objectives of an awareness movement and encourages victims of sexual abuse to remain silent (2018). In this context, it appears that commenters are plagued by ‘himpathy’, with a fixation on the harasser’s fall from grace whereby procedural rules are merely used as a decoy. A remarkable finding of this study is the total reversal of victimhood that takes place. It is found that the case at hand clearly illustrates that seizing control of the narrative is part of male dominance, even more so when the alleged perpetrator is popular and powerful.
2017年11月，在收到多起性骚扰投诉后，佛兰德广播电视广播组织(VRT)终止了与佛兰德斯最受欢迎的电视名人之一巴特·德保(Bart De Pauw)的合作。随之而来的是来自知名人士和普通人的意见爆发。本文的重点是后者:Facebook用户评论报纸文章。为了收集他们关于丑闻的法律意识的信息，使用批评话语分析他们的评论。“法律意识”一词指的是援引“法律”来评估和定义发生在法律框架之外的某些行为的方式。在社交媒体用户对程序正义要素的评论中，法律意识是显而易见的:无罪推定，(缺乏)辩护权，或缺乏任何证据。尽管这些妇女没有在传统的司法机构提出申诉，但她们的申诉仍在这种框架内得到评价。所进行的分析似乎支持Gash和Harding所发现的悖论:法律(或者更确切地说是对法律的看法)阻碍了意识运动的目标，并鼓励性虐待受害者保持沉默(2018)。在这种情况下，评论似乎受到了“同情”的困扰，他们对骚扰者的堕落抱有一种固定的看法，而程序规则只是被用作诱饵。这项研究的一个显著发现是受害者心态的完全逆转。我们发现，手头的案例清楚地表明，掌握叙事的控制权是男性统治的一部分，当被指控的肇事者受欢迎和强大时更是如此。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-21DOI: 10.1177/13505068231173261
Silvia Díaz Fernández, Elisa García Mingo, Anita Fuentes
‘Manosphere’ has become a popular term used to make sense of the growth of online masculinist subcultures and the rise in misogynistic discourses in digital environments. In this emergent field of research, a twofold gap exists: first, in exploring the local Spanish manosphere, as the majority of studies on the manosphere are set in Anglo-Saxon contexts, and second, in understanding women who also inhabit these spaces. In this article, we address this gap by carrying out a digital ethnography focusing on a group of women who partake in the Spanish manosphere organised under the hashtag #TeamAlienadas. We understand #TeamAlienadas as producing an affective anti-feminist ideology that enables women to legitimise men’s claims to victimhood under feminism and construct themselves as carers of men through specific digital practices. We argue that this affective anti-feminist ideology leads to the production of specifically anti-feminist gender knowledge, underpinned by a postfeminist sense-making, which mobilises ideas of empowerment. Drawing on Foucault’s theorisation of ‘regimes of truth’, we argue that #TeamAlienadas’ development of an affective anti-feminist ideology works to produce a kind of truth, which delegitimises feminism and aims to dismantle feminist politics in ways that could lead to accentuated female subjugation to patriarchy.
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Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1177/13505068231164217
Alyosxa Tudor
On 4 February 2023, the Centre for Gender Studies as SOAS University of London in the United Kingdom spontaneously hosted a conference titled We are the feminisms in the lecture theatres (and in the streets). The event was put together within 10 days and speakers from London-based SOAS, University College London (UCL), London School of Economics and Cardiff University, Glasgow School of Arts as well as independent scholars promptly agreed to share their work and – as the subtitle to the conference promised – their understanding of feminisms as ‘intersectional, transnational and interconnected with fighting racism and hate against lesbians, trans + queer people’1 (CGS, 2023). The conference took place on the same day as another event, across the road from SOAS, at the UCL-based IOE. Under the title Education for women’s liberation,2 this conference hosted an arsenal of academic and activist speakers known for their essentialist views on women and sex, their discriminatory views and politics towards trans people and trans women in particular and for their various documented overlaps with conservative and far-right agendas.3 In this article,4 I want to take the SOAS event as a ground for pondering: How can we continue to imagine the political potentials of transfeminisms while also attending to a current political moment in which globally critical scholarship and activism on gender, sexuality, race and migration is under attack? These attacks come from a variety of actors, ranging from the far right including both the conservative mainstream and Christian fanatics to liberals or traditionally left-wing institutions like strands within socialist parties, trade unions and certain strands of feminism (Corrêa 2018). We are currently witnessing a supernational unification of far right, centrist and leftist agents using anti-gender, anti-feminist and transphobic mobilisations, populist affects and strategic disinformation as accelerators for hateful and anti-democratic agendas. Ultimately, this leads to a consolidation of the global shift to the right.
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Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1177/13505068231171307
Redi Koobak
many other frameworks of analysis and action that
许多其他的分析和行动框架
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Pub Date : 2023-04-29DOI: 10.1177/13505068231164215
Julian Honkasalo
This essay examines trans feminine community-building and care in the context of desire and the erotic as forms of political praxis. The theoretical core of the text builds on Audre Lorde’s broad, poetic use of the erotic as well as José Muñoz’s aesthetic and utopian notion of queer future. I argue that Lorde and Muñoz provide important tools for theorizing the erotic as a politically subversive and utopian form of care in the contemporary political setting of rising anti-genderism, moral conservativism and neo-fascism. The essay begins though a brief, historical examination of the ways in which transgender sexuality, desire and the erotic have come to be a neglected and contested topic in both academic and clinical research, despite what Michel Foucault defines as a ‘discursive explosion’ on the truth about sex and sexuality in modernity. I will then point out historical counter examples of transfeminine, transvestite and cross-dresser community-building in which care is intimately linked to the erotic in Lorde’s sense of the term. Finally, I argue that trans desire and the erotic should be understood as radically political in Muñoz’s sense of utopian imagining of a future yet to be made.
{"title":"Transfeminine letter clubs, community care and the radical politics of the erotic","authors":"Julian Honkasalo","doi":"10.1177/13505068231164215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13505068231164215","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines trans feminine community-building and care in the context of desire and the erotic as forms of political praxis. The theoretical core of the text builds on Audre Lorde’s broad, poetic use of the erotic as well as José Muñoz’s aesthetic and utopian notion of queer future. I argue that Lorde and Muñoz provide important tools for theorizing the erotic as a politically subversive and utopian form of care in the contemporary political setting of rising anti-genderism, moral conservativism and neo-fascism. The essay begins though a brief, historical examination of the ways in which transgender sexuality, desire and the erotic have come to be a neglected and contested topic in both academic and clinical research, despite what Michel Foucault defines as a ‘discursive explosion’ on the truth about sex and sexuality in modernity. I will then point out historical counter examples of transfeminine, transvestite and cross-dresser community-building in which care is intimately linked to the erotic in Lorde’s sense of the term. Finally, I argue that trans desire and the erotic should be understood as radically political in Muñoz’s sense of utopian imagining of a future yet to be made.","PeriodicalId":312959,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Women's Studies","volume":"20 16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123588340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1177/13505068231165859
D. Krivonos, K. Aparna
Unequal Under Socialism: Race, Women, and Transnationalism in Bulgaria is a powerful guide and companion at a time when the search for emancipatory alternatives to the project of both state socialism and neoliberal capitalism is ever more urgent. It is extremely timely as it comes at a moment when keeping the focus on forms of violence that derive from both Soviet/Russian and Western imperialisms is a challenge to contemporary scholarship. It is here that Todorova’s contribution speaks from a feminist standpoint cautioning against romanticized visions of projects built around socialist and collectivist forms of economic and cultural production, pointing to gender and racial inequalities that remain unaddressed. This critique is especially directed to Marxist, materialist, and class analysis within Western academic research and education in response to the crisis of neoliberalism. However, there is a missed opportunity to dialogue with recent works of transnational feminist scholarship and collectives to whom questions of expropriation, ongoing slavery and economic inequality as part of global capitalism are already central to understanding contemporary conditions of gendered and racialized forms of violence. Making questions of race central to the enquiry about women under state socialism, Todorova introduces the notion of ‘socialist racialism’. Here, she traces affinities between modern Eurocentric epistemologies and Leninist and Marxist ideologies and socialist state formations. In situating Bulgaria as a location for such relational thinking, this examination is part of a larger recent effort to situate the Balkans and Southeast Europe within the episteme of racism and whiteness. The most exciting provocation of the book is Todorova’s relation with both socialism and capitalism as marked by a sense of doubt: an emotional and cognitive awareness that any economic, social and political formation has to be continuously critiqued, examined, distrusted and replaced (p. 5). This is the doubt that leads to unease with Marxism, socialism, capitalism, and liberalism and seeks to ‘transcend these modern Eurocentric ideologies that have arrested our imaginations and politics’ (p. 5). ‘Postsocialist feminist doubt’ 1165859 EJW0010.1177/13505068231165859European Journal of Women’s StudiesBook reviews book-review2023
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Pub Date : 2023-04-18DOI: 10.1177/13505068231164720
M. Bobić
Unlike the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the former Yugoslavia underwent sanguinary disintegration and a socio-economic transformation to the market economy as a result of the wars in the 1990s, and the creation of new national states, with the aim of achieving ethnic homogenisation in the territories of the former republics. The main focus of this article is how war widows – refugees from Croatia and internally displaced persons from Kosovo who settled in Serbia in that period – narrate their experiences of loss, living with and overcoming obstacles in new surroundings. Using conceptualisations of victimhood/survivorship and agency, the article examines how war widows – who were interviewed during field work in several Serbian towns – employed agency and utilised inner and external resources to overcome precarity. War widows and their children are victims of wars, economic and political crisis, nationalism and marginalisation in new places of residence. Nevertheless, many persevered in resolving numerous existential challenges, employing various mechanisms and coping strategies combined with varying degrees of support. In so doing, they gradually regained control over their lives, rebuilt homes and supported their children in the process of moving on from their experiences of war and crisis. The women’s identification with widowhood is a persistent aspect of their lived experiences, and both victimhood and agency are confounded and reflected in their stories, indicating the need to further rethink these concepts, and build policies aimed at both assistance and empowerment.
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