Modern Uyghur has five terms for evidentiality in declarative sentences: direct, inferred-perceptive, inferential-assumptive, reportative, and quotative. The direct evidential is primarily expressed through markers of viewpoint aspect, while the remaining four terms are expressed through evidential markers and a combination of evidential markers with evidential strategies. Although most evidentials occur in interrogative sentences, not all of them do. In contrast to declarative sentences, certain evidentials are not utilized to convey evidentiality in interrogative sentences. Some of these evidentials are not present in questions when they are employed to describe the speaker’s actions, emotions, and physical condition. In interrogative sentences in Modern Uyghur, the source of information can be either the addressee or someone else. The speaker may provide information obtained through personal observation or from a third party, seeking the addressee’s expertise. Some evidential markers serve only to confirm information, and some questions may simply be a polite repetition of the addressee’s information.
{"title":"Modern Uyghur evidentials in interrogative sentences","authors":"A. Yakup","doi":"10.1075/alal.00019.yak","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.00019.yak","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Modern Uyghur has five terms for evidentiality in declarative sentences: direct, inferred-perceptive, inferential-assumptive, reportative, and quotative. The direct evidential is primarily expressed through markers of viewpoint aspect, while the remaining four terms are expressed through evidential markers and a combination of evidential markers with evidential strategies. Although most evidentials occur in interrogative sentences, not all of them do. In contrast to declarative sentences, certain evidentials are not utilized to convey evidentiality in interrogative sentences. Some of these evidentials are not present in questions when they are employed to describe the speaker’s actions, emotions, and physical condition.\u0000In interrogative sentences in Modern Uyghur, the source of information can be either the addressee or someone else. The speaker may provide information obtained through personal observation or from a third party, seeking the addressee’s expertise. Some evidential markers serve only to confirm information, and some questions may simply be a polite repetition of the addressee’s information.","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":" 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141676252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper investigates a range of facts exhibiting reconstruction effects. We consider facts concerning anaphor binding, variable binding, quantifier scope and binding condition C in A-bar-movement structures (questions, relative clauses and topicalization) as well as VP fronting in English and Chinese. Our findings provide strong support to the copy theory of movement and identify some areas that need further refinement.
{"title":"The syntax of reconstruction in English and Chinese","authors":"P. Law","doi":"10.1075/alal.22018.law","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.22018.law","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper investigates a range of facts exhibiting reconstruction effects. We consider facts concerning anaphor\u0000 binding, variable binding, quantifier scope and binding condition C in A-bar-movement structures (questions, relative clauses and\u0000 topicalization) as well as VP fronting in English and Chinese. Our findings provide strong support to the copy theory of movement\u0000 and identify some areas that need further refinement.","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115805367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I argue that gapping in Mandarin Chinese as a deletion operation (cf. Wei 2011; Ai 2014) is administrated by some semantic constraints and the discourse in which they occur, in line with Kuno (1976); Tsao (1979) and Wei (2011). Specifically, I argue that the semantic combination of the VP (cf. Paul 1996a, b, 1999) and the object NP (cf. Li 1998) in gapped sentences cannot be [−generic, -definite]. That is, the VP in the gapped clause cannot have a [-generic] interpretation and simultaneously for the object to have a [−definite] interpretation. If so combined, gapping in Mandarin Chinese will be blocked.
我认为，普通话中的间隙作为一种删除操作(cf. Wei 2011;Ai 2014)是由一些语义约束和它们发生的话语管理的，与Kuno(1976)一致;曹(1979)，魏(2011)。具体来说，我认为在间隙句中，VP (cf. Paul 1996a, b, 1999)和宾语NP (cf. Li 1998)的语义组合不可能是[-一般的，-确定的]。也就是说，间隙从句中的副谓语不能有[-一般]解释，同时宾语不能有[-确定]解释。如果两者结合，普通话的差距就会被堵住。
{"title":"The semantic constraint on gapping in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"R. Ai","doi":"10.1075/alal.22013.ai","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.22013.ai","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 I argue that gapping in Mandarin Chinese as a deletion operation (cf. Wei\u0000 2011; Ai 2014) is administrated by some semantic constraints and the\u0000 discourse in which they occur, in line with Kuno (1976); Tsao (1979) and Wei (2011). Specifically, I argue that the\u0000 semantic combination of the VP (cf. Paul 1996a, b, 1999) and the object NP (cf. Li\u0000 1998) in gapped sentences cannot be [−generic, -definite]. That is, the VP in the gapped clause cannot have a [-generic]\u0000 interpretation and simultaneously for the object to have a [−definite] interpretation. If so combined, gapping in Mandarin Chinese\u0000 will be blocked.","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114644720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study illustrates that for the Chinese bare form reflexive ziji ‘self’, feature conflicts can cause both the local binding blocking effect and the long-distance binding blocking effect. To make long-distance binding possible, a feature-matching requirement between the long-distance antecedent and the reindexed local reflexive must be met, as proposed by Tang (1989). In addition to this, a feature-matching requirement between the verb and its subject and object must also be satisfied, with the latter likely having a suppressive effect on the former. Further research is needed to understand the interaction of these two feature-matching requirements and what constraints exist. Furthermore, the blocking effect can be triggered by a variety of factors, including syntax, feature agreement, pragmatics, discourse prominence, animacy and thematic conditions and other combined effects. Ziji’s odd performance might be the result of their joint efforts. We need to further clarify how these factors work together.
{"title":"What makes the blocking effect happen?","authors":"Nini Li","doi":"10.1075/alal.22015.li","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.22015.li","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study illustrates that for the Chinese bare form reflexive ziji ‘self’, feature conflicts can cause both the local binding blocking effect and the long-distance binding blocking effect. To make long-distance binding possible, a feature-matching requirement between the long-distance antecedent and the reindexed local reflexive must be met, as proposed by Tang (1989). In addition to this, a feature-matching requirement between the verb and its subject and object must also be satisfied, with the latter likely having a suppressive effect on the former. Further research is needed to understand the interaction of these two feature-matching requirements and what constraints exist. Furthermore, the blocking effect can be triggered by a variety of factors, including syntax, feature agreement, pragmatics, discourse prominence, animacy and thematic conditions and other combined effects. Ziji’s odd performance might be the result of their joint efforts. We need to further clarify how these factors work together.","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131228712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Korean and Japanese are typical classifier languages that classify a noun based on the semantic type of its referent with a counter word when plurality is involved. Their plural marking appears to be optional when the noun denotes general plurality, but obligatory when a noun is marked by the semantic feature, [+specific] (Ioni, Ko & Wexler, 2004). In this study, we characterize the so-called ‘optional’ plurality in Korean and Japanese as the manifestation of the grammaticalization. Drawing on actual data, we demonstrate that the plural suffix is increasingly used as a neutral plural marker. The grammaticalization is more prevalent when the nouns are higher in the Animacy Hierarchy (e.g., Comrie, 1989), although there are differences in acceptability between Korean and Japanese. We attribute the differences to the language-specific uses of the plural suffix, namely, Japanese associative reading and Korean event-plural reading (Song, 1997).
韩语和日语是典型的分类语言，在涉及复数的情况下，根据指代物的语义类型和对应词对名词进行分类。当名词表示一般复数时，他们的复数标记似乎是可选的，但当一个名词被语义特征标记时，[+specific]是强制性的(Ioni, Ko & Wexler, 2004)。在本研究中，我们将韩语和日语中所谓的“可选择的”多元性描述为语法化的表现。根据实际数据，我们证明了复数后缀越来越多地被用作中性复数标记。尽管韩语和日语在可接受性上存在差异，但当名词在Animacy Hierarchy中处于较高位置时，语法化更为普遍(例如，Comrie, 1989)。我们将这种差异归因于对复数后缀的特定语言使用，即日语的联想阅读和韩语的事件复数阅读(Song, 1997)。
{"title":"Grammaticalization in progress","authors":"Kiri Lee, Y. Cho","doi":"10.1075/alal.22001.lee","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.22001.lee","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Korean and Japanese are typical classifier languages that classify a noun based on the semantic type of its\u0000 referent with a counter word when plurality is involved. Their plural marking appears to be optional when the noun denotes general\u0000 plurality, but obligatory when a noun is marked by the semantic feature, [+specific] (Ioni, Ko\u0000 & Wexler, 2004). In this study, we characterize the so-called ‘optional’ plurality in Korean and Japanese as the\u0000 manifestation of the grammaticalization. Drawing on actual data, we demonstrate that the plural suffix is increasingly used as a\u0000 neutral plural marker. The grammaticalization is more prevalent when the nouns are higher in the Animacy Hierarchy (e.g., Comrie, 1989), although there are differences in acceptability between Korean and\u0000 Japanese. We attribute the differences to the language-specific uses of the plural suffix, namely, Japanese associative reading\u0000 and Korean event-plural reading (Song, 1997).","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121803511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Chin (2022): Cantonese GIVE and Double-Object Construction","authors":"Hilário de Sousa","doi":"10.1075/alal.22021.des","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.22021.des","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131367522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper makes remarks on the syntactic status of Gapless Relative Clauses (GRCs) in Mandarin Chinese and shows that the arguments for their complement status are not supported by the facts in Mandarin Chinese, as almost all the arguments for the complement clause analysis of GRCs, as presented in Huang (2016), could be argued to be evidence for the relative clause (RC) analysis of GRCs. The following RC recoverability hierarchy, Argument RC > Adjunct RC > GRC, is proposed to explain the contrasts discussed in Huang (2016) and this paper, and the relevant facts and differences could be accounted for if one assumes that the RCs further to the right in the hierarchy above are more difficult to be recovered than the RCs further to the left in the above hierarchy and should thus occur closer to the head noun. This paper demonstrates that GRCs are really RCs licensed by a covert semantic variable, and suggests that the gapless requirement on complement clauses be replaced by the following two conditions: (a) no syntactic gap or semantic variable exists in the relevant clause that is related to the head noun in question and (b) a semantic condition, to be specified in this paper, is necessary on the relationship between the clause in question and the modified head noun.
{"title":"Remarks on gapless relative clauses and complement clauses in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"H. Pan","doi":"10.1075/alal.21008.pan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.21008.pan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper makes remarks on the syntactic status of Gapless Relative Clauses (GRCs) in Mandarin Chinese and shows\u0000 that the arguments for their complement status are not supported by the facts in Mandarin Chinese, as almost all the arguments for\u0000 the complement clause analysis of GRCs, as presented in Huang (2016), could be argued\u0000 to be evidence for the relative clause (RC) analysis of GRCs. The following RC recoverability hierarchy, Argument RC > Adjunct\u0000 RC > GRC, is proposed to explain the contrasts discussed in Huang (2016) and this\u0000 paper, and the relevant facts and differences could be accounted for if one assumes that the RCs further to the right in the\u0000 hierarchy above are more difficult to be recovered than the RCs further to the left in the above hierarchy and should thus occur\u0000 closer to the head noun. This paper demonstrates that GRCs are really RCs licensed by a covert semantic variable, and suggests\u0000 that the gapless requirement on complement clauses be replaced by the following two conditions: (a) no syntactic gap or semantic\u0000 variable exists in the relevant clause that is related to the head noun in question and (b) a semantic condition, to be specified\u0000 in this paper, is necessary on the relationship between the clause in question and the modified head noun.","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115989027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the domain of toponymy has great research potential, it has so far gained little attention in Iran. The present paper is a typological study on a sample group of toponyms from two different provinces of Gilan (a northern coastal province next to the Caspian Sea) and Bushehr (a southern coastal province beside the Persian Gulf) within the framework of the Australian National Placenames Survey typology proposed by Tent and Blair. The two regions in question are similar in terms of adjacency to a major water body but different in language, culture, and geography. To determine whether the Australian proposed typology is applicable to Iranian toponyms, we collected 60 coastal placenames from Gilan and Bushehr and classified them according to their Specifics and Generics based on Tent and Blair’s (2009, 2011) typology. Further, we compared placenaming motivations and processes in the two regions. The results show that although the Iranian placenames differ from the Australian ones in terms of their structure, they fit well into the typology. Water-related features are among the top motivations for local namers in both Gilan and Bushehr. Nevertheless, Bushehr namers are more motivated by natural features while those from Gilan, in most cases, are non-naturally motivated.
{"title":"Coastal toponyms of Iran","authors":"Hamideh Poshtvan, Mahnaz Talebi-Dastenaei","doi":"10.1075/alal.22002.pos","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.22002.pos","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000While the domain of toponymy has great research potential, it has so far gained little attention in Iran. The present paper is a typological study on a sample group of toponyms from two different provinces of Gilan (a northern coastal province next to the Caspian Sea) and Bushehr (a southern coastal province beside the Persian Gulf) within the framework of the Australian National Placenames Survey typology proposed by Tent and Blair. The two regions in question are similar in terms of adjacency to a major water body but different in language, culture, and geography. To determine whether the Australian proposed typology is applicable to Iranian toponyms, we collected 60 coastal placenames from Gilan and Bushehr and classified them according to their Specifics and Generics based on Tent and Blair’s (2009, 2011) typology. Further, we compared placenaming motivations and processes in the two regions. The results show that although the Iranian placenames differ from the Australian ones in terms of their structure, they fit well into the typology. Water-related features are among the top motivations for local namers in both Gilan and Bushehr. Nevertheless, Bushehr namers are more motivated by natural features while those from Gilan, in most cases, are non-naturally motivated.","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"107 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124128581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Zhang (2017): Syntax Phonology Interface: Argumentation from Tone Sandhi in Chinese Dialects","authors":"Jia Guo, Chao Zhou, X. Tang","doi":"10.1075/alal.21009.guo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.21009.guo","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"186 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120899157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By combining the idea of property concepts and the kernel-based theory of subjectivity, this paper proposes an analysis of the otherwise mysterious behavior of the Mandarin “you” predicates, where subjectivity/evidentiality and possessive/attributive readings come and go in an intricate way. The paper presents a phenomenon of Mandarin called possessive Property Concept predicates, involving a possessive morpheme you “have” and a bare NP. Studying the subjectivity puzzle in Chinese advances our understanding of information source and information force in the following way. The Chinese fact, as a separate element, is part of the bigger picture about subjectivity. To explain how the subjectivity predicate as a natural class connects with evidentiality, this paper provides an approach to probe subjectivity through examining the information source change, which is derived from removing or adding evidential morpheme(s).
{"title":"Judge-dependence in quality nouns","authors":"Yan Cong","doi":"10.1075/alal.21007.con","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.21007.con","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000By combining the idea of property concepts and the kernel-based theory of subjectivity, this paper proposes an analysis of the otherwise mysterious behavior of the Mandarin “you” predicates, where subjectivity/evidentiality and possessive/attributive readings come and go in an intricate way. The paper presents a phenomenon of Mandarin called possessive Property Concept predicates, involving a possessive morpheme you “have” and a bare NP. Studying the subjectivity puzzle in Chinese advances our understanding of information source and information force in the following way. The Chinese fact, as a separate element, is part of the bigger picture about subjectivity. To explain how the subjectivity predicate as a natural class connects with evidentiality, this paper provides an approach to probe subjectivity through examining the information source change, which is derived from removing or adding evidential morpheme(s).","PeriodicalId":322360,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127492742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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