Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1522195
Ann M Moore, Mardieh Dennis, Ragnar Anderson, Akinrinola Bankole, Anna Abelson, Giulia Greco, Bellington Vwalika
Although abortion is legal in Zambia under a variety of broad conditions, unsafe abortion remains common. The purpose of this project was to compare the financial costs for women when they have an induced abortion at a facility, with costs for an induced abortion outside a facility, followed by care for abortion-related complications. We gathered household wealth data at one point in time (T1) and longitudinal qualitative data at two points in time (T1 and T2, three-four months later), in Lusaka and Kafue districts, between 2014 and 2015. The data were collected from women (n = 38) obtaining a legal termination of pregnancy (TOP), or care for unsafe abortions (CUA). The women were recruited from four health facilities (two hospitals and two private clinics, one of each per district). At T2, CUA cost women, on average, 520 ZMW (USD 81), while TOP cost women, on average, 396 ZMW (USD 62). About two-thirds of the costs had been incurred by T1, while an additional one-third of the total costs was incurred between T1 and T2. Women in all three wealth tertiles sought a TOP in a health facility or an unsafe abortion outside a facility. Women who obtained CUA tended to be further removed from the money that was used to pay for their abortion care. Women's financial dependence leaves them unequipped to manage a financial shock such as an abortion. Improved TOP and post-abortion care are needed to reduce the health sequelae women experience after both types of abortion-related care.
{"title":"Comparing women's financial costs of induced abortion at a facility vs. seeking treatment for complications from unsafe abortion in Zambia.","authors":"Ann M Moore, Mardieh Dennis, Ragnar Anderson, Akinrinola Bankole, Anna Abelson, Giulia Greco, Bellington Vwalika","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1522195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1522195","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Although abortion is legal in Zambia under a variety of broad conditions, unsafe abortion remains common. The purpose of this project was to compare the financial costs for women when they have an induced abortion at a facility, with costs for an induced abortion outside a facility, followed by care for abortion-related complications. We gathered household wealth data at one point in time (T1) and longitudinal qualitative data at two points in time (T1 and T2, three-four months later), in Lusaka and Kafue districts, between 2014 and 2015. The data were collected from women (n = 38) obtaining a legal termination of pregnancy (TOP), or care for unsafe abortions (CUA). The women were recruited from four health facilities (two hospitals and two private clinics, one of each per district). At T2, CUA cost women, on average, 520 ZMW (USD 81), while TOP cost women, on average, 396 ZMW (USD 62). About two-thirds of the costs had been incurred by T1, while an additional one-third of the total costs was incurred between T1 and T2. Women in all three wealth tertiles sought a TOP in a health facility or an unsafe abortion outside a facility. Women who obtained CUA tended to be further removed from the money that was used to pay for their abortion care. Women's financial dependence leaves them unequipped to manage a financial shock such as an abortion. Improved TOP and post-abortion care are needed to reduce the health sequelae women experience after both types of abortion-related care.</p>","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1522195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1522195","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36690329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1544770
Julia Hussein, Jane Cottingham, Mike Mbizvo, Eszter Kismödi
This year, we mark 25 years since RHM’s beginnings. 2018 is an uplifting year for an anniversary, with several notable events in relation to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). In January, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights published an advisory opinion on gender identity, equality and non-discrimination of same-sex couples, declaring that the rights for name change to conform to a person’s gender identity, and for legal mechanisms, including marriage in samesex couples, are protected by the American Convention on Human Rights. In March, protests took place in Poland against the creation of legal restrictions on abortion. Rallies were held in Chile against the new government’s attempt to allow conscientious objection as a reason to limit women’s access to safe abortion. In May, a longawaited referendum in the Republic of Ireland overturned, by a convincing majority, a restrictive abortion law which had been in place for decades. India’s Supreme Court unanimously struck down one of the world’s oldest bans on consensual same sex relations in September. In the same month, the United Nations issued a joint letter to the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF). The letter raised concerns of human rights violations with regard to the IAAF’s new criteria on intersex persons in Olympic competitions, which may affect the participation of several top African athletes, including Caster Semenya, amongst others. Other highlights of 2018 included the release of the World Health Organization’s new edition of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), which now classifies gender incongruence as a sexual health condition, instead of a mental health illness. The release of the Guttmacher–Lancet Commission’s report this year provides a reference point for a comprehensive definition of SRHR, set within the context of the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. These developments are testimony to the solid gains made over the last 25 years, the legacy of a water-shed event – the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD).
{"title":"Sexual and reproductive health and rights matters: a new age.","authors":"Julia Hussein, Jane Cottingham, Mike Mbizvo, Eszter Kismödi","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1544770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1544770","url":null,"abstract":"This year, we mark 25 years since RHM’s beginnings. 2018 is an uplifting year for an anniversary, with several notable events in relation to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). In January, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights published an advisory opinion on gender identity, equality and non-discrimination of same-sex couples, declaring that the rights for name change to conform to a person’s gender identity, and for legal mechanisms, including marriage in samesex couples, are protected by the American Convention on Human Rights. In March, protests took place in Poland against the creation of legal restrictions on abortion. Rallies were held in Chile against the new government’s attempt to allow conscientious objection as a reason to limit women’s access to safe abortion. In May, a longawaited referendum in the Republic of Ireland overturned, by a convincing majority, a restrictive abortion law which had been in place for decades. India’s Supreme Court unanimously struck down one of the world’s oldest bans on consensual same sex relations in September. In the same month, the United Nations issued a joint letter to the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF). The letter raised concerns of human rights violations with regard to the IAAF’s new criteria on intersex persons in Olympic competitions, which may affect the participation of several top African athletes, including Caster Semenya, amongst others. Other highlights of 2018 included the release of the World Health Organization’s new edition of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), which now classifies gender incongruence as a sexual health condition, instead of a mental health illness. The release of the Guttmacher–Lancet Commission’s report this year provides a reference point for a comprehensive definition of SRHR, set within the context of the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. These developments are testimony to the solid gains made over the last 25 years, the legacy of a water-shed event – the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD).","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1544770"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1544770","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36765641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1451173
Kiva Diamond Allotey-Reidpath, Pascale Allotey, Daniel D Reidpath
Recent globally compiled evidence suggests that one-quarter of pregnancies end in abortions. However, abortions remain illegal in many countries, resulting in unsafe practices. Debates have largely stalled with the pro-life, pro-choice epithets. To provide further arguments in support of legalising abortion services, we argue that the state cannot demand of a woman that she maintains an unwanted pregnancy because that demand places her in a state of involuntary servitude. Involuntary servitude would put states in breach of international human rights law (Article 8 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights). Furthermore, we argue that the fact that a life may be forfeit when a woman withdraws her service is no basis for enforcing the servitude. We draw on the 13th Amendment of the US Constitution as an example to extend the argument and highlight the need to test involuntary servitude in international human rights law through mechanisms offered in the international periodic review of member states. This could provide a robust approach to support and strengthen access to safe abortion services.
{"title":"Nine months a slave: when pregnancy is involuntary servitude to a foetus.","authors":"Kiva Diamond Allotey-Reidpath, Pascale Allotey, Daniel D Reidpath","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1451173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1451173","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Recent globally compiled evidence suggests that one-quarter of pregnancies end in abortions. However, abortions remain illegal in many countries, resulting in unsafe practices. Debates have largely stalled with the pro-life, pro-choice epithets. To provide further arguments in support of legalising abortion services, we argue that the state cannot demand of a woman that she maintains an unwanted pregnancy because that demand places her in a state of involuntary servitude. Involuntary servitude would put states in breach of international human rights law (Article 8 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights). Furthermore, we argue that the fact that a life may be forfeit when a woman withdraws her service is no basis for enforcing the servitude. We draw on the 13th Amendment of the US Constitution as an example to extend the argument and highlight the need to test involuntary servitude in international human rights law through mechanisms offered in the international periodic review of member states. This could provide a robust approach to support and strengthen access to safe abortion services.</p>","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1451173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1451173","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36006427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1484220
Julie Hennegan, Alexandra K Shannon, Kellogg J Schwab
Inadequate menstrual hygiene presents a barrier to women's dignity and health. Recent attention to this marginalised challenge has resulted in the first national assessments of menstrual practices. Intuitively, surveys require women to have had a recent menses to be eligible. This study seeks to determine if there are demographic differences between women who are eligible and ineligible to answer questions about their menstrual hygiene during these assessments. Secondary analyses were undertaken on nationally or state representative data collected by the Performance Monitoring and Accountability 2020 survey programme across eight countries (Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Ghana, India, Kenya, Niger, Nigeria, and Uganda). Female respondents were included in the study and compared on whether they had a menstrual period within the past three months and thus were eligible to answer questions regarding menstrual practices. On average, 29% of surveyed women across samples were ineligible to be asked menstrual hygiene questions. Higher levels of education, wealth, and urban residence were associated with higher odds of eligibility. Young and unmarried women were also more likely to be eligible. Demographic differences between eligible and ineligible women were consistent across all countries. Wealthy, urban, and educated women are more likely to be eligible to answer survey questions about menstrual hygiene. While population surveys may be representative of menstruating women, proportions of menstrual hygiene practices reported underrepresent the experiences of more vulnerable groups. These groups are likely to have greater struggles with menstrual hygiene when they are menstruating.
{"title":"Wealthy, urban, educated. Who is represented in population surveys of women's menstrual hygiene management?","authors":"Julie Hennegan, Alexandra K Shannon, Kellogg J Schwab","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1484220","DOIUrl":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1484220","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Inadequate menstrual hygiene presents a barrier to women's dignity and health. Recent attention to this marginalised challenge has resulted in the first national assessments of menstrual practices. Intuitively, surveys require women to have had a recent menses to be eligible. This study seeks to determine if there are demographic differences between women who are eligible and ineligible to answer questions about their menstrual hygiene during these assessments. Secondary analyses were undertaken on nationally or state representative data collected by the Performance Monitoring and Accountability 2020 survey programme across eight countries (Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Ghana, India, Kenya, Niger, Nigeria, and Uganda). Female respondents were included in the study and compared on whether they had a menstrual period within the past three months and thus were eligible to answer questions regarding menstrual practices. On average, 29% of surveyed women across samples were ineligible to be asked menstrual hygiene questions. Higher levels of education, wealth, and urban residence were associated with higher odds of eligibility. Young and unmarried women were also more likely to be eligible. Demographic differences between eligible and ineligible women were consistent across all countries. Wealthy, urban, and educated women are more likely to be eligible to answer survey questions about menstrual hygiene. While population surveys may be representative of menstruating women, proportions of menstrual hygiene practices reported underrepresent the experiences of more vulnerable groups. These groups are likely to have greater struggles with menstrual hygiene when they are menstruating.</p>","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1484220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://ftp.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pub/pmc/oa_pdf/9e/81/RHM-26-52-081.PMC7745112.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36329901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1490624
Sofia Gruskin, Avery Everhart, Diana Feliz Olivia, Stefan Baral, Sari L Reisner, Eszter Kismödi, David Cruz, Cary Klemmer, Michael R Reich, Laura Ferguson
This roundtable discussion is the result of a research symposium entitled In Transition: Gender [Identity], Law & Global Health where participants took up the challenge to engage with the question: What will it take to ensure the sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) of transgender populations across the globe? The barriers to overcome are fierce, and include not only lack of access to health services and insurance but also stigma and discrimination, harassment, violence, and violations of rights at every turn. Transgender people must of course lead any sort of initiatives to improve their lives, even as partnerships are needed to build capacity, translate lived experience into usable data, and to make strategic decisions. The SRHR of transgender people can only be addressed with attention to the social, cultural, legal, historical, and political contexts in which people are situated, with social, psychological, medical, and legal gender affirmation as a key priority shaping any intervention. Bringing together nine diverse yet complementary perspectives, our intent is to jumpstart a global and multigenerational conversation among transgender activists, lawyers, policy-makers, programmers, epidemiologists, economists, social workers, clinicians and all other stakeholders to help think through priority areas of focus that will support the needs, rights, and health of transgender populations. Making the changes envisioned here is possible but it will require not only the advocacy, policy, programmatic and research directions presented here but also struggle and action locally, nationally, and globally.
{"title":"\"In transition: ensuring the sexual and reproductive health and rights of transgender populations.\" A roundtable discussion.","authors":"Sofia Gruskin, Avery Everhart, Diana Feliz Olivia, Stefan Baral, Sari L Reisner, Eszter Kismödi, David Cruz, Cary Klemmer, Michael R Reich, Laura Ferguson","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1490624","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1490624","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This roundtable discussion is the result of a research symposium entitled In Transition: Gender [Identity], Law & Global Health where participants took up the challenge to engage with the question: What will it take to ensure the sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) of transgender populations across the globe? The barriers to overcome are fierce, and include not only lack of access to health services and insurance but also stigma and discrimination, harassment, violence, and violations of rights at every turn. Transgender people must of course lead any sort of initiatives to improve their lives, even as partnerships are needed to build capacity, translate lived experience into usable data, and to make strategic decisions. The SRHR of transgender people can only be addressed with attention to the social, cultural, legal, historical, and political contexts in which people are situated, with social, psychological, medical, and legal gender affirmation as a key priority shaping any intervention. Bringing together nine diverse yet complementary perspectives, our intent is to jumpstart a global and multigenerational conversation among transgender activists, lawyers, policy-makers, programmers, epidemiologists, economists, social workers, clinicians and all other stakeholders to help think through priority areas of focus that will support the needs, rights, and health of transgender populations. Making the changes envisioned here is possible but it will require not only the advocacy, policy, programmatic and research directions presented here but also struggle and action locally, nationally, and globally.</p>","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1490624"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1490624","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36365237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How rurality relates to women's abortion decision-making in the United States remains largely unexplored in existing literature. The present study relies on qualitative methods to analyze rural women's experiences related to pregnancy decision-making and pathways to abortion services in Central Appalachia. This analysis examines narratives from 31 participants who disclosed experiencing an unwanted pregnancy, including those who continued and terminated a pregnancy. Results suggest that women living in rural communities deal with unwanted pregnancy in three phases: (1) the simultaneous assessment of the acceptability of continuing the pregnancy and the acceptability of terminating the pregnancy, (2) deciding whether to seek services, and (3) navigating a pathway to service. Many participants who experience an unwanted pregnancy ultimately decide not to seek abortion services. When women living in rural communities assess their pregnancy as unacceptable but abortion services do not appear feasible to obtain, they adjust their emotional orientation towards continuing pregnancy, shifting the continuation of pregnancy to be an acceptable outcome. The framework developed via this analysis expands the binary constructs around abortion access - for example, decide to seek an abortion/decide not to seek an abortion, obtain abortion services/do not obtain abortion services - and critically captures the dynamic, often internal, calculations women make around unwanted pregnancy. It captures the experiences of rural women, a gap in the current literature.
{"title":"\"I wouldn't even know where to start\": unwanted pregnancy and abortion decision-making in Central Appalachia.","authors":"Jenny O'Donnell, Alisa Goldberg, Ellice Lieberman, Theresa Betancourt","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1513270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1513270","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>How rurality relates to women's abortion decision-making in the United States remains largely unexplored in existing literature. The present study relies on qualitative methods to analyze rural women's experiences related to pregnancy decision-making and pathways to abortion services in Central Appalachia. This analysis examines narratives from 31 participants who disclosed experiencing an unwanted pregnancy, including those who continued and terminated a pregnancy. Results suggest that women living in rural communities deal with unwanted pregnancy in three phases: (1) the simultaneous assessment of the acceptability of continuing the pregnancy and the acceptability of terminating the pregnancy, (2) deciding whether to seek services, and (3) navigating a pathway to service. Many participants who experience an unwanted pregnancy ultimately decide not to seek abortion services. When women living in rural communities assess their pregnancy as unacceptable but abortion services do not appear feasible to obtain, they adjust their emotional orientation towards continuing pregnancy, shifting the continuation of pregnancy to be an acceptable outcome. The framework developed via this analysis expands the binary constructs around abortion access - for example, decide to seek an abortion/decide not to seek an abortion, obtain abortion services/do not obtain abortion services - and critically captures the dynamic, often internal, calculations women make around unwanted pregnancy. It captures the experiences of rural women, a gap in the current literature.</p>","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1513270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1513270","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36607127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1546466
{"title":"Correction.","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1546466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1546466","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1546466"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1546466","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36777171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1467361
Julia Hussein, Jane Cottingham, Wanda Nowicka, Eszter Kismodi
On the 23rd March 2018, tens of thousands of Polish citizens came together to stage protests opposing the “Stop Abortion” bill. In what has become known as the #BlackProtest movement, people dressed in black to mark their solidarity against attempts to restrict abortion. Their protest continues the line of an enduring movement, not only in Poland but across the world, for women’s right to safe abortion. Reproductive Health Matters (RHM) – a long-standing voice in support of women’s right to safe abortion – joined more than 200 other groups from across the world in support of the Polish protest movement to oppose the bill tightening abortion law in Poland. A letter called on members of Poland’s parliament to “listen to the voices of women across Poland and to reject this regressive legislative proposal and protect women’s health and human rights”. The “Stop Abortion” bill was approved for debate in January this year and got through the parliamentary committee in March. If passed, legislation will further confine the grounds on which abortion can be lawfully accessed. Poland has restrictive abortion laws which currently allow the procedure to be legally performed only if there is severe danger to the life of a woman or foetus, or if the pregnancy is a result of a criminal act, such as rape or incest. In the latest attempt to change the law, the ruling party in Poland is seeking to ban abortion in cases where the foetus has a severe abnormality. Slightly over one thousand abortions were legally performed in Poland in 2016. It is believed that there are many more illegal abortions, with estimates lying between 50,000 and 200,000. Women also travel to neighbouring countries in Europe to seek abortion, while others purchase abortion pills from the internet. Modern contraceptive methods are not freely available in Poland. The morning after pill, for example, requires a prescription and a consultation with a doctor. The condom is the only over the counter contraception available. In 2015, the use of modern methods of contraception was 47.7% among married or inunion women aged 15–49 years, one of the lowest in Europe.
{"title":"Abortion in Poland: politics, progression and regression.","authors":"Julia Hussein, Jane Cottingham, Wanda Nowicka, Eszter Kismodi","doi":"10.1080/09688080.2018.1467361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09688080.2018.1467361","url":null,"abstract":"On the 23rd March 2018, tens of thousands of Polish citizens came together to stage protests opposing the “Stop Abortion” bill. In what has become known as the #BlackProtest movement, people dressed in black to mark their solidarity against attempts to restrict abortion. Their protest continues the line of an enduring movement, not only in Poland but across the world, for women’s right to safe abortion. Reproductive Health Matters (RHM) – a long-standing voice in support of women’s right to safe abortion – joined more than 200 other groups from across the world in support of the Polish protest movement to oppose the bill tightening abortion law in Poland. A letter called on members of Poland’s parliament to “listen to the voices of women across Poland and to reject this regressive legislative proposal and protect women’s health and human rights”. The “Stop Abortion” bill was approved for debate in January this year and got through the parliamentary committee in March. If passed, legislation will further confine the grounds on which abortion can be lawfully accessed. Poland has restrictive abortion laws which currently allow the procedure to be legally performed only if there is severe danger to the life of a woman or foetus, or if the pregnancy is a result of a criminal act, such as rape or incest. In the latest attempt to change the law, the ruling party in Poland is seeking to ban abortion in cases where the foetus has a severe abnormality. Slightly over one thousand abortions were legally performed in Poland in 2016. It is believed that there are many more illegal abortions, with estimates lying between 50,000 and 200,000. Women also travel to neighbouring countries in Europe to seek abortion, while others purchase abortion pills from the internet. Modern contraceptive methods are not freely available in Poland. The morning after pill, for example, requires a prescription and a consultation with a doctor. The condom is the only over the counter contraception available. In 2015, the use of modern methods of contraception was 47.7% among married or inunion women aged 15–49 years, one of the lowest in Europe.","PeriodicalId":32527,"journal":{"name":"Reproductive Health Matters","volume":"26 52","pages":"1467361"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09688080.2018.1467361","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"36078321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1517543
Carmen H Logie, Natania Marcus, Ying Wang, Ashley Lacombe-Duncan, Kandasi Levermore, Nicolette Jones, Nicolette Bryan, Robin Back, Annecka Marshall
Abstract Limited research has examined lesbian and bisexual women’s sexual health practices in the Caribbean, where lesbian and bisexual women experience sexual stigma that may reduce sexual healthcare utilisation. We conducted a sequential multi-method research study, including semi-structured individual interviews (n = 20) and a focus group (n = 5) followed by a cross-sectional survey (n = 205) with lesbian and bisexual women in Kingston, Montego Bay, and Ocho Rios, Jamaica. Binary logistic analyses and ordinal logistic regression were conducted to estimate the odds ratios for social-ecological factors associated with lifetime STI testing, sex work involvement, and the last time of STI testing. Over half of participants reported a lifetime STI test and of these, 6.1% reported an STI diagnosis. One-fifth of the sample reported ever selling sex. Directed content analysis of women’s narratives highlighted that stigma and discrimination from healthcare providers, in combination with low perceived STI risk, limited STI testing access and safer sex practices. Participants described how safer sex self-efficacy increased their safer sex practices. Quantitative results revealed that a longer time since last STI test was positively associated with depression, sexual stigma, and forced sex, and negatively associated with residential location, perceived STI risk, safer sex self-efficacy, and LGBT connectedness. Selling sex was associated with perceived STI risk, relationship status, sexual stigma, food insecurity, and forced sex. Sexual health practices among lesbian and bisexual women in Jamaica are associated with intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural factors, underscoring the urgent need for multi-level interventions to improve sexual health and advance sexual rights among lesbian and bisexual women in Jamaica.
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Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1470430
Shireen J Jejeebhoy, K G Santhya
While there are a growing number of interventions and evaluations of programmes aimed at changing gender norms and violence against women and girls, there remains a dearth of documentation outlining the challenges faced in conducting these interventions and evaluations, particularly in traditional and low literacy settings. The Do Kadam Barabari Ki Ore (Two Steps Towards Equality) programme sought to understand what works to prevent violence against women and girls in Bihar, India. This paper draws insights from process evaluation data. It describes promising features and challenges of implementation, and characteristics which weaken the potential effects of complex, community based, social sector programmes that aim to change deeply entrenched gender power hierarchies. We drew on the Medical Research Council framework for process evaluation in analysing our process evaluation data, and focus on mechanisms of impact, and factors inhibiting programme success, including contextual and implementation challenges. The paper also outlines measures that may help overcome observed challenges and areas that require modifications and/or further investigation. The programme experienced several challenges. These included contextual issues, such as the lack of leadership skills of those delivering the intervention and the gap between expected responsibilities and activities of government platforms and reality. Implementation challenges were encountered in reaching men and boys, younger women and the community at large and ensuring their regular attendance; and in maintaining the fidelity of the intervention activities. Our insights call for an evidence-supported dialogue on these challenges and how best to anticipate and address them.
虽然对旨在改变性别规范和对妇女和女孩的暴力行为的方案进行了越来越多的干预和评价,但仍然缺乏概述进行这些干预和评价所面临的挑战的文件,特别是在传统和低识字率环境中。Do Kadam Barabari Ki Ore(迈向平等的两步)项目旨在了解如何在印度比哈尔邦防止针对妇女和女孩的暴力行为。本文从工艺评价数据中得出了一些见解。它描述了有希望的特点和实施的挑战,以及削弱旨在改变根深蒂固的性别权力等级制度的复杂的、基于社区的社会部门方案的潜在影响的特点。我们利用医学研究理事会的进程评价框架来分析我们的进程评价数据,并侧重于影响机制和阻碍方案成功的因素,包括环境和执行方面的挑战。本文还概述了可能有助于克服已观察到的挑战和需要修改和/或进一步调查的领域的措施。该方案经历了几次挑战。这些问题包括背景问题,例如提供干预措施的人缺乏领导技能,以及政府平台的预期责任和活动与现实之间存在差距。在向男子和男孩、年轻妇女和整个社区提供服务并确保他们定期参加服务方面遇到了执行方面的挑战;保持干预活动的保真度。我们的见解要求就这些挑战开展有证据支持的对话,探讨如何最好地预测和应对这些挑战。
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