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Women's perspectives of mistreatment during childbirth at health facilities in Ghana: findings from a qualitative study. 加纳妇女对保健机构分娩期间虐待的看法:一项定性研究的结果。
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 Epub Date: 2018-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1502020
Ernest T Maya, Kwame Adu-Bonsaffoh, Phyllis Dako-Gyeke, Caroline Badzi, Joshua P Vogel, Meghan A Bohren, Richard Adanu

Mistreatment of women during childbirth at health facilities violates their human rights and autonomy and may be associated with preventable maternal and newborn mortality and morbidity. In this paper, we explore women's perspectives on mistreatment during facility-based childbirth as part of a bigger World Health Organization (WHO) multi-country study for developing consensus definitions, and validating indicators and tools for measuring the burden of the phenomenon. Focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews (IDIs) were used to explore experiences of mistreatment from women who have ever given birth in a health facility in Koforidua and Nsawam, Ghana. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed and thematic analysis conducted. A total of 39 IDIs and 10 FGDs involving 110 women in total were conducted. The major types of mistreatment identified were: verbal abuse (shouting, insults, and derogatory remarks), physical abuse (pinching, slapping) and abandonment and lack of support. Mistreatment was commonly experienced during the second stage of labour, especially amongst adolescents. Inability to push well during the second stage, disobedience to instructions from birth attendants, and not bringing prescribed items for childbirth (mama kit) often preceded mistreatment. Most women indicated that slapping and pinching were acceptable means to "correct" disobedient behaviours and encourage pushing. Women may avoid giving birth in health facilities in the future because of their own experiences of mistreatment, or hearing about another woman's experience of mistreatment. Consensus definitions, validated indicators and tools for measuring mistreatment are needed to measure prevalence and identify drivers and potential entry points to minimise the phenomenon and improve respectful care during childbirth.

妇女在保健设施分娩期间受到虐待侵犯了她们的人权和自主权,并可能与可预防的孕产妇和新生儿死亡率和发病率有关。在本文中,作为世界卫生组织(WHO)一项更大的多国研究的一部分,我们探讨了妇女对设施分娩期间虐待的看法,以制定共识定义,并验证衡量这种现象负担的指标和工具。采用焦点小组讨论和深度访谈的方式,探讨了曾在加纳科福里杜瓦和恩萨瓦姆的卫生机构分娩的妇女遭受虐待的经历。对采访进行了录音、抄写和专题分析。总共进行了39次idi和10次fgd,共涉及110名妇女。被确定的主要虐待类型有:言语虐待(大喊大叫、侮辱和贬损言论)、身体虐待(掐、扇耳光)、遗弃和缺乏支持。虐待通常发生在分娩第二阶段,特别是在青少年中。在第二阶段不能很好地分娩,不服从助产士的指示,没有带规定的分娩用品(妈妈包),往往在虐待之前。大多数女性表示,打耳光和掐人是“纠正”不听话行为和鼓励推搡的可接受手段。妇女今后可能会因为自己遭受虐待的经历,或听说另一名妇女遭受虐待的经历而避免在卫生设施分娩。需要达成共识的定义、经过验证的指标和衡量虐待的工具,以衡量发生率,确定驱动因素和潜在切入点,最大限度地减少这一现象,并改善分娩期间的尊重护理。
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引用次数: 0
Disrespect and abuse in childbirth in Brazil: social activism, public policies and providers' training. 巴西分娩中的不尊重和虐待:社会行动主义、公共政策和提供者培训。
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 Epub Date: 2018-08-14 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1502019
Carmen Simone Grilo Diniz, Daphne Rattner, Ana Flávia Pires Lucas d'Oliveira, Janaína Marques de Aguiar, Denise Yoshie Niy

Brazil is a middle-income country with universal maternity care, mostly by doctors. The experience of normal birth often includes rigid routines, aggressive interventions, and abusive, disrespectful treatment. In Brazil, this has been referred to as dehumanised care and, more recently, as obstetric violence. Since the early 1990s, social movements (SM) have struggled to change practices, public policies and provider training. The aim of this paper is to describe and analyse the role of SM in promoting change in maternity care, and in provider training. In this integrative review using a gender-oriented approach, we searched the Scielo database and the Ministry of Health's (MofH) publications and edicts for institutional and research papers on SM initiatives addressing disrespect and abuse in the last 25 years (1993-2018) in Brazil, and their impact on public policies and training programmes. We analyse these groups of interrelated initiatives: (1) political actions of SM resulting in changes in public policies and legislation; (2) events organised by SM for diffusion of information to the public; (3) MofH policies to humanise childbirth with participation of SM; and (4) initiatives to change providers' training, including legal actions based on obstetric violence reports. To promote real change in maternity care, the progression of policies and enabling environment of laws, regulations, and broad dissemination of information, need to go hand in hand with changes in all health providers' training - including a solid base in ethics, gender and human rights.

巴西是一个中等收入国家,拥有普遍的产科护理,主要由医生提供。正常分娩的经历通常包括死板的程序、咄咄逼人的干预和虐待、不尊重的对待。在巴西,这被称为非人性化护理,最近被称为产科暴力。自20世纪90年代初以来,社会运动(SM)一直在努力改变实践、公共政策和提供者培训。本文的目的是描述和分析SM在促进产妇护理变化中的作用,并在提供者培训。在这项以性别为导向的综合综述中,我们检索了Scielo数据库和卫生部(MofH)的出版物和法令,以获取有关巴西过去25年(1993-2018年)解决不尊重和虐待问题的SM倡议的机构和研究论文,以及它们对公共政策和培训计划的影响。我们分析了这些相互关联的倡议:(1)SM的政治行动导致公共政策和立法的变化;(2) SM举办活动,向公众传播资讯;(3)卫生部在SM参与下使生育人性化的政策;(4)改变提供者培训的举措,包括根据产科暴力报告采取法律行动。为了促进产妇护理的真正变革,政策的发展和法律法规的有利环境以及信息的广泛传播需要与所有保健提供者培训的变革——包括道德、性别和人权方面的坚实基础——齐头而行。
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引用次数: 57
Eye of the beholder? Observation versus self-report in the measurement of disrespect and abuse during facility-based childbirth. 旁观者之眼?观察与自我报告在设施分娩中不尊重和虐待的测量。
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 Epub Date: 2018-09-10 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1502024
Lynn P Freedman, Stephanie A Kujawski, Selemani Mbuyita, August Kuwawenaruwa, Margaret E Kruk, Kate Ramsey, Godfrey Mbaruku

Human rights has been a vital tool in the global movement to reduce maternal mortality and to expose the disrespect and abuse that women experience during childbirth in facilities around the world. Yet to truly transform the relationship between women and providers, human rights-based approaches (HRBAs) will need to go beyond articulation, dissemination and even legal enforcement of formal norms of respectful maternity care. HRBAs must also develop a deeper, more nuanced understanding of how power operates in health systems under particular social, cultural and political conditions, if they are to effectively challenge settled patterns of behaviour and health systems structures that marginalise and abuse. In this paper, we report results from a mixed methods study in two hospitals in the Tanga region of Tanzania, comparing the prevalence of disrespect and abuse during childbirth as measured through observation by trained nurses stationed in maternity wards to prevalence as measured by the self-report upon discharge of the same women who had been observed. The huge disparity between these two measures (baseline: 69.83% observation vs. 9.91% self-report; endline: 32.91% observation vs. 7.59% self-report) suggests that disrespect and abuse is both internalised and normalised by users and providers alike. Building on qualitative research conducted in the study sites, we explore the mechanisms by which hidden and invisible power enforces internalisation and normalisation, and describe the implications for the development of HRBAs in maternal health.

人权一直是降低孕产妇死亡率和揭露妇女在世界各地的设施中分娩时所遭受的不尊重和虐待的全球运动的重要工具。然而,要真正改变妇女与提供者之间的关系,基于人权的方法(HRBAs)将需要超越对尊重产妇护理的正式规范的表述、传播甚至法律执行。如果卫生机构要有效地挑战边缘化和滥用权力的既定行为模式和卫生系统结构,它们还必须对权力在特定社会、文化和政治条件下如何在卫生系统中运作有更深入、更细致的理解。在本文中,我们报告了坦桑尼亚Tanga地区两家医院混合方法研究的结果,比较了驻扎在产科病房的训练有素的护士通过观察测量的分娩期间不尊重和虐待的流行程度,以及观察到的同一名妇女出院时自我报告测量的流行程度。这两种测量之间的巨大差异(基线:69.83%观察vs. 9.91%自我报告;Endline: 32.91%观察vs. 7.59%自我报告)表明,不尊重和虐待在用户和提供者之间都是内化和正常化的。在研究地点进行定性研究的基础上,我们探索了隐藏的和看不见的力量强制内部化和正常化的机制,并描述了HRBAs在孕产妇健康中发展的影响。
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引用次数: 47
Criminal law and the risk of harm: a commentary on the impact of criminal laws on sexual and reproductive health, sexual conduct and key populations 刑法与伤害风险:关于刑法对性健康和生殖健康、性行为和关键人群的影响的评论
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1543991
Veronica Birga, L. Cabal, Lucinda O'Hanlon, C. Zampas
Criminal law is one of the most powerful tools that a State can use to exert control over individuals. It provides a means by which the State may legitimately restrict individual conduct, so as to prevent harm or address harms that have already occurred. In some areas, however, the criminal law itself can be harmful and, for this reason, must be carefully regarded to ensure that it is not employed in ways which are unjust or undermining of human rights, including the right to the highest attainable standard of health and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). In the areas of consensual sexual conduct, including adultery, sex work and samesex relations; drug use; HIV exposure and transmission; abortion and other sexual and reproductive health and rights, human rights bodies as well as international, regional and national courts have expressed concerns about the impact of criminal law on the enjoyment of human rights, including on gender equality and the right to health.
刑法是国家可以用来控制个人的最有力的工具之一。它提供了一种国家可以合法限制个人行为的手段,以防止伤害或解决已经发生的伤害。然而,在某些领域,刑法本身可能是有害的,因此,必须认真考虑,以确保刑法不会以不公正或损害人权的方式使用,包括享有可达到的最高标准的健康权以及性健康和生殖健康与权利。在双方自愿的性行为领域,包括通奸、性工作和同性关系;吸毒;艾滋病毒暴露和传播;人权机构以及国际、区域和国家法院对刑法对享有人权,包括对两性平等和健康权的影响表示关切。
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引用次数: 2
July at RHM 七月在RHM
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1501199
J. Hussein
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引用次数: 2
Measuring mistreatment of women throughout the birthing process: implications for quality of care assessments. 衡量妇女在整个分娩过程中的虐待:对护理质量评估的影响。
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 Epub Date: 2018-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1502018
Timothy Abuya, Pooja Sripad, Julie Ritter, Charity Ndwiga, Charlotte E Warren

Measuring mistreatment and quality of care during childbirth is important in promoting respectful maternity care. We describe these dimensions throughout the birthing process from admission, delivery and immediate postpartum care. We observed 677 client-provider interactions and conducted 13 facility assessments in Kenya. We used descriptive statistics and logistic regression model to illustrate how mistreatment and clinical process of care vary through the birthing process. During admission, the prevalence of verbal abuse was 18%, lack of informed consent 59%, and lack of privacy 67%. Women with higher parity were more likely to be verbally abused [AOR: 1.69; (95% CI 1.03,2.77)]. During delivery, low levels of verbal and physical abuse were observed, but lack of privacy and unhygienic practices were prevalent during delivery and postpartum (>65%). Women were less likely to be verbally abused [AOR: 0.88 (95% CI 0.78, 0.99)] or experience unhygienic practices, [AOR: 0.87 (95% CI 0.78, 0.97)] in better-equipped facilities. During admission, providers were observed creating rapport (52%), taking medical history (82%), conducting physical assessments (5%). Women's likelihood to receive a physical assessment increased with higher infrastructural scores during admission [AOR: 2.52; (95% CI 2.03, 3.21)] and immediately postpartum [AOR 2.18; (95% CI 1.24, 3.82)]. Night-time deliveries were associated with lower likelihood of physical assessment and rapport creation [AOR; 0.58; (95% CI 0.41,0.86)]. The variability of mistreatment and clinical quality of maternity along the birthing process suggests health system drivers that influence provider behaviour and health facility environment should be considered for quality improvement and reduction of mistreatment.

衡量分娩期间的虐待和护理质量对于促进尊重产妇护理非常重要。我们描述这些维度在整个分娩过程中,从入院,分娩和立即产后护理。我们在肯尼亚观察了677次客户与供应商的互动,并进行了13次设施评估。我们使用描述性统计和逻辑回归模型来说明在分娩过程中虐待和临床护理过程是如何变化的。入院期间,言语虐待的发生率为18%,缺乏知情同意的发生率为59%,缺乏隐私的发生率为67%。性别平等程度高的女性更容易受到言语虐待[AOR: 1.69;(95% ci 1.03,2.77)]。在分娩期间,观察到的言语和身体虐待程度较低,但在分娩和产后缺乏隐私和不卫生行为普遍存在(>65%)。在设备较好的设施中,妇女受到言语虐待的可能性较小[AOR: 0.88 (95% CI 0.78, 0.99)]或经历不卫生行为的可能性较小[AOR: 0.87 (95% CI 0.78, 0.97)]。在入院期间,观察到医护人员建立融洽关系(52%),询问病史(82%),进行身体评估(5%)。入院时基础设施评分越高,接受体格检查的可能性越大[AOR: 2.52;(95% CI 2.03, 3.21)]和产后立即[AOR 2.18;(95% ci 1.24, 3.82)]。夜间分娩与身体评估和建立融洽关系的可能性较低有关[AOR;0.58;(95% ci 0.41,0.86)]。在分娩过程中,虐待和产妇临床质量的可变性表明,应考虑影响提供者行为和卫生设施环境的卫生系统驱动因素,以提高质量和减少虐待。
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引用次数: 18
A critical examination of the barriers and social determinants of health impacting the implementation of a national sexual and reproductive health rights curriculum in Madagascar 对影响马达加斯加实施国家性健康和生殖健康权利课程的健康障碍和社会决定因素进行批判性审查
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1555422
R. Grant, T. Shoham
Abstract Despite some international and national efforts in recent decades, Madagascar continues to make poor progress towards key sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR) indicators. There are persistent cultural, social, political and economic barriers to accessing good quality SRHR knowledge and services globally, but particularly in regions with limited international geo-political influence, such as Madagascar. The political crisis in 2009 resulted in a stagnation and regression of SRHR services, due to the cessation of international funding, leaving youth-based services inadequate and insufficient. This paper aims to critically examine the social determinants and external factors that may influence and impact the roll-out of a national SRHR educational curriculum in Madagascar over the coming years. From the perspective of two SRHR specialists working in this context, this paper serves as a call for further action from the national and international community to address the still unmet SRHR needs of youth in Madagascar.
尽管近几十年来国际和国家做出了一些努力,但马达加斯加在性健康和生殖健康权利(SRHR)关键指标方面的进展仍然很差。在全球范围内,特别是在马达加斯加等国际地缘政治影响力有限的地区,持续存在文化、社会、政治和经济障碍,无法获得高质量的性健康和生殖健康知识和服务。2009年的政治危机导致性健康和生殖资源服务停滞不前和倒退,原因是国际资金停止,导致基于青年的服务不足和不足。本文旨在批判性地考察可能影响和影响马达加斯加在未来几年推出国家SRHR教育课程的社会决定因素和外部因素。从在此背景下工作的两位性别和人力资源专家的角度来看,本文呼吁国家和国际社会采取进一步行动,解决马达加斯加青年尚未满足的性别和人力资源需求。
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引用次数: 2
Securing the right to safe and legal abortion: perspectives from the Guttmacher-Lancet Commission 保障安全合法堕胎权:古特马赫柳叶刀委员会的观点
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1542915
S. Sadinsky, Susheela Singh, Cynthia Summers
In March 2018, the Democratic Republic of Congo moved to enact the Maputo Protocol, under which signatory states agree to authorise legal access to abortion in a range of circumstances. Two months later, voters in Ireland delivered a decisive victory for reproductive rights, choosing overwhelmingly to repeal the country’s near-total ban on abortion. The following month, Argentina’s lower house of Congress voted in favour of a draft bill that would permit abortion up to 14 weeks; although the upper house narrowly rejected the legislation, this was the closest the country ever came to legalising abortion. While progress remains uneven, these developments speak to a shifting consensus on abortion rights around the world and unfold alongside mounting efforts of advocates to position safe and legal abortion as a human right. The seeds of this shift were planted in Cairo in 1994. Until the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) that year, there had not been a global agreement that created common language on sexual and reproductive health, or on the rights people have when it comes to making reproductive decisions. The Programme of Action that emerged from ICPD mapped out the linkages between social and economic growth, sustainable development, and individual and collective wellbeing. It also identified key components of sexual and reproductive health care, which included the provision of safe abortion services in settings where such care is not against the law. Since 1994, more than 30 countries, many in the developing world, have amended their laws to expand access to safe and legal abortion. Nonetheless, abortion is often viewed as a separate domain entirely, rather than as a core component of sexual and reproductive health care. This lack of integration makes it much easier to neglect, and in some cases exclude, abortion care in both programming and policy-making. In recognition of the value of taking a more holistic approach to sexual and reproductive health and rights, the Guttmacher-Lancet Commission on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights convened in 2016. Composed of 16 experts with multidisciplinary experience from Africa, Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and North and South America, the Commission set out to gather the most current evidence on sexual and reproductive health and rights at the global level, with the aim of driving transformational change, through an evidence-based agenda, focused on policy and political action. Its resulting report, released inMay 2018, reveals enormous gaps in sexual and reproductive health and rights worldwide, and quantifies the toll those gaps take on individuals, countries and regions as a whole. The Commission’s report presents a new, comprehensive definition of sexual and reproductive health and rights, which integrates the full range of people’s sexual and reproductive health needs. Drawing on international and regional agreements of the past 25 years, this new definition highl
2018年3月,刚果民主共和国采取行动颁布了《马普托议定书》,根据该议定书,签署国同意授权在一系列情况下合法堕胎。两个月后,爱尔兰选民在生育权利方面取得了决定性的胜利,以压倒性多数选择废除该国几乎完全禁止堕胎的规定。接下来的一个月,阿根廷国会下议院投票赞成一项允许堕胎至14周的法案草案;尽管上议院以微弱优势否决了这项立法,但这是该国最接近堕胎合法化的一次。虽然进展仍然不平衡,但这些事态发展表明,世界各地对堕胎权利的共识正在发生变化,并与倡导者越来越多地努力将安全和合法的堕胎定位为一项人权。这种转变的种子于1994年在开罗播下。直到那一年国际人口与发展会议(人发会议)召开之前,还没有达成一项全球协议,就性健康和生殖健康或人们在作出生殖决定时享有的权利制定共同语言。人发会议产生的《行动纲领》阐明了社会和经济增长、可持续发展、个人和集体福利之间的联系。它还确定了性保健和生殖保健的关键组成部分,其中包括在不违反法律的情况下提供安全堕胎服务。自1994年以来,30多个国家,其中许多是发展中国家,修改了法律,扩大了获得安全合法堕胎的机会。然而,堕胎往往被视为一个完全独立的领域,而不是性健康和生殖健康保健的核心组成部分。由于缺乏整合,在规划和决策中更容易忽视,在某些情况下排除堕胎护理。认识到对性健康和生殖健康及权利采取更全面办法的价值,古特马赫-柳叶刀性健康和生殖健康及权利委员会于2016年召开会议。委员会由来自非洲、亚洲、欧洲、中东以及北美和南美的16名具有多学科经验的专家组成,着手在全球一级收集有关性健康和生殖健康及权利的最新证据,目的是通过以证据为基础的议程,重点关注政策和政治行动,推动转型变革。其结果报告于2018年5月发布,揭示了全世界在性健康和生殖健康及权利方面的巨大差距,并量化了这些差距对个人、国家和整个区域造成的损失。委员会的报告提出了关于性健康和生殖健康及权利的新的全面定义,其中纳入了人们性健康和生殖健康的全部需求。根据过去25年的国际和区域协议,这一新的定义强调了一个事实,即成就
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引用次数: 1
Celebrating the 70th anniversary of the UDHR, celebrating sexual and reproductive rights 庆祝《世界人权宣言》70周年,庆祝性权利和生殖权利
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1550239
Eszter Kismödi, L. Ferguson
Sexual and reproductive rights are human rights. In 1948, when States proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) as a common standard of achievements for all peoples and all nations, they recognised “the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family”, civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. Most relevant to sexual and reproductive health (SRH), the UDHR recognised the right to non-discrimination, the right to life, liberty and security of person, the right to social security, the right to a standard of living adequate for health and wellbeing, and that “motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance”. The UDHR did not go into details about the areas of life to which these rights are particularly applicable, but reaffirmed the dignity and worth of the human person, the equal rights of women and men and the determination to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. Human rights related to sexuality, gender, gender diversity and SRH have been recognised in the treaties which were generated from the UDHR, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. These have been expanded upon by the Treaty Monitoring Bodies’ General Recommendations and Comments, which constitute official interpretations of the treaties. The Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, for example, adopted a specific General Comment on the Right to Sexual and Reproductive Health, and the Committee on the Rights of the Child’s General Comment on the implementation of the rights of the child during adolescence specifically recognises that “there should be no barriers to commodities, information and counselling on sexual and reproductive health and rights, such as requirements for third-party consent or authorization”. The Human Rights Committee’s latest General Comment provides the international community a much-needed framework to hold governments accountable for the high rates of death and injury which occur when women are forced to seek unsafe abortions, and calls for the provision of comprehensive reproductive health services. Sexual and reproductive rights have received extensive legal recognition at regional and national levels as well over the past decades. The European Court of Human Rights, for example, recognised the right to sexuality education as early as 1976, and most recently issued a similar decision in connection with Switzerland’s legal obligation to provide sexuality education to children, as a clear recognition of the role that sexuality education plays in the global education of children, in the fight against sexual abuse and in the protection of public health. At the national level, there is a major evolution of law reform in relation to decriminalising same-sex sexual conduct, and recognising equal rights regardless of sexual orientation and for same-sex couples, as
性权利和生殖权利是人权。1948年,当各国宣布《世界人权宣言》为各国人民和所有国家的共同成就标准时,它们承认“人类大家庭所有成员的平等和不可剥夺的权利”,即公民、政治、经济、社会和文化权利。与性健康和生殖健康最相关的是,《世界人权宣言》承认不歧视权、生命权、人身自由和安全权、社会保障权、享有健康和福祉所需生活水平的权利,以及“母亲和儿童有权获得特别照顾和援助”。《世界人权宣言》没有详细说明这些权利特别适用的生活领域,但重申了人的尊严和价值、男女平等权利以及在更大的自由中促进社会进步和提高生活水平的决心。《世界人权宣言》产生的条约,如《消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约》和《儿童权利公约》,都承认了与性、性别、性别多样性和性健康和生殖健康有关的人权。条约监督机构的一般性建议和意见对这些建议和意见作了扩展,它们构成了对条约的正式解释。例如,经济、社会和文化权利委员会通过了一项关于性健康和生殖健康权的具体一般性意见,儿童权利委员会关于在青春期落实儿童权利的一般性意见明确承认,“在性健康和生殖健康及权利方面的商品、信息和咨询不应存在任何障碍,例如要求第三方同意或授权”。人权事务委员会最新的一般性意见为国际社会提供了一个急需的框架,让各国政府对妇女被迫寻求不安全堕胎时的高死亡率和高伤害率负责,并呼吁提供全面的生殖健康服务。在过去几十年中,性权利和生殖权利也在区域和国家层面得到了广泛的法律承认。例如,欧洲人权法院早在1976年就承认了性教育的权利,最近还就瑞士向儿童提供性教育的法律义务发布了一项类似的裁决,明确承认性教育在全球儿童教育中的作用,打击性虐待和保护公众健康。在国家一级,法律改革发生了重大变化,将同性性行为非刑事化,承认不分性取向和同性伴侣的平等权利,以及制定法律和通过最高法院的裁决,承认性别多样性是禁止歧视的理由,并给予跨性别者法律上的性别承认。区域、国家和次国家各级的政策和战略文件本质上不具有法律约束力;然而,它们可以成为性权利和生殖权利的应用和实施的重要指南。例如,《马普托行动计划》提供了一项政策编辑
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引用次数: 0
Addressing disrespect and abuse during childbirth in facilities. 解决设施分娩期间的不尊重和虐待问题。
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09688080.2018.1509970
Gita Sen, Bhavya Reddy, Aditi Iyer, Shirin Heidari
Global policy attention to maternal health only began in the mid-twentieth century, and has had a controversial past. While the promotion of maternal and child health and welfare was included in the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) Constitution (Article 2(l)) in 1948, international cooperation for maternal health began seriously only in the mid-1960s. In the 1970s and 1980s, instrumental rather than intrinsic rationales for maternal health came to the fore. As pointed out in Rosenfield and Maine’s influential paper, “Maternal mortality – a neglected tragedy. Where is the M in MCH?”, child health was the engine driving attention to pregnant women, not women’s own health, let alone human rights. More questionably, family planning programmes in this period typically used prevention of maternal mortality as a key justification for their aggressive expansion and intensification. Even where women’s own health gained intrinsic attention, much of it was technical and medical, focusing, for example, on the relative importance of antenatal versus intrapartum care, the best methods for reducing micronutrient deficiencies in pregnancy, and the role of traditional birth attendants in maternal care. It was the push by feminists for sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) at the International Conference on Population and Development in 1994, preceded by almost two decades of mobilisation, that brought women’s human rights to the centre of maternal health. Alongside the technical controversies, there arose political contention about the impact of gendered and intersecting power structures, and the deeper societal roots of sexual and reproductive ill-health, and violations of human rights. Feminist concerns were many. They included, among others, the physical and mental health effects of early marriage, female genital cutting and mutilation, intimate partner violence during pregnancy, maternal ill-health and deaths due to unsafe abortion, and unavailability and inaccessibility of health services, especially for poor marginalised women. Debates at and around ICPD laid the basis for greater attention to sexual and reproductive rights and wrongs, including in the context of pregnancy. Mistreatment, abuse and violations of girls’ and women’s human rights during pregnancy and childbirth are all too common and occur in households, communities, work-places and in health and other institutions. This Special Issue focuses specifically on what happens when pregnant women approach health institutions to deliver babies. Its importance derives from recent policy drives in lowand middle-income countries (LMICs) to increase the number of institutional births. Unfortunately, as the papers in this Special Issue argue, disrespect and abuse of women in the maternal care provided by health institutions is wide-spread. Far too often, and especially if they are poor or otherwise marginalised and oppressed, women suffer violations of their dignity, unnecessary procedures, har
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引用次数: 19
期刊
Reproductive Health Matters
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