{"title":"Electoral System and Party Survival: The Case of Indonesian Democracy 1999-2019","authors":"","doi":"10.7454/jp.v8i1.471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v8i1.471","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43859903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I. Muhammadabdanshadiq, I. Gustiernawat, N. NOORI’A, N. Ulfiyahnandafirma, I. Nekaerlyan
Young voters’ low level of political knowledge, which impacts political participation, is still a phenomenon today. The influence of political knowledge on young voters’ behavior is still being debated, and there is little empirical evidence, especially regarding political knowledge and voting behavior enhanced through specific educational programs. Therefore, an effective education program is needed to increase political knowledge and the desire of young voters to participate in general elections. This study aims to determine the effectiveness of educational programs in increasing political knowledge and shaping voting behavior among young voters in South Kalimantan Local Elections (Pilkada). We used a quasi-experimental research design by providing extension activities as an online educational intervention program to 41 participants. All participants took three measurement phases, starting from the pre-education program, post-education program
{"title":"Educational Intervention Program for Young Voters: Improving Political Knowledge and Voting Behavior in the 2020 Simultaneous Local Elections","authors":"I. Muhammadabdanshadiq, I. Gustiernawat, N. NOORI’A, N. Ulfiyahnandafirma, I. Nekaerlyan","doi":"10.7454/jp.v8i1.1061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v8i1.1061","url":null,"abstract":"Young voters’ low level of political knowledge, which impacts political participation, is still a phenomenon today. The influence of political knowledge on young voters’ behavior is still being debated, and there is little empirical evidence, especially regarding political knowledge and voting behavior enhanced through specific educational programs. Therefore, an effective education program is needed to increase political knowledge and the desire of young voters to participate in general elections. This study aims to determine the effectiveness of educational programs in increasing political knowledge and shaping voting behavior among young voters in South Kalimantan Local Elections (Pilkada). We used a quasi-experimental research design by providing extension activities as an online educational intervention program to 41 participants. All participants took three measurement phases, starting from the pre-education program, post-education program","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44088963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Views and Movement of the Earth Liberation Front (ELF) Movement towards Global Capitalism","authors":"","doi":"10.7454/jp.v8i1.435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v8i1.435","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49287477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Role of The State Intelligence Agency in Managing the COVID-19 Pandemic in Indonesia","authors":"","doi":"10.7454/jp.v8i1.1111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v8i1.1111","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44781966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Incumbent’s Curse, Party Institutionalization, and Competitive Factionalism in the Candidacy for South Halmahera Election in 2020","authors":"","doi":"10.7454/jp.v8i1.485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v8i1.485","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44807888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Indonesian 2019 presidential election was extensively highlighted as a populist rematch between the technocratic Jokowi and the chauvinist Prabowo. There were at least two dimensions that contributed to the existing populist atmosphere at the presidential election: the religio-social condition of the people and the personal appearance of the presidential candidates. By referring to the two factors, analysts predominantly mentioned that Prabowo was more populist than Jokowi due to his energetic rhetoric and chauvinist discourse. However, it is undeniable that the polarization at the grassroots level was equally vitriolic in both Jokowi and Prabowo supporters. To what extent, then, could a person with a subtle populist gesture and rhetoric such as Jokowi could have vitriolic supporters and a deep post-truth condition. The research at hand underlines social media and middle-agents as additional tenets for the emerging entrenchment between the two supporters. Using content analysis, this research unpacks the populism and post-truth energy of a small sample of tweets and comments to comprehend how the interaction of the people and middle-agents could deepen populist cleavage and post-truth condition. This research found that, although Jokowi and Prabowo envisaged a different populist style at the front of the electoral stage, the articulation of divisive discourse, trolling, and mockery are equally sparkling from their middle-agents in social media.
{"title":"Patronizing the Mass: How Middle-Agents Deepened Populism and Post-Truth in Indonesia 2019 Presidential Election","authors":"Muhammad Naziful Haq","doi":"10.7454/jp.v7i1.285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1.285","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesian 2019 presidential election was extensively highlighted as a populist rematch between the technocratic Jokowi and the chauvinist Prabowo. There were at least two dimensions that contributed to the existing populist atmosphere at the presidential election: the religio-social condition of the people and the personal appearance of the presidential candidates. By referring to the two factors, analysts predominantly mentioned that Prabowo was more populist than Jokowi due to his energetic rhetoric and chauvinist discourse. However, it is undeniable that the polarization at the grassroots level was equally vitriolic in both Jokowi and Prabowo supporters. To what extent, then, could a person with a subtle populist gesture and rhetoric such as Jokowi could have vitriolic supporters and a deep post-truth condition. The research at hand underlines social media and middle-agents as additional tenets for the emerging entrenchment between the two supporters. Using content analysis, this research unpacks the populism and post-truth energy of a small sample of tweets and comments to comprehend how the interaction of the people and middle-agents could deepen populist cleavage and post-truth condition. This research found that, although Jokowi and Prabowo envisaged a different populist style at the front of the electoral stage, the articulation of divisive discourse, trolling, and mockery are equally sparkling from their middle-agents in social media.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42132871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explains how money politics and ethnic politics work at the same time, and which one of them is more influential when the two are confronted. By examining the 2017 regional election in the city of Kendari, this paper finds that both ethnic politics and money politics were used by contestants running in the election to gain voter support. Nevertheless, ethnic politics failed to maintain voter loyalty when contested with money politics that was designed carefully, massively, right on target, well-structured, and was supported by a solid and militant team.
{"title":"Money Trumps Ethnicity: An Overview of Local Election in Kendari","authors":"M. Husain, L. Zuada","doi":"10.7454/jp.v7i1.344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1.344","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explains how money politics and ethnic politics work at the same time, and which one of them is more influential when the two are confronted. By examining the 2017 regional election in the city of Kendari, this paper finds that both ethnic politics and money politics were used by contestants running in the election to gain voter support. Nevertheless, ethnic politics failed to maintain voter loyalty when contested with money politics that was designed carefully, massively, right on target, well-structured, and was supported by a solid and militant team.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49358788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses programmatic distributive politics in the villages in Sampang Regency during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study seeks to answer the forms of programmatic goods distributed in Sampang during the pandemic. This study employs qualitative methods and chose ten villages in Sampang as its case study due to Sampang’s achievement in maintaining its green zone status for the longest period in East Java. This article shows that there have been shifts in the bupati ’s relationships with the village heads, from what was previously transactional prior to the pandemic to be more collaborative in efforts to contain the spread of the virus. This study also finds that the practice of distributive politics in Sampang during the pandemic fulfills the three criteria of programmatic politics: the accuracy of beneficiaries, transparency, and commitment to distribute goods without discrimination. The village heads in Sampang have acted as effective brokers in the implementation of village welfare programs, such as the installment of village volunteer posts against COVID-19, the free mask program for villagers, the BLT-Village Fund (BLT-DD) scheme targeting villagers from low-income households affected by the pandemic, the distribution of staple foods ( sembako ), the smart village program that provides free internet access in every village.
{"title":"Refusing to Die: Programmatic Goods in the Fight against COVID-19 in Sampang Regency","authors":"E. Hidayat, D. Susilo","doi":"10.7454/jp.v7i1.343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1.343","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses programmatic distributive politics in the villages in Sampang Regency during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study seeks to answer the forms of programmatic goods distributed in Sampang during the pandemic. This study employs qualitative methods and chose ten villages in Sampang as its case study due to Sampang’s achievement in maintaining its green zone status for the longest period in East Java. This article shows that there have been shifts in the bupati ’s relationships with the village heads, from what was previously transactional prior to the pandemic to be more collaborative in efforts to contain the spread of the virus. This study also finds that the practice of distributive politics in Sampang during the pandemic fulfills the three criteria of programmatic politics: the accuracy of beneficiaries, transparency, and commitment to distribute goods without discrimination. The village heads in Sampang have acted as effective brokers in the implementation of village welfare programs, such as the installment of village volunteer posts against COVID-19, the free mask program for villagers, the BLT-Village Fund (BLT-DD) scheme targeting villagers from low-income households affected by the pandemic, the distribution of staple foods ( sembako ), the smart village program that provides free internet access in every village.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45527804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study analyzes the civil-military relations in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province after the 2009 conflict between the central government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by drawing upon the theories of Alfred Stepan and David Pion-Berlin and Harold Trinkunas. Stepan posited that there were two dimensions that shaped civil-military relationships: military contestation and prerogatives. This study’s analysis of these two dimensions in the case of Sri Lanka’s Northern Province shows that the civil-military relationship in the region takes shape in the unequal civilian accommodation type. This analysis corresponds to Pion-Berlin and Trinkunas’ theory that high levels of crisis coupled with weak civilian control would pave the way for the military to take on extensive domestic roles and intervene in civilian affairs. This research employs a qualitative method through the examination of existing literature and documents.
{"title":"Unequal Civilian Accommodation within Democratic Rule: The Case of Sri Lanka’s Northern Province after the Government–LTTE Conflict","authors":"Izzan Fathurrahman, E. Kartini","doi":"10.7454/jp.v7i1.318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1.318","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes the civil-military relations in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province after the 2009 conflict between the central government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by drawing upon the theories of Alfred Stepan and David Pion-Berlin and Harold Trinkunas. Stepan posited that there were two dimensions that shaped civil-military relationships: military contestation and prerogatives. This study’s analysis of these two dimensions in the case of Sri Lanka’s Northern Province shows that the civil-military relationship in the region takes shape in the unequal civilian accommodation type. This analysis corresponds to Pion-Berlin and Trinkunas’ theory that high levels of crisis coupled with weak civilian control would pave the way for the military to take on extensive domestic roles and intervene in civilian affairs. This research employs a qualitative method through the examination of existing literature and documents.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41803280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ulama in Indonesia have critical roles not only in religious teachings but also in socio-political affairs. The literature on voter behavior in many countries shows that religious leaders have critical roles in directing the political orientation and behavior of their followers. This article aims to examine the influence of Ustadz Abdul Somad (UAS) toward a significant increase of Prabowo's vote share in the 2019 presidential election in Riau Province. Although Prabowo lost to Jokowi with a large margin in the last election, he was able to claim electoral victory in 13 out of 34 provinces—one of them is Riau. We assume that Prabowo gained the electoral advantage over his rival in Riau due to electoral support from UAS that ultimately gave significant effect toward a sharp increase for his votes compared to the 2014 election. We apply the quantitative method to examine the phenomenon. The data are mainly collected through a survey conducted in the two most populous regions in Riau—Pekanbaru and Kampar Regency. Our study confirms that UAS has a significant effect on Muslim voters' orientation and behavior to vote for Prabowo in the last presidential election. Other findings in this study are also in line with previous studies suggesting a critical influence of religion, particularly Islam, in driving Muslim’s political behavior. The contribution of our study is to enrich the literature on voter behavior in Indonesian politics by examining the influence of political support from a popular preacher—UAS—on the distribution of electoral support for presidential candidates in the 2019 election. This is further strengthened by the presence and role of ulama figures who give their support to each presidential candidate in the political contestation in 2019.
{"title":"Explaining the Effects of Political Islam and Preacher toward Prabowo’s Electoral Dominance: Evidence from Pekanbaru and Kampar","authors":"A. Saputra, Azhari Setiawan, Hesti Herpina","doi":"10.7454/jp.v7i1.387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1.387","url":null,"abstract":"Ulama in Indonesia have critical roles not only in religious teachings but also in socio-political affairs. The literature on voter behavior in many countries shows that religious leaders have critical roles in directing the political orientation and behavior of their followers. This article aims to examine the influence of Ustadz Abdul Somad (UAS) toward a significant increase of Prabowo's vote share in the 2019 presidential election in Riau Province. Although Prabowo lost to Jokowi with a large margin in the last election, he was able to claim electoral victory in 13 out of 34 provinces—one of them is Riau. We assume that Prabowo gained the electoral advantage over his rival in Riau due to electoral support from UAS that ultimately gave significant effect toward a sharp increase for his votes compared to the 2014 election. We apply the quantitative method to examine the phenomenon. The data are mainly collected through a survey conducted in the two most populous regions in Riau—Pekanbaru and Kampar Regency. Our study confirms that UAS has a significant effect on Muslim voters' orientation and behavior to vote for Prabowo in the last presidential election. Other findings in this study are also in line with previous studies suggesting a critical influence of religion, particularly Islam, in driving Muslim’s political behavior. The contribution of our study is to enrich the literature on voter behavior in Indonesian politics by examining the influence of political support from a popular preacher—UAS—on the distribution of electoral support for presidential candidates in the 2019 election. This is further strengthened by the presence and role of ulama figures who give their support to each presidential candidate in the political contestation in 2019.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42035586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：