Pub Date : 2019-03-14DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113008
Mikke Thorup
The article discusses the importance of ideas for political analysis. Ideas are more than random or inconsequential rationalisations of hard interests. They constitute and effect something in and of themselves. The article therefore presents the four most important and influential approaches to the study of the history of political thought: Michel Foucault’s discourse analysis, Michael Freeden’s ideology analysis, Quentin Skinner’s legitimization analysis and Reinhart Koselleck’s conceptual history.
{"title":"Politisk idéhistorie: Fire tilgange","authors":"Mikke Thorup","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113008","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the importance of ideas for political analysis. Ideas are more than random or inconsequential rationalisations of hard interests. They constitute and effect something in and of themselves. The article therefore presents the four most important and influential approaches to the study of the history of political thought: Michel Foucault’s discourse analysis, Michael Freeden’s ideology analysis, Quentin Skinner’s legitimization analysis and Reinhart Koselleck’s conceptual history.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90946240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-14DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113012
P. A. Nielsen
The neoliberal financial economy is for Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri a reaction to the struggles for democracy, identity and sustainability since the 1960’s in particular. For Hardt and Negri the task is then to not only analyze and criticize but to crack the neoliberal financial code. This process can take place by combining exodus on the micro level with antagonistic reformism and hegemonic struggle on the macro level.
{"title":"Knæk koden. Om Michael Hardt og Antonio Negris opgør med den nyliberale finansøkonomi","authors":"P. A. Nielsen","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113012","url":null,"abstract":"The neoliberal financial economy is for Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri a reaction to the struggles for democracy, identity and sustainability since the 1960’s in particular. For Hardt and Negri the task is then to not only analyze and criticize but to crack the neoliberal financial code. This process can take place by combining exodus on the micro level with antagonistic reformism and hegemonic struggle on the macro level.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72424007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-14DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113015
M. Pedersen
Boganmeldelse af "Tænketanke - nye aktører i dansk politik" af Jesper Dahl Kelstrup
{"title":"Tænketanke i dansk politik","authors":"M. Pedersen","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113015","url":null,"abstract":"Boganmeldelse af \"Tænketanke - nye aktører i dansk politik\" af Jesper Dahl Kelstrup","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91077465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-14DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113014
Jesper Vestermark Køber
Boganmeldelse af "Konkurrencestaten og dens kritikere" af Søren Kaj Andersen
{"title":"Debatten om konkurrencestaten igen, igen","authors":"Jesper Vestermark Køber","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113014","url":null,"abstract":"Boganmeldelse af \"Konkurrencestaten og dens kritikere\" af Søren Kaj Andersen ","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77738822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-14DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113011
Kristian Kongshøj
The idea of basic income has been revitalized in the international debate as a solution to certain problematic trends, including labor market polarization or segmentation. This paper discusses two dominant issues in the debate, namely financing a basic income, and its ability to alleviate labor market segmentation. This means that the normative logics behind basic income with regard to justice, liberty and ecological sustainability will not be discussed. Following insights from the most recent international debate, the paper discusses the dilemma between the adequacy or generosity of basic income on the individual level, and its economic feasibility via taxation. A low or partial basic income model in combination with traditional income benefits could be feasible within the framework of existing tax levels. However, the paper also concludes that segmentation in terms of inequalities in exit and voice opportunities on the labor market is not solved by basic income by itself. Particularly low or partial basic income models may even support such inequalities.
{"title":"Borgerløn: Kan det nu betale sig?","authors":"Kristian Kongshøj","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V21I3.113011","url":null,"abstract":"The idea of basic income has been revitalized in the international debate as a solution to certain problematic trends, including labor market polarization or segmentation. This paper discusses two dominant issues in the debate, namely financing a basic income, and its ability to alleviate labor market segmentation. This means that the normative logics behind basic income with regard to justice, liberty and ecological sustainability will not be discussed. Following insights from the most recent international debate, the paper discusses the dilemma between the adequacy or generosity of basic income on the individual level, and its economic feasibility via taxation. A low or partial basic income model in combination with traditional income benefits could be feasible within the framework of existing tax levels. However, the paper also concludes that segmentation in terms of inequalities in exit and voice opportunities on the labor market is not solved by basic income by itself. Particularly low or partial basic income models may even support such inequalities. ","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82968033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Artikel ini membahas competitive authoritarian regime di Turki pada kasus referendum 2017. Referendum 2017 merupakan inisiasi Erdoğan yang sejak 2011 mengatakan bahwa Turki akan semakin kuat dan stabil apabila menganut sistem presidensial. Erdoğan didukung oleh AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan) dan MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi; Partai Gerakan Nasionalis) di Parlemen, sedangkan HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi; Partai Demokratik Rakyat) dan CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi; Partai Rakyat Republik) menolak karena poin-poin amendemen dapat menghasilkan otoritarianisme di Turki. Referendum diselenggarakan pada kondisi darurat negara setelah kudeta gagal pada 2016 oleh kelompok Gülen. Pada perencanaan dan prosesnya, ditemukan beberapa dinamika politik yang terjadi di Turki, yaitu tindak represi terhadap kelompok oposisi, ketimpangan sumber daya dan akses kampanye, serta adanya indikasi kecurangan yang terjadi dalam proses referendum. Dengan demikian, temuan-temuan tersebut memperlihatkan bahwa rezim Erdoğan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai competitive authoritarian pada kasus referendum 2017.
这篇文章讨论了2017年公投案件中土耳其的授权登记。从2011年开始的2017年公投是入会Erdoğan说土耳其总统信奉系统时将更加强大和稳定。Erdoğan支持AKP (v - j Adalet Kalkınma分区;正义与发展党(Milliyetci Hareket)和MHP;民族主义运动党)在议会,而HDP (Halklar民主ın分区;民主主义人民民主党(Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi;共和党人反对这样做，因为修正案会在土耳其产生独裁主义。2016年韩国政变失败后，就在国家紧急情况下举行了公投。在计划和过程中，土耳其发生了一些政治活动，即对反对派组织的镇压、资源和竞选资金的不平等以及公投过程中存在欺诈的迹象。从而,这些发现表明,叙利亚政权Erdoğan实施价值观competitive authoritarian 2017年公投案。
{"title":"Perwujudan Competitive Authoritarianism di Turki pada Perencanaan dan Proses Referendum 2017.","authors":"Abdul Karim, M. Basyar","doi":"10.7454/JP.V4I1.185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/JP.V4I1.185","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini membahas competitive authoritarian regime di Turki pada kasus referendum 2017. Referendum 2017 merupakan inisiasi Erdoğan yang sejak 2011 mengatakan bahwa Turki akan semakin kuat dan stabil apabila menganut sistem presidensial. Erdoğan didukung oleh AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan) dan MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi; Partai Gerakan Nasionalis) di Parlemen, sedangkan HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi; Partai Demokratik Rakyat) dan CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi; Partai Rakyat Republik) menolak karena poin-poin amendemen dapat menghasilkan otoritarianisme di Turki. Referendum diselenggarakan pada kondisi darurat negara setelah kudeta gagal pada 2016 oleh kelompok Gülen. Pada perencanaan dan prosesnya, ditemukan beberapa dinamika politik yang terjadi di Turki, yaitu tindak represi terhadap kelompok oposisi, ketimpangan sumber daya dan akses kampanye, serta adanya indikasi kecurangan yang terjadi dalam proses referendum. Dengan demikian, temuan-temuan tersebut memperlihatkan bahwa rezim Erdoğan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai competitive authoritarian pada kasus referendum 2017.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43033769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines whether reform forest governance in Indonesia started in the 1990s, which was partially aimed to promote equity, participation and sustainable forest management, has delivered its promised consequences. In the New Order era, the central government had sole authority in managing forests and granting exploitation rights. This authority has been partially transferred to local governments during a decentralization process to achieve greater efficiency and equity. However, the Indonesian case highlights that such institutional change has not yet produced the expected outcomes. The case indicates a contestation between the local and central government along with institutional resistance, which have considerably undermined decentralization processes in the forestry sector. This paper explores possible explanations for these processes.
{"title":"Guarding Central Government Control over Forest: Forest Governance in the Post Decentralization Indonesia","authors":"Ali Muhyidin","doi":"10.7454/JP.V4I1.186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/JP.V4I1.186","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines whether reform forest governance in Indonesia started in the 1990s, which was partially aimed to promote equity, participation and sustainable forest management, has delivered its promised consequences. In the New Order era, the central government had sole authority in managing forests and granting exploitation rights. This authority has been partially transferred to local governments during a decentralization process to achieve greater efficiency and equity. However, the Indonesian case highlights that such institutional change has not yet produced the expected outcomes. The case indicates a contestation between the local and central government along with institutional resistance, which have considerably undermined decentralization processes in the forestry sector. This paper explores possible explanations for these processes.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42803283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pangan yang Politis: Masalah, Dampak, dan Solusi","authors":"Fikri Disyacitta","doi":"10.7454/JP.V4I1.134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/JP.V4I1.134","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42660382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membuktikan fenomena praktik politik oligarki dalam pemilihan kepala desa yang memiliki perbedaan pola dengan pemilihan umum di tingkat lokal dan nasional. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif dan mengambil studi kasus di Desa Tanjung, Kecamatan Pagu, Kabupaten Kediri, penelitian ini menggambarkan bagaimana politik oligarki berbasis sumber daya material gagal memenangkan pemilihan kepala desa Tanjung. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa semua calon kepala desa menggunakan sumber daya material selain sumber kekuasaan Jawa yang bersifat spiritual. Meskipun demikian, penggunaan uang dan penguasaan institusi formal sebagai karakter dasar oligarki ternyata kurang efektif untuk meraup jumlah suara yang signifikan dalam pemilihan kepala desa Tanjung tersebut. Sebaliknya, semakin banyak sumber kekuasaan nonmaterial yang digunakan calon kepala desa maka semakin besar pula kemungkinan terpilihnya. Sumber kekuasaan nonmaterial tersebut identik dengan kekuasaan Jawa berasal energi mistis kesakten yang berfungsi untuk meningkatkan kepercayaan diri kontestan dalam menghadapi pemilihan. Dengan demikian, peranan sumber kekuasaan material dan sumber kekuasaan nonmaterial dalam kontestasi politik di tingkat desa tidak sama atau bertolak belakang dengan kontestasi politik di tingkat kabupaten, kota, provinsi dan nasional.
{"title":"Runtuhnya Politik Oligarki dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa: Kekalahan Incumbent pada Pilkades Tanjung Kabupaten Kediri","authors":"Endik Hidayat, Budi Prasetyo, Setya Yuwana","doi":"10.7454/jp.v4i1.193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i1.193","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membuktikan fenomena praktik politik oligarki dalam pemilihan kepala desa yang memiliki perbedaan pola dengan pemilihan umum di tingkat lokal dan nasional. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif dan mengambil studi kasus di Desa Tanjung, Kecamatan Pagu, Kabupaten Kediri, penelitian ini menggambarkan bagaimana politik oligarki berbasis sumber daya material gagal memenangkan pemilihan kepala desa Tanjung. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa semua calon kepala desa menggunakan sumber daya material selain sumber kekuasaan Jawa yang bersifat spiritual. Meskipun demikian, penggunaan uang dan penguasaan institusi formal sebagai karakter dasar oligarki ternyata kurang efektif untuk meraup jumlah suara yang signifikan dalam pemilihan kepala desa Tanjung tersebut. Sebaliknya, semakin banyak sumber kekuasaan nonmaterial yang digunakan calon kepala desa maka semakin besar pula kemungkinan terpilihnya. Sumber kekuasaan nonmaterial tersebut identik dengan kekuasaan Jawa berasal energi mistis kesakten yang berfungsi untuk meningkatkan kepercayaan diri kontestan dalam menghadapi pemilihan. Dengan demikian, peranan sumber kekuasaan material dan sumber kekuasaan nonmaterial dalam kontestasi politik di tingkat desa tidak sama atau bertolak belakang dengan kontestasi politik di tingkat kabupaten, kota, provinsi dan nasional.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44073479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kebertahanan negara satu partai pimpinan Partai Komunis Vietnam (PKV) pada era Doi Moi (Đổi Mới atau reformasi ekonomi) biasanya dijelaskan oleh para ilmuwan politik secara struktural dan kultural melalui teori ‘performance-based legitimacy’ atau pemikiran nasionalisme dari Ho Chi Minh. Kedua penjelasan itu menilai bahwa PKV memiliki ciri-ciri akuntabilitas politik yang sama dengan partai komunis lain yang berkuasa di dunia dengan sifatnya yang singular dan top-down birokratis, namun belum menyentuh fitur institusional negara-partai komunis seperti prinsip sentralisme demokratik. Dengan menerapkan sejumlah teori/konsep alternatif dan hasil penelitian kontemporer seputar institusionalisasi PKV dan pelaksanaan Kongres partai yang dilakukan pada era Doi Moi, tulisan ini melihat bahwa PKV mampu melaksanakan nilai- nilai akuntabilitas vertikal dan horizontal prinsip sentralisme demokratik secara lebih konsekuen dalam Kongres partai sebagai lembaga tertinggi partainya. Hal itu diraih melalui beberapa strategi seperti (1) keberadaan troika yang terdifusi, (2) penguatan Komite Sentral (Central Committee atau CC) di atas Politbiro, (3) peningkatan kompetisi dalam pemilihan anggota CC, serta (4) rivalitas blok voting dalam CC. Tulisan ini juga membuktikan secara kualitatif berdasarkan studi literatur yang digunakan keberadaan variabel konseptual ‘adaptasi sirkulasi patron’ sebagai penggerak dilaksanakannya prinsip akuntabilitas tersebut. Temuan tersebut membuktikan bahwa kebertahanan PKV tidak bisa disamakan dengan partai komunis di negara lain karena PKV terlihat mampu secara adaptif mengakomodasi tuntutan reformasi dan kepentingan para elite patron yang semakin pragmatis.
Kebertahanan越南共产党一党国家管理时代PKV) Doi Moi(Đổi Mới或经济改革)通常是由结构和政治科学家解释通过performance-based节’理论或思想文化民族主义从胡志明。这两种解释都认为，PKV具有与世界上其他执政的、孤立的、自上而下的官僚主义一样的政治责任性质，但却没有触及共产主义国家的制度特征，比如中央民主主义原则。通过应用许多替代理论/概念，以及当代对PKV在Doi Moi时代所做的党务国务的制宪研究，这篇文章看到，PKV能够在国大党作为其党的最高机构，在国大党中实现垂直和水平上的问责制价值。它通过一些策略实现的,如(1)漫射的三驾马车的存在,(2)加强(中央委员会中央委员会政治局或CC)的比赛,(3)增加CC,以及(4)成员选举中投票竞争街区毫升。这篇文章中使用的基于文献研究也证明了在性质上适应顾客循环’的概念作为变量的存在公平责任原则的驱动。这一发现证明，PKV的反对意见无法与其他国家的共产主义政党相提并论，因为PKV似乎能够适应改革的要求和日益务实的赞助人的利益。
{"title":"Adaptasi Sirkulasi Patron dalam Implementasi Sentralisme Demokratik Partai Komunis Vietnam dalam Kongres pada era “Doi Moi”","authors":"Hilwan Givari","doi":"10.7454/JP.V4I1.192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/JP.V4I1.192","url":null,"abstract":"Kebertahanan negara satu partai pimpinan Partai Komunis Vietnam (PKV) pada era Doi Moi (Đổi Mới atau reformasi ekonomi) biasanya dijelaskan oleh para ilmuwan politik secara struktural dan kultural melalui teori ‘performance-based legitimacy’ atau pemikiran nasionalisme dari Ho Chi Minh. Kedua penjelasan itu menilai bahwa PKV memiliki ciri-ciri akuntabilitas politik yang sama dengan partai komunis lain yang berkuasa di dunia dengan sifatnya yang singular dan top-down birokratis, namun belum menyentuh fitur institusional negara-partai komunis seperti prinsip sentralisme demokratik. Dengan menerapkan sejumlah teori/konsep alternatif dan hasil penelitian kontemporer seputar institusionalisasi PKV dan pelaksanaan Kongres partai yang dilakukan pada era Doi Moi, tulisan ini melihat bahwa PKV mampu melaksanakan nilai- nilai akuntabilitas vertikal dan horizontal prinsip sentralisme demokratik secara lebih konsekuen dalam Kongres partai sebagai lembaga tertinggi partainya. Hal itu diraih melalui beberapa strategi seperti (1) keberadaan troika yang terdifusi, (2) penguatan Komite Sentral (Central Committee atau CC) di atas Politbiro, (3) peningkatan kompetisi dalam pemilihan anggota CC, serta (4) rivalitas blok voting dalam CC. Tulisan ini juga membuktikan secara kualitatif berdasarkan studi literatur yang digunakan keberadaan variabel konseptual ‘adaptasi sirkulasi patron’ sebagai penggerak dilaksanakannya prinsip akuntabilitas tersebut. Temuan tersebut membuktikan bahwa kebertahanan PKV tidak bisa disamakan dengan partai komunis di negara lain karena PKV terlihat mampu secara adaptif mengakomodasi tuntutan reformasi dan kepentingan para elite patron yang semakin pragmatis.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41895539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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