Pub Date : 2019-06-20DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114838
Jakob Janussen
The involvement of the Greenlandic people in the government of the country from the 1860’s onwards was in the beginning very limited. Not until the introduction of home rule in 1979, the local parliament obtained full legislative competence in certain areas. All major areas transferred from the Danish government were financed by Denmark as part of a ”block grant”. In 2009, the Home Rule Act was replaced by the Self Government Act. The list of areas transferable to the Greenland administration was considerably extended. In the future, areas transferred to Greenland are to be financed solely by the Greenland authorities. Formal restrictions for the Greenlandic people’s right to greater autonomy have been reduced significantly, especially in recent years. The possibility of autonomy is limited by issues related to geography, population and industrial diversity. Furthermore, the Greenland society is characterized by its dominant public sector. This is an impediment to economic sustainability. Thus, although formal restrictions in Greenlandic right to autonomy have been lessened, other issues set a limit to the possibility of implementing this right.
{"title":"Grønlands vej til større selvbestemmelsesret: Muligheder og begrænsninger i juridiske, administrative og andre perspektiver","authors":"Jakob Janussen","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114838","url":null,"abstract":"The involvement of the Greenlandic people in the government of the country from the 1860’s onwards was in the beginning very limited. Not until the introduction of home rule in 1979, the local parliament obtained full legislative competence in certain areas. All major areas transferred from the Danish government were financed by Denmark as part of a ”block grant”. In 2009, the Home Rule Act was replaced by the Self Government Act. The list of areas transferable to the Greenland administration was considerably extended. In the future, areas transferred to Greenland are to be financed solely by the Greenland authorities. Formal restrictions for the Greenlandic people’s right to greater autonomy have been reduced significantly, especially in recent years. The possibility of autonomy is limited by issues related to geography, population and industrial diversity. Furthermore, the Greenland society is characterized by its dominant public sector. This is an impediment to economic sustainability. Thus, although formal restrictions in Greenlandic right to autonomy have been lessened, other issues set a limit to the possibility of implementing this right.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89546296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-20DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114841
Signe Ravn-Højgaard
This article discusses the potential impact of Greenlandic independence on Greenland’s media system and suggests initiatives necessary for maintaining strong Greenlandic media in the future. Using Manuel Puppis' (2009) theory of the characteristics of small media systems, the Greenlandic media system is described. It is shown that it is built with the following aim in mind: the media should support the Greenlandic society by being independent and diverse, strengthening the Greenlandic language, and providing quality journalism that can heighten the public debate. However, as a small media system it is vulnerable to global tendencies where legacy media lose users and advertisers to digital platforms like Facebook and streaming services. The article argues that the vulnerability of the Greenlandic media system could increase if independence leads to a tighter public economy, impeding the media's ability to support Greenlandic society and culture. An interventionist media regulation could, therefore, be a prerequisite for a strong Greenlandic media system that can act as a unifying and nation-building institution.
{"title":"Medier og selvstændighed i Grønland","authors":"Signe Ravn-Højgaard","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114841","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the potential impact of Greenlandic independence on Greenland’s media system and suggests initiatives necessary for maintaining strong Greenlandic media in the future. Using Manuel Puppis' (2009) theory of the characteristics of small media systems, the Greenlandic media system is described. It is shown that it is built with the following aim in mind: the media should support the Greenlandic society by being independent and diverse, strengthening the Greenlandic language, and providing quality journalism that can heighten the public debate. However, as a small media system it is vulnerable to global tendencies where legacy media lose users and advertisers to digital platforms like Facebook and streaming services. The article argues that the vulnerability of the Greenlandic media system could increase if independence leads to a tighter public economy, impeding the media's ability to support Greenlandic society and culture. An interventionist media regulation could, therefore, be a prerequisite for a strong Greenlandic media system that can act as a unifying and nation-building institution.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90563928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-20DOI: 10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114819
M. Jacobsen, Rebekka J. Knudsen, M. Rosing
Introduktion.
{"title":"Kalaallit pilluaritsi: Perspektiver på 10 års Selvstyre, 40-året for Hjemmestyrets indførelse og vejen til selvstændighed","authors":"M. Jacobsen, Rebekka J. Knudsen, M. Rosing","doi":"10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/POLITIK.V22I1.114819","url":null,"abstract":"Introduktion.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87603251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper offers an analysis of convergent political participation in Indonesia, which is represented by the strengthening role of partisan volunteers in elections. Using the library research method, this paper explains why partisan volunteers present strategic positions in elections, especially in 2019. The results of this research reveal that the strengthening of the positions of partisan volunteers in elections is driven by the level of public trust in weak political parties in a strict and complex multiparty system, the emergence of flexible and civic-style political participation, and the co-optation of the voluntary understanding and function by political parties to reach undecided voters. The existence of volunteers was initially based on the antithetical spirit of an elitist political process, but later became a complementary element for political parties in the effort to win elections. Consequently, the involvement of partisan volunteers can lead to transactional politics and signifies a shift in the meaning of volunteers to that of a pragmatic arena.
{"title":"Political Participation Convergence in Indonesia: A Study of Partisan Volunteers in the 2019 Election","authors":"A. Herdiansah","doi":"10.7454/jp.v4i2.225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i2.225","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers an analysis of convergent political participation in Indonesia, which is represented by the strengthening role of partisan volunteers in elections. Using the library research method, this paper explains why partisan volunteers present strategic positions in elections, especially in 2019. The results of this research reveal that the strengthening of the positions of partisan volunteers in elections is driven by the level of public trust in weak political parties in a strict and complex multiparty system, the emergence of flexible and civic-style political participation, and the co-optation of the voluntary understanding and function by political parties to reach undecided voters. The existence of volunteers was initially based on the antithetical spirit of an elitist political process, but later became a complementary element for political parties in the effort to win elections. Consequently, the involvement of partisan volunteers can lead to transactional politics and signifies a shift in the meaning of volunteers to that of a pragmatic arena.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42145935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The discussion about development discourse in a country talking about how an idea affect economic policies. In Indonesia, the development discourse continues to change depending on the ruling regime. After the reformation, the dominant discourse is a neoliberal one that minimizes the role of the state in development. During the reign of Jokowi-JK, however, the role of the state strengthened. The government plans to build a massive infrastructure of the physical economy. The government legitimized its choice of action as the implementation of the Pancasila and Trisakti ideologies. Using the theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, this article argues that the state legitimizes its policies as implementing ideology by building infrastructure development discourse, but covers only pragmatic practices that occur. The practices themselves are pragmatic because the government ignored the fate and rights of citizens affected by infrastructure development.
{"title":"Ideology and Pragmatism: Discourse Factors in Infrastructure Development in Indonesia’s Jokowi-JK Era","authors":"F. Ekayanta","doi":"10.7454/jp.v4i2.229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i2.229","url":null,"abstract":"The discussion about development discourse in a country talking about how an idea affect economic policies. In Indonesia, the development discourse continues to change depending on the ruling regime. After the reformation, the dominant discourse is a neoliberal one that minimizes the role of the state in development. During the reign of Jokowi-JK, however, the role of the state strengthened. The government plans to build a massive infrastructure of the physical economy. The government legitimized its choice of action as the implementation of the Pancasila and Trisakti ideologies. Using the theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, this article argues that the state legitimizes its policies as implementing ideology by building infrastructure development discourse, but covers only pragmatic practices that occur. The practices themselves are pragmatic because the government ignored the fate and rights of citizens affected by infrastructure development.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43091796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Is a flourishing civil society’s political activism positively correlated with the deepening of Indonesian democracy? This article addresses this question by examining the role of civil society in the 2014 presidential election in Indonesia, focusing on the collective actions of volunteer groups (known as Gerakan Relawan) that shaped both the election process and its result. While some studies on civil society activism in the 2014 presidential election suggested the connection between the role of volunteer movement and the democratic process in Indonesia, this paper suggests that the overpraised assumptions regarding the connection between civil society’s role and democratic consolidation, in the case of volunteer movement, needs to be reconsidered. This paper argues that although the activism of the volunteer movement has positively contributed to the democratic process of the 2014 election, however, realistic assessment of the volunteer movement confirms its problematic nature and the limits of volunteer activism that may contribute to the disconnection of civil society and democratic consolidation in the country.
{"title":"The Myth of Civil Society’s Democratic Role: Volunteerism and Indonesian Democracy","authors":"Hurriyah Hurriyah","doi":"10.7454/jp.v4i2.167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i2.167","url":null,"abstract":"Is a flourishing civil society’s political activism positively correlated with the deepening of Indonesian democracy? This article addresses this question by examining the role of civil society in the 2014 presidential election in Indonesia, focusing on the collective actions of volunteer groups (known as Gerakan Relawan) that shaped both the election process and its result. While some studies on civil society activism in the 2014 presidential election suggested the connection between the role of volunteer movement and the democratic process in Indonesia, this paper suggests that the overpraised assumptions regarding the connection between civil society’s role and democratic consolidation, in the case of volunteer movement, needs to be reconsidered. This paper argues that although the activism of the volunteer movement has positively contributed to the democratic process of the 2014 election, however, realistic assessment of the volunteer movement confirms its problematic nature and the limits of volunteer activism that may contribute to the disconnection of civil society and democratic consolidation in the country.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47766591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research tries to review a number of ideas of some Indonesian scholars such as Yudi Latif, Franz Magnis-Suseno, and Syamsul Ma'arif, who saw and described the relationship between Pancasila and public reason, one of the popular political concepts in political studies. Some Indonesian scholars have linked Pancasila to public reason, with a secular nuance, so that it could potentially be free of religious associations. The troubled derivatives of public reason include (1) the negation of the principle of majoritarianism, (2) the neutral state principle, and (3) substantial elements in religion, such as the principle of universalism. With a qualitative study referring to a number of philosophical and historical arguments, it can be shown that the arguments given by the three aforementioned scholars, and others who share similar ideas, were considered to have a number of issues. From this review, it can be concluded that the thinking that supports the relationship between Pancasila and public reason is weak in terms of the secular argument. Therefore, the relation between Pancasila and public reason can be reviewed with more approachable ideas regarding religious contributions.
{"title":"Examining Pancasila’s Position in the Public Reason Scheme: A Critical Analysis","authors":"Muhamad Iswardani Chaniago","doi":"10.7454/jp.v4i2.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i2.203","url":null,"abstract":"This research tries to review a number of ideas of some Indonesian scholars such as Yudi Latif, Franz Magnis-Suseno, and Syamsul Ma'arif, who saw and described the relationship between Pancasila and public reason, one of the popular political concepts in political studies. Some Indonesian scholars have linked Pancasila to public reason, with a secular nuance, so that it could potentially be free of religious associations. The troubled derivatives of public reason include (1) the negation of the principle of majoritarianism, (2) the neutral state principle, and (3) substantial elements in religion, such as the principle of universalism. With a qualitative study referring to a number of philosophical and historical arguments, it can be shown that the arguments given by the three aforementioned scholars, and others who share similar ideas, were considered to have a number of issues. From this review, it can be concluded that the thinking that supports the relationship between Pancasila and public reason is weak in terms of the secular argument. Therefore, the relation between Pancasila and public reason can be reviewed with more approachable ideas regarding religious contributions.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44627043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines how domestic interest of political actors in particular country may spark conflict and create reconciliation with other country. The case of the Preah Vihear border temple dispute between Cambodia and Thailand in 2008-2011 shows that distinctive political interest within each country has made the the relation of both countries in up and down situation, in term of escalating conflict or initiating reconciliation, in that period of time. By discussing the interest of Cambodia’s political actor represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen with the Cambodian's People Party (CPP) and Thailand’s elites represented by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva with the Democracy Party (PD) and, later, by Yingluck Shinawatra with the Pheu Thai Party, the article argues that Preah Vihear conflict has been used by these political actors for their domestic political gains. Based on this study, it can be concluded that a border conflict can be basically influenced by political actor interest to maintain or gain domestic power. By underlining the domestic political actor interest, this study gives a different dimension compare to other studies at the same topic that tend to explain the conflict by using descriptive or chronological approach.
{"title":"Cambodian and Thai Political Actors Interest in Preah Vihear Temple Border Conflict in 2008-2011","authors":"Indah Merdeka Putri, Ali Muhyidin","doi":"10.7454/jp.v3i2.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v3i2.73","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how domestic interest of political actors in particular country may spark conflict and create reconciliation with other country. The case of the Preah Vihear border temple dispute between Cambodia and Thailand in 2008-2011 shows that distinctive political interest within each country has made the the relation of both countries in up and down situation, in term of escalating conflict or initiating reconciliation, in that period of time. By discussing the interest of Cambodia’s political actor represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen with the Cambodian's People Party (CPP) and Thailand’s elites represented by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva with the Democracy Party (PD) and, later, by Yingluck Shinawatra with the Pheu Thai Party, the article argues that Preah Vihear conflict has been used by these political actors for their domestic political gains. Based on this study, it can be concluded that a border conflict can be basically influenced by political actor interest to maintain or gain domestic power. By underlining the domestic political actor interest, this study gives a different dimension compare to other studies at the same topic that tend to explain the conflict by using descriptive or chronological approach.","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41856425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Public Sphere and Political Participation","authors":"D. Redaksi","doi":"10.7454/jp.v4i2.253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i2.253","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32549,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Politik","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46943498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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