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Just Police Violence: Liberal ideology and the critique of violence from Walter Benjamin to Black Lives Matter 公正的警察暴力:从沃尔特-本雅明到 "黑人生命至上 "的自由意识形态与暴力批判
Pub Date : 2024-03-13 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00022
Koshka Duff
Policing is broadly legitimate – even while imperfect and in need of reform. This axiom of liberal political theory and practice is shaken by movements like Black Lives Matter, which confront and expose carceral violence as the routine, deadly edge of racial capitalism. Thinking with abolitionist currents within these movements, this paper engages critical theory to unpick the ideological discourses that legitimise police violence in ‘real existing liberalism’. I argue that justifications of policing replicate the ‘analytic atomism’ and mythologisation of law that Neu’s Just Liberal Violence identifies in defences of sweatshops, torture, and war. I bring together Benjamin’s classic excavation of sovereign power in the policing function with the experiences of today’s policed subjects to reveal the limitations of liberal appeals to ‘the rule of law’. The standard figuration of oppressive violence as exceptional, deviant, and unlawful, I argue, serves to legitimise the institutions in and through which that violence is normalised.
治安管理具有广泛的合法性--即使它并不完美,需要改革。自由主义政治理论与实践的这一公理被 "黑人生命至上 "等运动所动摇,这些运动对抗并揭露了作为种族资本主义常规、致命边缘的殡葬暴力。本文结合这些运动中的废奴主义思潮,运用批判理论来解读 "现实存在的自由主义 "中使警察暴力合法化的意识形态话语。我认为,维持治安的理由复制了纽的《公正的自由主义暴力》(Just Liberal Violence)一书中为血汗工厂、酷刑和战争辩护时所指出的 "分析原子论 "和法律神话化。我将本雅明对警务职能中主权权力的经典挖掘与当今警务主体的经历相结合,揭示了自由主义对 "法治 "的诉求的局限性。我认为,将压迫性暴力行为形象化为例外、离经叛道和非法的标准做法,有助于使暴力正常化的机构合法化。
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引用次数: 0
Moral Excuse to the Pacifist’s Rescue1 拯救和平主义者的道德借口1
Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00021
Blake Hereth
Pacifism is the view that necessarily, the nonconsensual physical harming of pro tanto rights-bearers is all-things-considered morally impermissible. Critics of pacifism frequently point to common moral intuitions about self-defenders and other-defenders as evidence that pacifism is false and that self- and other-defense are often morally justified. I call this the Justification View and defend its rival, the Excuse View. According to the latter, a robust view of moral excuse adequately explains the common moral intuitions invoked against pacifism and is compatible with pacifism. The paper proceeds in five steps. First, I identify ten intuitive data points that require explanation. Second, I introduce the justification/excuse distinction. Third, I demonstrate the Excuse View’s equal explanatory power with respect to the intuitive data. Fourth, I defend the Fair Use Principle: When evaluating the plausibility of rival theories J and E, the use of datum d’s full intuitive force against E and for J is epistemically permissible only if (i) d is better explained by J than E and (ii) no intuitive components of d are equally well-explained by E. Finally, I conclude that the conjunction of pacifism and the Excuse View renders the intuitive defense of the Justification View largely moot, and that this is a substantial victory for pacifism.
和平主义是这样一种观点,即在未经同意的情况下,对亲tanto权利持有者的身体伤害在道德上是不可接受的。和平主义的批评者经常指出,关于自我防卫和他人防卫的普遍道德直觉,证明和平主义是错误的,而自我防卫和他人防卫往往在道德上是正当的。我称其为辩护观点,并为它的对手辩护,辩解观点。根据后者的观点,一个健全的道德借口观充分解释了反对和平主义的共同道德直觉,并与和平主义兼容。本文分五个步骤进行。首先,我确定了10个需要解释的直观数据点。其次,我介绍了理由/借口的区别。第三,我论证了借口观对于直观数据的同等解释力。第四,我为合理使用原则辩护:当评估竞争理论的合理性J和E,使用武力基准d全面直观的对E和J是认识地容许只有(i) d比E和更好的解释为J d(2)没有直观的组成部分是同样良好解释由E。最后,我得出结论,和平主义的结合和借口理由视图的视图呈现直观的防御主要争议,和平和,这是一个巨大的胜利。
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引用次数: 0
Through a queer lens: Sybil Morrison and Myrtle Solomon, stalwarts of the British and international peace movement 通过一个奇怪的镜头:西比尔·莫里森和默特尔·所罗门,坚定的英国和国际和平运动
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00017
J. Somerset
Sybil Morrison and Myrtle Solomon were leading pacifists in the twentieth-century British and international peace movements. Their combined activism straddled the Second World War, nuclear arms, colonial independence, opposition to the Vietnam War and the 1980s women’s peace movement. Women in a male-dominated movement, their lesbian identities remained hidden until pressure from the post-Stonewall generation persuaded them to come out, described by eyewitnesses as a pivotal moment for the movement. Interviews in three oral history collections predate the queer turn in history after their deaths. Examining these oral history sources enhances understanding of these influential women and faces the ethical challenge of posthumously loading private lives with political significance. This article bridges a gap between pacifist/Left and lgbtq+ narratives, answering a twenty-first century call for nuanced and multi-faceted history.
西比尔·莫里森和默特尔·所罗门是20世纪英国和国际和平运动中的和平主义者领袖。她们的共同行动跨越了第二次世界大战、核武器、殖民地独立、反对越南战争和20世纪80年代的妇女和平运动。在这场男性主导的运动中,女性的女同性恋身份一直被隐藏,直到后石墙一代的压力迫使她们出柜,目击者称这是这场运动的关键时刻。三本口述历史文集中的采访早于他们死后的同性恋历史转折。对这些口述历史资料的研究增强了对这些有影响力的女性的理解,并面临着在死后将私人生活赋予政治意义的伦理挑战。本文弥合了和平主义/左翼和lgbtq+叙事之间的鸿沟,回应了21世纪对细致入微、多面性历史的呼唤。
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引用次数: 0
¡Basta Ya! The Basque Civic Movement and Nonviolent Resistance to eta’s Terrorism ¡Basta丫!巴斯克公民运动与非暴力抵抗埃塔恐怖主义
Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00010
J. Argomaniz
This paper examines the impact that the Basque civic movement had in the civil resistance against the armed separatist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (eta). The ‘civic’ or ‘constitutionalist’ movement, whose best-known representative was the social movement organization ¡Basta Ya!, emerged to demand the protection of Basque citizens’ human and political rights, which were routinely abused by eta and their sympathisers. The movement impacted on the cycle of contention against terrorism through the diffusion of democratic norms and anti-eta political narratives, by sustaining civil resistance against terrorism while enduring persecution by their militants and sympathisers and by protecting the social fabric through the channelling of non-nationalist grievances into collective action that was pro-democratic and nonviolent. The case highlights the crucial parallels that exist between civil resistance to authoritarian regimes and non-state groups and the crucial role that civil society actors can play in the social delegitimisation of terrorist organisations.
本文考察了巴斯克公民运动对武装分裂组织Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (eta)的民间抵抗所产生的影响。“市民运动”或“立宪运动”,其最著名的代表是社会运动组织“Basta Ya!”要求保护巴斯克公民的人权和政治权利,这些权利经常被埃塔及其同情者滥用。通过民主规范和反埃塔政治叙事的传播,通过在忍受武装分子和同情者迫害的同时维持对恐怖主义的民间抵抗,通过将非民族主义的不满转化为亲民主和非暴力的集体行动,通过保护社会结构,该运动影响了反对恐怖主义的争论周期。此案突显出,民间对独裁政权和非国家团体的抵抗,与民间社会行动者在社会上使恐怖组织失去合法性方面可以发挥的关键作用,两者之间存在着至关重要的相似之处。
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引用次数: 0
The Challenges of Pacifism and Nonviolence in the Twenty-First Century 21世纪和平主义与非暴力的挑战
Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00001
R. Jackson
This reflection explores some of the reasons why the current historical moment provides an ideal opportunity to launch a new journal on pacifism and nonviolence. It goes on to argue that there are a number of compelling analytical and normative reasons for taking pacifism and nonviolence seriously, such as the failure of just war theory to regulate international violence, the power-resistance cycle, and the insights from social theory about the connection between the means and ends of social action. The reflection concludes with a warning about some of the key challenges facing the field, including the inevitable resistance from the vested interests in war and militarism, the challenge of decolonising Eurocentric social science, and the challenge of living up to the radicality of pacifist values.
这一反思探讨了为什么当前的历史时刻为创办一份关于和平主义和非暴力的新杂志提供了一个理想的机会。文章接着指出,有许多令人信服的分析和规范原因促使人们认真对待和平主义和非暴力,比如正义战争理论未能规范国际暴力、权力-抵抗循环,以及社会理论对社会行动的手段和目的之间联系的洞见。反思结束时,对该领域面临的一些关键挑战提出了警告,包括来自战争和军国主义既得利益的不可避免的抵制,以欧洲为中心的社会科学去殖民化的挑战,以及实现激进的和平主义价值观的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Pacifism and Nonviolence: Discerning the Contours of an Emerging Multidisciplinary Research Agenda 和平主义与非暴力:辨别新兴多学科研究议程的轮廓
Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00011
Alexandre Christoyannopoulos
Pacifism and nonviolence have separable foci and origins, yet also share important similarities, and their respective histories are mutually imbricated. Both have, furthermore, been attracting growing scholarly interest. However, that scholarship has so far been scattered in disparate sub-disciplinary debates and specialist publications. The time has come for an ambitious multidisciplinary agenda to coordinate research on topics including: the varieties of approaches to nonviolence and pacifism; accusations against pacifism; tensions between pacifism and nonviolence; theories and practices outside the Global North; the multiple consequences of violence; violence and nonviolence in political thought; the relationship between violence/nonviolence and gender, race, and other social identities; the religious roots of pacifism and nonviolence; the place of violence and nonviolence in popular culture; practical nonviolent policies of governance; predominant assumptions concerning violence in ir; the threshold characteristics of ‘violence’; and methodological challenges in the study and pedagogy of nonviolence and pacifism.
和平主义和非暴力具有可分离的焦点和起源,但也有重要的相似之处,它们各自的历史是相互交织的。此外,这两者都吸引了越来越多的学术兴趣。然而,到目前为止,这些学术研究一直分散在不同的子学科辩论和专业出版物中。现在是时候制定一个雄心勃勃的多学科议程,以协调以下主题的研究:非暴力与和平主义的各种方法;对和平主义的指责;和平主义与非暴力之间的紧张关系;全球北方以外的理论和实践;暴力的多重后果;政治思想中的暴力与非暴力暴力/非暴力与性别、种族和其他社会身份之间的关系;和平主义和非暴力的宗教根源;暴力与非暴力在大众文化中的地位;实用的非暴力治理政策;关于印度暴力的主要假设;“暴力”的阈值特征;以及非暴力与和平主义的研究和教学方法上的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
The Power and Value of Strategic Nonviolent Action 战略性非暴力行动的力量和价值
Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00006
Stephen Zunes
Recent decades have underscored the power of strategic nonviolent action, even in the most challenging of circumstances. The majority of transitions to democracy have been due to civil society groups engaged in nonviolent resistance, data from political scientists has demonstrated it being far more effective than armed struggle, coups have been reversed, and foreign occupations have been weakened, thereby challenging the rationale for armed liberation struggles. Similarly, problems with “humanitarian intervention” have raised questions regarding the need for “the responsibility to protect” through military means. The traditional rationales for militarism are therefore becoming harder and harder to defend. This provides an opening for those of us in the field to disseminate information about the history and dynamics of unarmed civil resistance. Regardless of whether one embraces pacifism as a personal principle, it is critical to understand and teach about nonviolent alternatives.
近几十年来,即使在最具挑战性的情况下,战略性非暴力行动的力量也得到了强调。大多数向民主的过渡都是由于公民社会团体参与非暴力抵抗,政治学家的数据表明,非暴力抵抗比武装斗争有效得多,政变已经被逆转,外国占领已经削弱,从而挑战了武装解放斗争的基本原理。同样,“人道主义干预”的问题也提出了关于通过军事手段“保护责任”的必要性的问题。因此,军国主义的传统理由正变得越来越难以辩护。这为我们这些在实地工作的人提供了一个机会,可以传播有关非武装民间抵抗的历史和动态的信息。不管一个人是否将和平主义作为个人原则,理解和教导非暴力的替代方案是至关重要的。
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引用次数: 1
Why Pacifism Now? 为什么现在是和平主义?
Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00004
C. Ryan
Pacifism has always been a marginal position, but only in the 20th century did it become stigmatized – i.e. dismissed and ridiculed as outside the boundaries of serious discussion. This reflected the rise of “total war”, as exemplified by the century’s two world wars, where the war making claims of the state on the individual became absolute, hence any questioning of war itself became heretical. After this century of war, our greatest challenge is not to repeat the endless aimless conflicts of the past. Pacifism’s contribution to this is partly theoretical. Through its analysis of the “war system” it debunks any thought that war can be ended by war, as the past has imagined; it can only be ended by unraveling the system itself. Pacifism’s contribution to this is practical, by placing the politics of nonviolence at the center of this task.
和平主义一直处于边缘地位,但直到20世纪,它才被污名化,即被排除在严肃讨论的范围之外。这反映了“全面战争”的兴起,正如本世纪的两次世界大战所体现的那样,在战争中,国家对个人的要求变得绝对,因此任何对战争本身的质疑都变成了异端。在这个世纪的战争之后,我们最大的挑战是不要重复过去无休止的无目的的冲突。和平主义对此的贡献部分是理论上的。通过对“战争体系”的分析,它揭穿了任何认为战争可以以战争结束的想法,就像过去所想象的那样;它只能通过瓦解体系本身来结束。和平主义对此的贡献是切实可行的,它将非暴力政治置于这项任务的中心。
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引用次数: 2
Anthropology and Nonviolence: a Reflection on Peace from Nagasaki 人类学与非暴力:从长崎对和平的反思
Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00009
Hirokazu Miyazaki
Despite their personal commitment to peace, anthropologists have an ambivalent relationship to pacifism and nonviolence. This is partly because violence is pervasive at all levels of interpersonal, intergroup, and international relations anthropologists routinely study. Ethnographic records show that violence of all kinds is part and parcel of human relationality. While there are many fine-grained analyses of conflicts, disputes, injustices, and inequalities, and their complex, and often long-term, consequences, pacifism and nonviolence have not been among the discipline’s explicit ethnographic or theoretical concerns. In this article I discuss the concept of “peace resources,” recently introduced by Japanese anthropologist Oda Hiroshi, as a possible starting point for more ethnographic and practical engagement with pacifism and nonviolence. I use my ethnographic observations of various activities aimed at the abolition of nuclear weapons taking place alongside the annual commemoration of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki on August 9th to examine the concept’s promise.
尽管人类学家个人致力于和平,但他们对和平主义和非暴力有着矛盾的关系。部分原因是暴力在人类学家日常研究的人际关系、群体间关系和国际关系的各个层面都普遍存在。人种学记录表明,各种暴力是人类关系的重要组成部分。虽然对冲突、争端、不公正和不平等及其复杂的、往往是长期的后果有许多细致的分析,但和平主义和非暴力并没有成为该学科明确的民族志或理论关注的对象。在这篇文章中,我将讨论“和平资源”的概念,这一概念最近由日本人类学家Oda Hiroshi提出,作为更多民族志和实际参与和平主义和非暴力的可能起点。在每年8月9日纪念长崎原子弹爆炸的同时,我用我对各种旨在废除核武器的活动的民族志观察来检验这一概念的前景。
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引用次数: 1
Feminist Pacifism and the Timeliness of Being Untimely 女权主义和平主义与不合时宜的时效性
Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00008
Kimberly Hutchings
The question to which we have been asked to respond frames pacifism and non-violence as timely – it implies that there are reasons to study them more seriously now. Thinking about this question from the point of view of traditions and practices of feminist pacifism and non-violence, it is their untimeliness that has most often been at the forefront of their reception. The paper makes the paradoxical case that it is this untimeliness that is key to why we should take feminist pacifism seriously.
我们被要求回答的这个问题认为和平主义和非暴力是及时的- -它意味着现在有理由更认真地研究它们。从女权主义和平主义和非暴力的传统和实践的角度来思考这个问题,它们的不合时宜是最常被接受的。这篇论文提出了一个矛盾的观点,即正是这种不合时宜的情况,才是我们应该认真对待女权主义和平主义的关键。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Pacifism and Nonviolence
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