Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa and Botswana comprise a cluster of southern African countries which provide monthly non-contributory benefits to their elderly citizens. This paper seeks to understand the differing political and socio-economic conditions in which the three pensions evolved and suggest what implications pensions may have for the nature of the citizen-state relationship. The paper argues that the motivation behind the long-established South African and Namibian pensions was ‘supply-driven’ to serve political ends. This has shifted over time and today all three pensions are increasingly ‘demand-driven’, that is, they serve welfare objectives of reducing poverty and promoting equality, although they must still remain acceptable to political and economic elites. This is demonstrated by analysing both ideological and practical facets of the pensions, including the design, the institutional home of the pension and the influence of geopolitical factors. It leads to the conclusion that a bond has built between citizen and state based on three characteristics. Firstly, their ability to foster social solidarity by reinforcing the value and contribution of the elderly to the household and restoring to pensioners a regained sense of citizenship; secondly the persistence of pensions which then become entrenched in the expectations of the citizenry, even before the sense of social contract develops in the political arena; and finally, acknowledgement by the state of its role in and moral commitment to provide welfare to its citizens, and the political expediency of doing so. These three mutually-reinforcing characteristics, maintain the momentum of the pension which, in turn, reinforces the contract.
{"title":"The Politics Behind the Non-Contributory Old Age Social Pensions in Lesotho, Namibia and South Africa","authors":"Larissa Pelham","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1653353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1653353","url":null,"abstract":"Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa and Botswana comprise a cluster of southern African countries which provide monthly non-contributory benefits to their elderly citizens. This paper seeks to understand the differing political and socio-economic conditions in which the three pensions evolved and suggest what implications pensions may have for the nature of the citizen-state relationship. The paper argues that the motivation behind the long-established South African and Namibian pensions was ‘supply-driven’ to serve political ends. This has shifted over time and today all three pensions are increasingly ‘demand-driven’, that is, they serve welfare objectives of reducing poverty and promoting equality, although they must still remain acceptable to political and economic elites. This is demonstrated by analysing both ideological and practical facets of the pensions, including the design, the institutional home of the pension and the influence of geopolitical factors. It leads to the conclusion that a bond has built between citizen and state based on three characteristics. Firstly, their ability to foster social solidarity by reinforcing the value and contribution of the elderly to the household and restoring to pensioners a regained sense of citizenship; secondly the persistence of pensions which then become entrenched in the expectations of the citizenry, even before the sense of social contract develops in the political arena; and finally, acknowledgement by the state of its role in and moral commitment to provide welfare to its citizens, and the political expediency of doing so. These three mutually-reinforcing characteristics, maintain the momentum of the pension which, in turn, reinforces the contract.","PeriodicalId":326708,"journal":{"name":"ERN: Institutions & Corruption (Topic)","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131069840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Economic theories of the last decades provide analytical framework within which we can explain institutional conditions for corrupt action. Specialists making economic policy recommendations to resolve this problem use several approaches, the most dominant of which are rent-seeking and agency theories. In this paper, I explain economic policy recommendations that stem out of both approaches. I argue that scholars suggesting these recommendations within these two frameworks do not understand each other because of different assumptions they make. More specifically, I show that two sets of policy recommendations presented here are based on the particular system of property rights assumed within each theory. In this example, I show why corruption is a problem of the state rather than the market.
{"title":"Why is Corruption a Problem of the State?","authors":"T. Otáhal","doi":"10.18267/j.pep.304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.304","url":null,"abstract":"Economic theories of the last decades provide analytical framework within which we can explain institutional conditions for corrupt action. Specialists making economic policy recommendations to resolve this problem use several approaches, the most dominant of which are rent-seeking and agency theories. In this paper, I explain economic policy recommendations that stem out of both approaches. I argue that scholars suggesting these recommendations within these two frameworks do not understand each other because of different assumptions they make. More specifically, I show that two sets of policy recommendations presented here are based on the particular system of property rights assumed within each theory. In this example, I show why corruption is a problem of the state rather than the market.","PeriodicalId":326708,"journal":{"name":"ERN: Institutions & Corruption (Topic)","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126535516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the potential for empirical analysis of corruption and countervailing action, based on data extracted from newspapers. Theoretical analysis suggests that when the press is free and competitive, it is likely to cover corruption and direct forms of countervailing action comprehensively. This theory is borne out by data collected from three Pakistani newspapers published during January and February 1994.
{"title":"Corruption and Countervailing Action in Pakistan","authors":"M. Shahid Alam","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2270141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2270141","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the potential for empirical analysis of corruption and countervailing action, based on data extracted from newspapers. Theoretical analysis suggests that when the press is free and competitive, it is likely to cover corruption and direct forms of countervailing action comprehensively. This theory is borne out by data collected from three Pakistani newspapers published during January and February 1994.","PeriodicalId":326708,"journal":{"name":"ERN: Institutions & Corruption (Topic)","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115179860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
María José Bahamonde Jácome, David Francisco Delgado Del Hierro
Spanish Abstract: La corrupción y la impunidad han dejado huellas permanentes en la vida de los ecuatorianos, llevando a las autoridades nacionales e internacionales a buscar soluciones para frenar este atropello existente en varios países del mundo. En Ecuador, siguiendo las recomendaciones de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, varias iniciativas han propuesto incorporar la institución de la extinción de dominio dentro de nuestro ordenamiento jurídico para brindar seguridad jurídica y combatir la corrupción de frente. Sin embargo, dichos proyectos de ley no se corresponden con las garantías y principios constitucionales que rigen en nuestro país, presentándose varias inconsistencias y aumentando el riesgo de inminentes vulneraciones de derechos. Por esta razón, en el presente artículo, además de reconocer la importancia de incorporar la extinción de dominio en nuestro sistema y evidenciar las falencias que tienen estas propuestas —próximas a entrar en vigor al haber sido aprobadas por el Pleno de la Asamblea Nacional— se propone una reforma al Código Orgánico Integral Penal o un proyecto de ley que se ajuste de forma armónica con la Constitución, precautelando la presunción de inocencia y el debido proceso.
English Abstract: Corruption and impunity have left a permanent damage in every Ecuadorian’s heart, leading national and international authorities to seek for solutions to stop these abuses in many countries around the world. In Ecuador, following the United Nations Organization’s advices, some initiatives have purposed to introduce the domain extinction institution in national law. However, these legislative proposals are not harmonic with constitutional guarantees and principles that rule in our country. It represents an imminent risk for legal security and human rights protection. That is why this paper recognizes the need of the domain extinction institution in our legal system; evidences the flaws these legislative proposals have; and purposes a legal reform to the Criminal Code or a new legislative proposal that respects the Constitution.
{"title":"Proyecto de Ley de Extinción de dominio: ¿Solución ante la corrupción o un camino para vulnerar derechos? (Domain Extinction Bill: ¿A remedy for corruption or a way to violate rights?)","authors":"María José Bahamonde Jácome, David Francisco Delgado Del Hierro","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3810187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3810187","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Spanish Abstract:</b> La corrupción y la impunidad han dejado huellas permanentes en la vida de los ecuatorianos, llevando a las autoridades nacionales e internacionales a buscar soluciones para frenar este atropello existente en varios países del mundo. En Ecuador, siguiendo las recomendaciones de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, varias iniciativas han propuesto incorporar la institución de la extinción de dominio dentro de nuestro ordenamiento jurídico para brindar seguridad jurídica y combatir la corrupción de frente. Sin embargo, dichos proyectos de ley no se corresponden con las garantías y principios constitucionales que rigen en nuestro país, presentándose varias inconsistencias y aumentando el riesgo de inminentes vulneraciones de derechos. Por esta razón, en el presente artículo, además de reconocer la importancia de incorporar la extinción de dominio en nuestro sistema y evidenciar las falencias que tienen estas propuestas —próximas a entrar en vigor al haber sido aprobadas por el Pleno de la Asamblea Nacional— se propone una reforma al Código Orgánico Integral Penal o un proyecto de ley que se ajuste de forma armónica con la Constitución, precautelando la presunción de inocencia y el debido proceso.<br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> Corruption and impunity have left a permanent damage in every Ecuadorian’s heart, leading national and international authorities to seek for solutions to stop these abuses in many countries around the world. In Ecuador, following the United Nations Organization’s advices, some initiatives have purposed to introduce the domain extinction institution in national law. However, these legislative proposals are not harmonic with constitutional guarantees and principles that rule in our country. It represents an imminent risk for legal security and human rights protection. That is why this paper recognizes the need of the domain extinction institution in our legal system; evidences the flaws these legislative proposals have; and purposes a legal reform to the Criminal Code or a new legislative proposal that respects the Constitution.","PeriodicalId":326708,"journal":{"name":"ERN: Institutions & Corruption (Topic)","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121186132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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