Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-45-58
E. Alymova
The article is devoted to examining the peculiarities of the phenomena of education and being educated during the so-called Second Sophistic period (1st – 3rd centuries AD). The study of the Second Sophistic as a cultural phenomenon is a relatively young area of academic interest, if viewed in the broader context of historical, philosophical, and philological studies. The pro-posed research focuses on two aspects: firstly, the Second So-phistic as a context within which “education” is understood in its specificity; secondly, the figure of the pepaideumenos, or the ed-ucated person. The article problematizes the phenomenon of the Second Sophistic, presents its characteristics in relation to the Old Sophistic, specifically in terms of education. Both Old and New Sophistic are primarily phenomena of education (paideia). The figure of the pepaideumenos (an educated and learned per-son) is examined in the perspective of the problem of cultural identity that emerged at the intersection of the Greek and Roman worlds. A distinctive feature of the discussed phenomenon is its pronounced involvement into rhetoric. The figure of pepaide-umenos is presented, in particular, in connection with the phe-nomenon of litteratura docta (learned literature) as one of the key features of the Second Sophistic. The pepaideumenos, in the spirit of the Second Sophistic, proves to be a multifaceted figure. These facets reflect tradition on the one hand and, on the other hand, tradition is reflected in them in a complex way, as both preserved past and preserved (or reproducible) identity (primari-ly in the Greek, or more precisely, the Greek-speaking world), along with the dialogue between the Greek and Roman worlds. An essential problem addressed in the article is the issue of mi-mesis/imitatio (imitation). The Second Sophistic is a phenome-non of epistrophe (returning). The attitude towards the past is a configuration or creation of it, but at the same time — its reflec-tion and criticism. In this perspective, the pepaideumenos ap-pears to be a holder of culture, its guardian.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-75-89
A. Kargaltsev
The article is devoted to one of the most interesting Christian apologists of the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries from the Afri-can city of Sicca Veneria — Arnobius. Being a pagan and a teacher of rhetoric, he converted to Christianity after the Great Persecution of Diocletian and wrote an extensive work in defense of the Christian faith as confirmation of his new views, known as “Seven Books Against the Pagans”. This Christian apology is a unique example of an essay composed independently of the pre-ceding Christian tradition. Apparently, Arnobius did not have ac-cess to the texts of Sacred Scripture when he wrote it and could not fully rely on the works of preceding Christian authors. The apology is largely devoted to a systematic exposition of the cri-tique of classical paganism, which was characteristic not only of ecclesiastical but also philosophical works. The aim of this arti-cle is to reconstruct Arnobius' worldview, based on which one can judge what he taught as a teacher of rhetoric at the beginning of the 4th century. This allows us to recreate the picture of the educational environment in the Roman provincial town of that time. Arnobius actively uses the writings of Greek and Roman authors, which, as it seems, were his main teaching material. The article raises the question of the relationship between the rhetori-cal school and the Christian community in an ancient city. Tradi-tionally, Arnobius' acquaintance with Christianity is considered from the moment of his conversion to the new faith, but the anal-ysis of his apology suggests that the version of Christianity he proposed was not born by chance and was the product of deep creative search, which allows us to reassess the teaching of rheto-ric in provincial urban spaces. Moreover, it is evident that the conflict between Arnobius and the church initially went beyond the line of paganism-Christianity, and the apologist was closer to the Eastern idealistic model of church doctrine, which was not typical for Roman North Africa.
{"title":"Apologist Arnobius, a Christian rhetorician from Sicca Veneria","authors":"A. Kargaltsev","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-75-89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-75-89","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to one of the most interesting Christian apologists of the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries from the Afri-can city of Sicca Veneria — Arnobius. Being a pagan and a teacher of rhetoric, he converted to Christianity after the Great Persecution of Diocletian and wrote an extensive work in defense of the Christian faith as confirmation of his new views, known as “Seven Books Against the Pagans”. This Christian apology is a unique example of an essay composed independently of the pre-ceding Christian tradition. Apparently, Arnobius did not have ac-cess to the texts of Sacred Scripture when he wrote it and could not fully rely on the works of preceding Christian authors. The apology is largely devoted to a systematic exposition of the cri-tique of classical paganism, which was characteristic not only of ecclesiastical but also philosophical works. The aim of this arti-cle is to reconstruct Arnobius' worldview, based on which one can judge what he taught as a teacher of rhetoric at the beginning of the 4th century. This allows us to recreate the picture of the educational environment in the Roman provincial town of that time. Arnobius actively uses the writings of Greek and Roman authors, which, as it seems, were his main teaching material. The article raises the question of the relationship between the rhetori-cal school and the Christian community in an ancient city. Tradi-tionally, Arnobius' acquaintance with Christianity is considered from the moment of his conversion to the new faith, but the anal-ysis of his apology suggests that the version of Christianity he proposed was not born by chance and was the product of deep creative search, which allows us to reassess the teaching of rheto-ric in provincial urban spaces. Moreover, it is evident that the conflict between Arnobius and the church initially went beyond the line of paganism-Christianity, and the apologist was closer to the Eastern idealistic model of church doctrine, which was not typical for Roman North Africa.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47279837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-159-181
Z. Lurie
The article examines the topos of sophism and its content in written and visual texts of the late 15th - first half of the 16th centuries, primarily on the basis of dialogues and dramaturgical works, which occupied a special place in the urban communica-tion of the Reformation period. The first half of the article gives an overview of the general ideas about sophism, which were formed among humanists and reformers under the strong influ-ence of Platonic dialogues (Ficino, Erasmus, Luther). A positive reception of the rhetorical heritage of sophism was also present in the culture of the era, but in general, a negative perception of the sophists was typical. Sophistry was opposed to true philoso-phy and was considered in an actual, anti-scholastic key. In the second part of the article, specific embodiments of the topic of sophism in specific works of Christian humanists and reformers were considered. Among them are different dialogues and dra-mas: “Cordus” (1485) by Johann Kerkmeister, “Comedy about the good education of young men” (1501) by Heinrich Bebel, “Gallus pugnans” (1514) by Joachim Vadian, “Council of theolo-gians” (1520) by Crotus Rubian, “Eccius dedolatus” (1520) by Willibald Pirckheimer, “Karstgans” and “Pammachius” (1538) by Thomas Naogeorg. In general, the analysis showed that in humanistic satire, sophists are shown as carriers of university scholastic culture, which is opposed to the practice of Christian piety. They were ridiculed in a rather narrow academic context. In reformist propaganda, the topic loses its specific content: since the evangelical satire was addressed to a much wider audi-ence than humanistic neo-Latin texts. In these works, the theme of the university world is only nominally stated - at the level of the character's social identity. And these representatives of the university, scholastics and teachers, are ridiculed on more gen-eral grounds, ridiculed for immorality, depraved lifestyle, intel-lectual squalor.
{"title":"Sophists in humanistic and reformation propaganda","authors":"Z. Lurie","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-159-181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-159-181","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the topos of sophism and its content in written and visual texts of the late 15th - first half of the 16th centuries, primarily on the basis of dialogues and dramaturgical works, which occupied a special place in the urban communica-tion of the Reformation period. The first half of the article gives an overview of the general ideas about sophism, which were formed among humanists and reformers under the strong influ-ence of Platonic dialogues (Ficino, Erasmus, Luther). A positive reception of the rhetorical heritage of sophism was also present in the culture of the era, but in general, a negative perception of the sophists was typical. Sophistry was opposed to true philoso-phy and was considered in an actual, anti-scholastic key. In the second part of the article, specific embodiments of the topic of sophism in specific works of Christian humanists and reformers were considered. Among them are different dialogues and dra-mas: “Cordus” (1485) by Johann Kerkmeister, “Comedy about the good education of young men” (1501) by Heinrich Bebel, “Gallus pugnans” (1514) by Joachim Vadian, “Council of theolo-gians” (1520) by Crotus Rubian, “Eccius dedolatus” (1520) by Willibald Pirckheimer, “Karstgans” and “Pammachius” (1538) by Thomas Naogeorg. In general, the analysis showed that in humanistic satire, sophists are shown as carriers of university scholastic culture, which is opposed to the practice of Christian piety. They were ridiculed in a rather narrow academic context. In reformist propaganda, the topic loses its specific content: since the evangelical satire was addressed to a much wider audi-ence than humanistic neo-Latin texts. In these works, the theme of the university world is only nominally stated - at the level of the character's social identity. And these representatives of the university, scholastics and teachers, are ridiculed on more gen-eral grounds, ridiculed for immorality, depraved lifestyle, intel-lectual squalor.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43906221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-59-74
Nikolai Winogradow
The 4th-6th centuries have deservedly been called the "golden age" of epistolography. For the people of this time, epistolary communication performed several important functions. Letters not only helped to maintain contacts with correspondents, but also contributed to building a complex system of social ties. This work presents a translation of two letters from Libanius addressed to his students, who later became bishops.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-16-44
V. Pichugina
During the time of Euripides and Aristophanes, innovative pedagogical ideas were discussed in an equally innovative man-ner. The intellectuals of that era played a significant role in cre-ating an ironic pedagogical triangle consisting of Euripides, Aris-tophanes, Socrates, and the sophists in classical Athens. Employ-ing tragedy and comedy in varying degrees, Euripides and Aris-tophanes drew attention to the contrast between traditional and sophistic education, portraying it as a complex problem that could not be easily resolved by an average person. A comparative historical and pedagogical analysis of Euripides' tragedy “Me-dea” and Aristophanes' comedy “Clouds” revealed another direc-tion for studying the possibilities of mutual penetration of gen-res. Through the depiction of families with children who were divided into speakers and listeners in the spatial coordinates of the city and home, Euripides and Aristophanes participated in the ongoing debate regarding Socrates and the sophists. Euripides and Aristophanes include in their works agons between the advo-cates of just (non-sophistic) and unjust (sophistic) speeches, which touch upon educational issues. The main characters lose in these agons and realize that their problems cannot be solved even when they use sophistic techniques. This comprehension compels them to transition from words to actions, resorting to criminal acts to demonstrate the perilous consequences of sophistic educa-tion to the polis. A simultaneous historical and pedagogical anal-ysis of Euripides' tragedy “Medea” and Aristophanes' comedy “Clouds” is accompanied by references to other works of Euripi-des and Aristophanes, as well as by Plato and Xenophon, which contain explicit or implicit references to the teaching methods of Socrates and / or the sophists.
{"title":"Education in the city through laughter and tears: sophistic speeches in Euripides' “Medea” and Aristophanes' “Clouds”","authors":"V. Pichugina","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-16-44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-16-44","url":null,"abstract":"During the time of Euripides and Aristophanes, innovative pedagogical ideas were discussed in an equally innovative man-ner. The intellectuals of that era played a significant role in cre-ating an ironic pedagogical triangle consisting of Euripides, Aris-tophanes, Socrates, and the sophists in classical Athens. Employ-ing tragedy and comedy in varying degrees, Euripides and Aris-tophanes drew attention to the contrast between traditional and sophistic education, portraying it as a complex problem that could not be easily resolved by an average person. A comparative historical and pedagogical analysis of Euripides' tragedy “Me-dea” and Aristophanes' comedy “Clouds” revealed another direc-tion for studying the possibilities of mutual penetration of gen-res. Through the depiction of families with children who were divided into speakers and listeners in the spatial coordinates of the city and home, Euripides and Aristophanes participated in the ongoing debate regarding Socrates and the sophists. Euripides and Aristophanes include in their works agons between the advo-cates of just (non-sophistic) and unjust (sophistic) speeches, which touch upon educational issues. The main characters lose in these agons and realize that their problems cannot be solved even when they use sophistic techniques. This comprehension compels them to transition from words to actions, resorting to criminal acts to demonstrate the perilous consequences of sophistic educa-tion to the polis. A simultaneous historical and pedagogical anal-ysis of Euripides' tragedy “Medea” and Aristophanes' comedy “Clouds” is accompanied by references to other works of Euripi-des and Aristophanes, as well as by Plato and Xenophon, which contain explicit or implicit references to the teaching methods of Socrates and / or the sophists.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49128520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-182-192
Astine Ovsepyan
The article explores the legacy of Miguel de Unamuno, one of the most prominent Spanish intellectuals of the late 19th and ear-ly 20th centuries. Unamuno was known not only as a writer, but also as a philosopher, philologist, journalist, playwright, social activist, and educator with unique and innovative ideas for his time. The focus is on his statements about the activity of the sophists, literary and rhetorical sophistry, as well as the sophisti-cal concept of education in general. The key question is who the sophists were for Unamuno: wise men working for the benefit of the city or verbal craftsmen creating an educational danger for the citizens? In his essay “On Consequence and Sincerity”, where he discusses philosophical issues, Unamuno turns to the sphere of sophistical activity. He believed that there is a danger of be-coming dependent on some authority (sometimes false) both in education and politics. Students, like voters, are made to believe in someone else's truth, so is there not a sophist inside the teach-er and politician? Unamuno supports his point of view with an example of a man who hated politics but fell in love with the doctrines presented by his teacher. In his essay “The Exploitation of the Intelligent”, where Unamuno reflects on deceivers, he ar-gues that a sophist may win in foolish verbal tournaments but not in calm and thorough written discussions. Based on his corpus of philosophical and pedagogical essays, one can conclude that Unamuno had an ambiguous attitude towards the sophists and sophistical education. By saying that he always saw a sophist in the depths of every dogmatist and a dogmatist in the depths of every sophist, Unamuno asserts that if he had to choose, he would undoubtedly choose a sophist. It is difficult to classify Miguel de Unamuno as either an opponent or a supporter of the sophists; rather, he sympathizes with them, using their activities to construct his arguments, which sometimes resemble sophistic ones.
这篇文章探讨了Miguel de Unamuno的遗产，他是19世纪末和20世纪初最杰出的西班牙知识分子之一。乌纳穆诺不仅是一位作家，也是一位哲学家、语言学家、记者、剧作家、社会活动家和教育家，在他的时代有着独特而创新的思想。重点是他关于诡辩家的活动，文学和修辞的诡辩，以及一般教育的诡辩概念的陈述。关键问题是，乌纳穆诺眼中的诡辩家是谁:是为城市谋利的智者，还是为市民制造教育危险的口头能手?在他的论文《论后果与真诚》中，他讨论了哲学问题，乌纳穆诺转向了诡辩活动的领域。他认为，在教育和政治领域，依赖某些权威(有时是错误的)是有危险的。学生就像选民一样，被逼着去相信别人的真理，那么老师和政客的内心难道就没有一个诡辩家吗?乌纳穆诺举了一个例子来支持他的观点，一个人讨厌政治，但却爱上了他老师提出的教义。在他的文章《对智者的剥削》中，乌纳穆诺对骗子进行了反思，他认为诡辩家可能会在愚蠢的口头比赛中获胜，但在冷静而彻底的书面讨论中却不会获胜。根据他的哲学和教学论文的语料库，我们可以得出结论，乌纳穆诺对诡辩家和诡辩教育持模棱两可的态度。乌纳穆诺说，他总是在每个教条主义者的内心深处看到一个诡辩家，在每个诡辩家的内心深处看到一个教条主义者。乌纳穆诺断言，如果他必须选择，他无疑会选择一个诡辩家。很难将米格尔·德·乌纳穆诺归类为诡辩家的反对者或支持者;相反，他同情他们，用他们的活动来构建他的论点，有时类似于诡辩的论点。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-90-146
Michail Vedeshkin
This article is dedicated to a variety of problems related to the education of the heirs of the Valentinian-Theodosius dynasty. It covers the biographies of the tutors of the royal children (Ausonius, Themistius, Arsenius, Antiochus, Anastasius, Petronius Maximus), evaluates the activities of the court schools, traces the transformation of the status of the tutors assigned to the heirs to the throne, describes the principles of their recruitment, and makes an attempt to reconstruct the curriculum of their schools. The conclusion is made that in contrast to the 1st – 3rd century A.D., the status of the court teacher had significantly strengthened. The educational programs of the court schools generally repeated the curricula of the ordinary grammar and rhetorical schools of the Empire. The article argues that the teachers of the heirs, as a rule, were chosen from the segments of the nobility, in whose support the government was most interested at the time. In addition, it is noted that children of prominent officials and military officers were involved in the education of future sovereigns. This practice introduced a competitive element into the educational process and served as a guarantee of the loyalty of the fathers of classmates of the heirs.
{"title":"Educating the sovereign: court teachers of the heirs of the roman emperors of the late 4th century – the first half of the 5th century","authors":"Michail Vedeshkin","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-90-146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-90-146","url":null,"abstract":"This article is dedicated to a variety of problems related to the education of the heirs of the Valentinian-Theodosius dynasty. It covers the biographies of the tutors of the royal children (Ausonius, Themistius, Arsenius, Antiochus, Anastasius, Petronius Maximus), evaluates the activities of the court schools, traces the transformation of the status of the tutors assigned to the heirs to the throne, describes the principles of their recruitment, and makes an attempt to reconstruct the curriculum of their schools. The conclusion is made that in contrast to the 1st – 3rd century A.D., the status of the court teacher had significantly strengthened. The educational programs of the court schools generally repeated the curricula of the ordinary grammar and rhetorical schools of the Empire. The article argues that the teachers of the heirs, as a rule, were chosen from the segments of the nobility, in whose support the government was most interested at the time. In addition, it is noted that children of prominent officials and military officers were involved in the education of future sovereigns. This practice introduced a competitive element into the educational process and served as a guarantee of the loyalty of the fathers of classmates of the heirs.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42729524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-158-186
Anton Zibaev, V. Zhukova
The article discusses the forms of plague through the eyes of the contemporaries of the first pandemic known in historiography as "Justinian’s Plague". The Latin authors of the 6th-8th centuries did not provide detailed descriptions of the previously unknown disease and limited themselves to brief mentions of the pestilence outbreaks in various areas of the Mediterranean. Following the laws of the genre of chronicle narrative (chronicles), they could only state the fact of the spread of a major epidemic in the known world, refraining from emotional remarks. The Greek writings of the 6th century contain more detailed descriptions of the plague symptoms, which allows us to largely restore the course of the disease as it was seen by late antique physicians. Procopius of Caesarea and Evagrius Scholasticus’s reports are based on the description of external symptoms, followed by the identification of key terms that describe patients’ general condition. The first cycle of the pandemic (mid 6th century) was distinguished by early attempts to study the plague in the texts. They were accompanied by intricate and often contradictory speculations of contemporaries, with the subsequent identification of three forms of plague in the patients in Constantinople and the eastern provinces. 50 years later (in the third cycle), the Greek authors already distinguished five forms of the disease with a strict definition of the accompanying symptoms and the absence of panic, which had been noticeable in the previous period. The analysis of narrative sources allows us to conclude that late antique and early medieval authors did not know the pneumonic form of plague, in contrast to the Black Death era. For comparison, in the XIV century. Byzantine authors referred to the symptoms of the Black Death in similar terms, and used the same literary devices to describe the devastation of Constantinople and Greece. For the first time, the pulmonary form is singled out separately only in the 14th century: in the “Histories” of John Kantakuzen, in the letters of Demetrius Cydonis and Nicephorus Grigora. Thus, the conclusion is made about the gradual accumulation of general knowledge about the clinical picture of Justinian’s Plague among late antique physicians, whose works prominent representatives of Greek and Latin historiography of the 6th-8th centuries relied on.
{"title":"Forms of Plague in Procopius of Caesarea (Procop. De bellis. IV.14) and Evagrius Scholasticus (Evagrius. Hist. ecc. IV.29): On the Development of Clinical Medicine in the Eastern Roman Empire in the Fourth Century","authors":"Anton Zibaev, V. Zhukova","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-158-186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-158-186","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the forms of plague through the eyes of the contemporaries of the first pandemic known in historiography as \"Justinian’s Plague\". The Latin authors of the 6th-8th centuries did not provide detailed descriptions of the previously unknown disease and limited themselves to brief mentions of the pestilence outbreaks in various areas of the Mediterranean. Following the laws of the genre of chronicle narrative (chronicles), they could only state the fact of the spread of a major epidemic in the known world, refraining from emotional remarks. The Greek writings of the 6th century contain more detailed descriptions of the plague symptoms, which allows us to largely restore the course of the disease as it was seen by late antique physicians. Procopius of Caesarea and Evagrius Scholasticus’s reports are based on the description of external symptoms, followed by the identification of key terms that describe patients’ general condition. The first cycle of the pandemic (mid 6th century) was distinguished by early attempts to study the plague in the texts. They were accompanied by intricate and often contradictory speculations of contemporaries, with the subsequent identification of three forms of plague in the patients in Constantinople and the eastern provinces. 50 years later (in the third cycle), the Greek authors already distinguished five forms of the disease with a strict definition of the accompanying symptoms and the absence of panic, which had been noticeable in the previous period. The analysis of narrative sources allows us to conclude that late antique and early medieval authors did not know the pneumonic form of plague, in contrast to the Black Death era. For comparison, in the XIV century. Byzantine authors referred to the symptoms of the Black Death in similar terms, and used the same literary devices to describe the devastation of Constantinople and Greece. For the first time, the pulmonary form is singled out separately only in the 14th century: in the “Histories” of John Kantakuzen, in the letters of Demetrius Cydonis and Nicephorus Grigora. Thus, the conclusion is made about the gradual accumulation of general knowledge about the clinical picture of Justinian’s Plague among late antique physicians, whose works prominent representatives of Greek and Latin historiography of the 6th-8th centuries relied on.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-40-77
M. Petrova
The paper discusses the issue of the attitude towards medicine, physicians, and healers in Ancient Rome (1st – 5th centuries) based on ancient texts (Juv. Sat., Plin. Nat. Hist., Mart. Ep., etc.). It is shown that the profession of physician in Rome did not immediately receive recognition. The reasons for this are revealed: first, Romans did not consider medicine an art (science), and second, those who were associated with medicine were not Romans by origin and did not initially have civil rights. The collective biography of the Roman physician is reconstructed; it is based on the surviving testimonies about Anthonius Musa, Sextius Niger, Scribonius Largus, Rufus of Ephesus, Galen, Serenius Sammonius, Theodorus Priscianus, Adamantius, Marcellus Empiricus, and others. Information about their origin, names and nicknames, positions, social status, duties and rights, features of professional activity, subject and content of their medical texts is taken into account. Some provisions of the collective biography are as follows: 1) Roman physicians and people associated with medicine initially had the status of a slave; 2) As a rule, they received education either in Alexandria, or in special medical schools and temples-hospitals, or from famous teachers; 3) Some physicians were at emperors’ courts, had high titles, positions and privileges; 4) For the most part, physicians authored works written mainly in Greek, but also in Arabic and Latin; 5) The interests of physicians were connected with natural philosophy, medicine itself (theoretical and practical) and its fields, for example, physiology and pharmacology, as well as biology (botany); 6) In addition to medical practice, physicians’ occupations included teaching, mentoring, and sharing experience; collecting prescriptions and antidotes, inventing medical drugs; 7) The career of a physician (especially at the court of an emperor) could not always be successful. He could be expelled, forced to flee to a foreign country, or murdered.
{"title":"On Medicine, Physicians, and Healers in Ancient Rome","authors":"M. Petrova","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-40-77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-40-77","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses the issue of the attitude towards medicine, physicians, and healers in Ancient Rome (1st – 5th centuries) based on ancient texts (Juv. Sat., Plin. Nat. Hist., Mart. Ep., etc.). It is shown that the profession of physician in Rome did not immediately receive recognition. The reasons for this are revealed: first, Romans did not consider medicine an art (science), and second, those who were associated with medicine were not Romans by origin and did not initially have civil rights. The collective biography of the Roman physician is reconstructed; it is based on the surviving testimonies about Anthonius Musa, Sextius Niger, Scribonius Largus, Rufus of Ephesus, Galen, Serenius Sammonius, Theodorus Priscianus, Adamantius, Marcellus Empiricus, and others. Information about their origin, names and nicknames, positions, social status, duties and rights, features of professional activity, subject and content of their medical texts is taken into account. Some provisions of the collective biography are as follows: 1) Roman physicians and people associated with medicine initially had the status of a slave; 2) As a rule, they received education either in Alexandria, or in special medical schools and temples-hospitals, or from famous teachers; 3) Some physicians were at emperors’ courts, had high titles, positions and privileges; 4) For the most part, physicians authored works written mainly in Greek, but also in Arabic and Latin; 5) The interests of physicians were connected with natural philosophy, medicine itself (theoretical and practical) and its fields, for example, physiology and pharmacology, as well as biology (botany); 6) In addition to medical practice, physicians’ occupations included teaching, mentoring, and sharing experience; collecting prescriptions and antidotes, inventing medical drugs; 7) The career of a physician (especially at the court of an emperor) could not always be successful. He could be expelled, forced to flee to a foreign country, or murdered.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-78-104
V. Pichugina
The article provides a historical and pedagogical analysis of the images of Chiron, a centaur who devoted a significant part of his life to teaching. Among the extensive list of knowledge, skills and abilities that Chiron possessed and passed on to his numerous students, there are three areas related to education: 1) how to fight and take a life, 2) how to heal and return life – the art of healing, the reverse of the military, 3) special skills, such as how to play musical instruments or recognize constellations. We have compared the textual and visual (images on ceramics of the 6th-5th centuries BC) traditions that represent the student paths of Achilles and Asclepius, for whom medical knowledge was an important part of the curriculum. Achilles and Asclepius were students who came to Chiron as infants and for whom Chiron became a mentor-nurse. Asclepius was an excellent student who made significant progress in medicine, but Achilles, nevertheless, was the most gifted student of the centaur and, probably, the closest to him, not only in kinship, but also in spirit. A comparison of stories about how Chiron trained and educated Achilles and Asclepius allows us to see that in the ancient tradition Chiron is depicted as an urban centaur. Unlike other centaurs, his dual nature is subject to humanity: unlike his relatives, he is wise, not aggressive, heals people and arranges their affairs, develops unique curricula for students and educates them outside the city, but for the city. That is why Chiron as a mentor is always depicted with a kind face and outdoors; he is half dressed in a tunic and his front legs do not end with hooves, these are human legs. His school on Mount Pelion is distinguished by its originality: education and upbringing close to nature is designed to prepare a student for life in the city and activities for the benefit of the city.
{"title":"Cheiron as a Mentor in Medicine to Achilles and Asclepius: the Pedagogical Mission of an Urban Centaur","authors":"V. Pichugina","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-78-104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-78-104","url":null,"abstract":"The article provides a historical and pedagogical analysis of the images of Chiron, a centaur who devoted a significant part of his life to teaching. Among the extensive list of knowledge, skills and abilities that Chiron possessed and passed on to his numerous students, there are three areas related to education: 1) how to fight and take a life, 2) how to heal and return life – the art of healing, the reverse of the military, 3) special skills, such as how to play musical instruments or recognize constellations. We have compared the textual and visual (images on ceramics of the 6th-5th centuries BC) traditions that represent the student paths of Achilles and Asclepius, for whom medical knowledge was an important part of the curriculum. Achilles and Asclepius were students who came to Chiron as infants and for whom Chiron became a mentor-nurse. Asclepius was an excellent student who made significant progress in medicine, but Achilles, nevertheless, was the most gifted student of the centaur and, probably, the closest to him, not only in kinship, but also in spirit. A comparison of stories about how Chiron trained and educated Achilles and Asclepius allows us to see that in the ancient tradition Chiron is depicted as an urban centaur. Unlike other centaurs, his dual nature is subject to humanity: unlike his relatives, he is wise, not aggressive, heals people and arranges their affairs, develops unique curricula for students and educates them outside the city, but for the city. That is why Chiron as a mentor is always depicted with a kind face and outdoors; he is half dressed in a tunic and his front legs do not end with hooves, these are human legs. His school on Mount Pelion is distinguished by its originality: education and upbringing close to nature is designed to prepare a student for life in the city and activities for the benefit of the city.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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