Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-36-54
Victoria Pichugina
The article explores the phenomenon of ancient Greek theater, portraying it as a unique space where an entire cityscape unfolded before the eyes of thousands of spectators. Despite its mesmerizing effect, there's ongoing debate about its educational impact. In the first part of the article, sources are analyzed in which ancient authors argue for or against the notion that the theater, for which Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides composed, and which was occasionally attended by Socrates, could serve as a kind of school for adults and adolescents. Plato's dialogues, featuring Socrates as the central figure, dissect the differences between philosopher, playwright, and sophist wisdom, suggesting that the theater may not have been primarily aimed at enlightening the masses, but rather at showcasing persuasive rhetoric. Aristotle and Aristophanes stress the importance of playwrights acting as guides for citizens, albeit acknowledging that not all possess the wisdom to effectively mentor citizens in civic engagement and personal growth. In the second part, the article analyzes select tragedies by Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, seen as valuable sources for instructing citizens. These playwrights' works are depicted as poignant reflections of the challenges faced by inhabitants of various cities, with heroes striving to offer guidance to themselves or others. Based on Aristotle's classification of tragic forms, it suggests that protagonists in these tragedies undergo transformative experiences, whether through reversal, discovery, calamity and spectacle. This also opened up wide opportunities for spectators to project what was happening on stage onto themselves and their city, taking guidance from the playwrights and becoming a special kind of disciples.
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Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-55-73
Irina Prolygina
Thanks to the extensive corpus of Galen's writings, which includes numerous autobiographical works and individual notes, we possess a wealth of information regarding his upbringing and education. According to a fami-ly tradition, he received a classical Greek education (known as paideia), which allowed him to transition from a provincial intellectual to one of the influential figures in Roman society and achieve the status of a court physi-cian. His brilliant command of language, extensive erudition, and active participation in the intellectual life of the Roman elite justify considering Galen as one of the authors of the so-called "Second Sophistic." This article scrutinizes Galen's various accounts of his mentors, early education, and scholastic experiences, with their veracity corroborated by contemporaneous testimonials. In addition to reading and scrutinizing the classical texts that formed the cornerstone of Greek paideia, Galen's education placed great emphasis on the study of exact sciences such as Euclidean geometry and arithmetic, which, together with Aristotle's logic, enabled Galen to adhere to the evidence-based method in medicine. An analysis of Galen's citation fre-quency of classical authors revealed that his foundational education was similar to other authors of his time, whereas the citation of medical authors is unparalleled in ancient literature. Unfortunately, we can only form a vague notion of his library since much of it was lost in a fire during Galen's lifetime in 192 AD. However, his collection of texts is a mix of various knowledge, rare writings, and quotes. Galen's interest in language and words, which confirmed his status as an intellectual, suggests his association with the "Second Sophistic" group. He wrote several works on ancient grammar, word usage, and rhetoric, criticiz-ing both extreme linguistic purism and loose interpretations of old-fashioned Attic language. This paints Galen not just as a doctor but also as a knowledgeable figure of his time.
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Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-89-109
Z. Lurie
The article examines the visual embodiment of the theme of Christ's teaching in the European visual tradition. The author shows that the pedagogical metaphors of the Teacher and the Educator, vivid in the New Testament texts and the works of the first Christian writers, were reflected in the fine arts through certain iconographic formulas. An assumption is made about the possibility of a pedagogical interpretation of the symbolic image of the Good Shepherd (basing on Clement of Alexandria). Variations in the image of the Teacher in the works of the 4-5th centuries are also analyzed: these are compositions with Christ the Wonderworker and Christ the Philosopher, which had different iconographic prototypes. Regardless of the characteristics of the portrait interpretation of Christ, special attributes (rhetorical gesture, pallium, scroll or open codex) allow to identify Him as a Teacher. The view on Christ as the Teacher and righteousness and divine wisdom, incomparable with earthly knowledge, is a specific of the patristic tradition. The development of Christian art under the influence of liturgical theological the formation caused appearance of new subjects and interpretations in medieval art. Plots previously associated with the theme of Christ’s teaching receive a different view within the framework of typological exegesis. The author shows that the main “pedagogical” plot, which received consistent development in the art of the Middle Ages, is the image of the young Christ in the Jerusalem temple (Luke 2:41-51). The plot was popular due to the veneration of the image of the baby Jesus, general interest in His childhood, and also in connection with the cults of the Mother of God. In the iconography of the 15-17th centuries the polemical component of the plot is often emphasized, with the scene being interpreted as a variant of a dispute. In apocryphal texts dedicated to the childhood of Jesus, there are episodes of interaction between the Divine Youth and school teachers, who generally showed pedagogical carelessness towards the child and recognized His “disability to learn.” In illustrations of the plot children sympathize and support their “classmate” and even glorify Him as God. Finally, in the late Middle Ages, the story of the giving of the Lord's Prayer was spread, with the direct interaction of the Teacher and Preacher with their listeners articulated.
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Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-135-167
Philipp Petrov
The views on the soul in the philosophical-theological thought of Au-relius Augustine (354–430 AD) hold a special place. When considering practically any of his teachings—whether it be his doctrine on the cosmos, time, memory, the relationship between free will and divine predestination, or his philosophy of history and pedagogy—we are inevitably compelled to take them into account or directly engage with them. His works are also associated with the so-called "psychologism" of Augustine, a concept high-lighted by numerous scholars delving into his truly vast creative heritage. The purpose of this paper is to explore the research devoted to the concepts of the soul (both individual and cosmic) in the works of Augustine or related to them. Additionally, it aims to identify works that address the issue of how Augustine's ideas about the soul were perceived in the early Middle Ages, using Cassiodorus [c. 487 – c. 578 AD] as an example. The studies, which encompass the aspects of Augustine’s psychological conception, are examined according to thematic principles, and divided into the following groups: (I) Studies dedicated to the exploration of Augustine’s cosmology, human existence, and soul (Among them: “Augustine’s Philosophy of Mind” by Gerard O’Daly [1987]; “Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptized” by J. Rist [1994]; “The World-Soul and Time in St. Augustine” [1983] and “Augus-tine’s Theory of Soul” [2003] by Roland Teske, and others). (II) Works demonstrating the influence of early teachings, traditions, and texts on Augustine (for example, “The Divine Sense: The Intellect in Patris-tic Theology” [2007] by Anna Williams and “Memory in Plotinus and Two Early Texts of St. Augustine” [1976] by Gerard O’Daly, among others). (III) Studies focused on the examination of individual works of Augustine with regard to their psychological aspects (Including: “An Analysis of Saint Augustine’s De immortalitate animae” [1980] and “The Fall of the Soul in Saint Augustine: A Quaestio Disputata” [1986] by Richard Penaskovic; “Augustine, Conf. IX, 10, 24” [1958] by John Taylor, and others). (IV) Papers indicating Cassiodorus’s reception and assimilation of Au-gustine’s teachings on the soul (e.g., e.g. “The Manuscripts of Cassiodorus’ De anima” [1959] by J.W. Halporn; “Cassiodoro e la grecità” [1986] by A. Garzya, “Il sottofondo culturale del De anima di Cassiodoro” [1995] by R. Masulo, etc.).
奥古斯丁（Au-relius Augustine，公元 354-430 年）的哲学-神学思想中关于灵魂的观点占有特殊的地位。在研究他的任何学说时，无论是关于宇宙、时间、记忆的学说，还是关于自由意志与神的宿命之间的关系的学说，抑或是关于历史和教育学的学说，我们都不可避免地要考虑到或直接接触到这些学说。他的作品还与奥古斯丁的所谓 "心理主义 "有关，许多学者在研究奥古斯丁真正广博的创作遗产时都强调了这一概念。本文旨在探讨奥古斯丁作品中或与之相关的灵魂（个体和宇宙）概念研究。此外，本文还将以卡西俄多鲁斯（约公元 487 年-约公元 578 年）为例，探讨中世纪早期人们是如何看待奥古斯丁的灵魂观念的。这些研究涵盖了奥古斯丁心理观念的各个方面，按照主题原则进行研究，并分为以下几组： (I) 专门探讨奥古斯丁的宇宙观、人类存在和灵魂的研究（其中包括："奥古斯丁的心灵哲学"、"奥古斯丁的灵魂哲学"、"奥古斯丁的灵魂哲学"、"奥古斯丁的灵魂哲学 "和 "奥古斯丁的灵魂哲学"）：其中包括：杰拉德-奥达利（Gerard O'Daly）的 "奥古斯丁的心灵哲学"[1987 年]；"奥古斯丁：J.里斯特著《奥古斯丁：受洗礼的古代思想》[1994]；罗兰-特斯克著《圣奥古斯丁的世界-灵魂与时间》[1983]和《奥古斯丁的灵魂理论》[2003]等）。(II) 证明早期教义、传统和文本对奥古斯丁影响的著作（例如，《神圣的感觉：The Intellect in Patris-tic Theology" [2007] by Anna Williams and "Memory in Plotinus and Two Early Texts of St.(III) 侧重于对奥古斯丁个别作品的心理学方面的研究（包括"An Analysis of Saint Augustine's De immortalitate animae" [1980] and "The Fall of the Soul in Saint Augustine：A Quaestio Disputata"[1986]，作者理查德-佩纳斯科维克；"Augustine, Conf.IX, 10, 24"[1958]，作者 John Taylor 等）。(IV) 表明卡西奥多鲁斯接受和吸收奥古斯丁灵魂学说的论文（如 J.W. Halporn 的 "卡西奥多鲁斯 De anima 的手稿"[1959 年]；A. Garzya 的 "Cassiodoro e la grecità"[1986 年]；R. Masulo 的 "Il sottofondo culturale del De anima di Cassiodoro"[1995 年]等）。
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Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-168-183
Ekaterina Buzdalina
The transformative processes within the Roman Empire during the late 3rd and early 4th centuries brought about significant changes across various aspects of societal life, including the educational sphere. The proliferation of Christianity played a pivotal role in reshaping existing pedagogical prac-tices, ideologies, and standards, particularly among the elite class. With the emergence of a new political landscape during the dominatum era, there arose a demand for revised didactic norms. These norms aimed to provide administrators and officials with comprehensive insights into the history of Rome, its allies, and adversaries. During the 360s, concise didactic guides or “Breviaries” were developed. Notable among them is Flavius Eutropius' “Breviarium ab Urbe condita” (“Breviary from the Founding of the City”), recognized as a prominent textbook on Late Antiquity history in contempo-rary scholarship. Another significant work is the “Breviarium rerum ges-tarum populi Romani” (“Breviary of the Deeds of the Roman People”), compiled by an individual known as Festus (? – ca. 380). However, this text remained on the fringes of scholarly discourse for some time due to its brev-ity and the author’s heavy reliance on predecessors. Most scholars agree that Festus' "Breviarium" serves as a didactic compendium intended for both the emperor, who may not have been highly educated, and the officials of his empire. While there is little doubt among researchers regarding the peda-gogical nature of this work, several other questions, such as those concern-ing Festus' sources and the degree of the author's independence, remain un-resolved in historiography. Currently, there exist two approaches to address-ing the issue of identifying and studying Festus' sources. The first, positivist approach (endorsed by R. Jacoby, E. Wölfflin, A. Bettendorff, D.V. Kareev), states that Festus' sources can be easily identified by comparing parallels between his texts and those of his predecessors. However, there are differing views within historiography regarding the number and composition of the sources used by Festus in creating the “Breviary.” The second, critical ap-proach (advocated by D. Büer), denies the possibility of compiling an ex-haustive list of the sources of the “Breviary” due to the limited tradition of creating texts of this genre that have reached us. This article examines the evolution of historians' judgments regarding the possibilities and methods of identifying and interpreting Festus' sources in the composition of the “Breviary,” as well as discussing methodological approaches to studying this work.
3 世纪末和 4 世纪初，罗马帝国内部的变革进程给社会生活的各个方面带来了重大变化，包括教育领域。基督教的传播在重塑现有教学实践、意识形态和标准方面发挥了关键作用，尤其是在精英阶层。随着统治时代新政治格局的出现，出现了修订教学规范的需求。这些规范旨在为管理者和官员提供有关罗马历史、其盟友和对手的全面见解。360 年代，简明的教学指南或 "教科书 "应运而生。其中值得一提的是弗拉维乌斯-尤特罗皮乌斯（Flavius Eutropius）的 "Breviarium ab Urbe condita"（"Breviarium from the Foundation of the City"），它是当代学术界公认的一部杰出的古代晚期历史教科书。另一部重要作品是 "Breviarium rerum ges-tarum populi Romani"（《罗马人民事迹日记》），由一位名叫费斯图斯的人编纂（？）然而，由于其简短性和作者对前人的严重依赖，该文本在一段时间内一直处于学术讨论的边缘。大多数学者都认为，费斯图斯的 "Breviarium "是一本面向皇帝（他可能没有受过高等教育）和帝国官员的说教简编。虽然研究人员对这部作品的教学性质几乎没有疑问，但其他一些问题，如有关费斯图斯的资料来源和作者的独立程度等问题，在历史学中仍未得到解决。目前，有两种方法可以解决费斯图斯资料来源的鉴定和研究问题。第一种是实证主义方法（得到 R. Jacoby、E. Wölfflin、A. Bettendorff、D.V. Kareev 的认可），认为通过比较费斯图斯的文本与其前人文本之间的相似之处，可以很容易地确定费斯图斯的来源。然而，史学界对费斯图斯在创作 "诗集 "时使用的资料来源的数量和构成存在不同看法。第二种是批判性方法（由 D. Büer 倡导），该方法否定了编制一份详尽的 "Breviary "资料来源清单的可能性，因为我们所了解的这种体裁的文本创作传统有限。本文探讨了历史学家对确定和解释费斯图斯创作 "诗集 "来源的可能性和方法的判断的演变，并讨论了研究这部作品的方法论。
{"title":"Breviarium rerum gestarum populi romani in Russian and foreign historiography: concerning Festus' sources","authors":"Ekaterina Buzdalina","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-168-183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-168-183","url":null,"abstract":"The transformative processes within the Roman Empire during the late 3rd and early 4th centuries brought about significant changes across various aspects of societal life, including the educational sphere. The proliferation of Christianity played a pivotal role in reshaping existing pedagogical prac-tices, ideologies, and standards, particularly among the elite class. With the emergence of a new political landscape during the dominatum era, there arose a demand for revised didactic norms. These norms aimed to provide administrators and officials with comprehensive insights into the history of Rome, its allies, and adversaries. During the 360s, concise didactic guides or “Breviaries” were developed. Notable among them is Flavius Eutropius' “Breviarium ab Urbe condita” (“Breviary from the Founding of the City”), recognized as a prominent textbook on Late Antiquity history in contempo-rary scholarship. Another significant work is the “Breviarium rerum ges-tarum populi Romani” (“Breviary of the Deeds of the Roman People”), compiled by an individual known as Festus (? – ca. 380). However, this text remained on the fringes of scholarly discourse for some time due to its brev-ity and the author’s heavy reliance on predecessors. Most scholars agree that Festus' \"Breviarium\" serves as a didactic compendium intended for both the emperor, who may not have been highly educated, and the officials of his empire. While there is little doubt among researchers regarding the peda-gogical nature of this work, several other questions, such as those concern-ing Festus' sources and the degree of the author's independence, remain un-resolved in historiography. Currently, there exist two approaches to address-ing the issue of identifying and studying Festus' sources. The first, positivist approach (endorsed by R. Jacoby, E. Wölfflin, A. Bettendorff, D.V. Kareev), states that Festus' sources can be easily identified by comparing parallels between his texts and those of his predecessors. However, there are differing views within historiography regarding the number and composition of the sources used by Festus in creating the “Breviary.” The second, critical ap-proach (advocated by D. Büer), denies the possibility of compiling an ex-haustive list of the sources of the “Breviary” due to the limited tradition of creating texts of this genre that have reached us. This article examines the evolution of historians' judgments regarding the possibilities and methods of identifying and interpreting Festus' sources in the composition of the “Breviary,” as well as discussing methodological approaches to studying this work.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"113 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141135466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-14-35
Àngel Pascual-Martin
The Socratic narration in Plato's Protagoras begins with the appearance of a young man. Early in the morning, a boy who had just learned that the sophist from Abdera is in town and who is yearning to meet him, goes to Socrates to request his accompanying. It is for this young man, and thanks to him, that Socrates, after a careful examination, decides to attend the gathering at Callias' house to converse with Protagoras. According to the narrative, the boy is the true catalyst for Socrates' attention and dedication to the sophist and, consequently, the real promoter and instigator of the dialogue. This paper mainly aims at shedding some light on the ethos and psychology of this young man named Hippocrates. Far from the picture often presented of him, merely of an innocent and helpless young man exposed at the dangers of the sophists’ teachings, this work stresses the boldness and excitement of a passionate and impulsive fellow whose irrationality is a potential threat not only for himself, but especially for those surrounding. In addition to the analysis of his ethos and psychology, the paper opens discussing to what extent and in what sense Hippocrates may be considered an associate of Socrates, and ends up speculating, relying on the Protagoras, about the possible causes that brought to the corruption of the souls of youth’s as such.
{"title":"Likeness of an Athenian tyrannical son. Young Hipocrates in Plato's Protagoras","authors":"Àngel Pascual-Martin","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-14-35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-14-35","url":null,"abstract":"The Socratic narration in Plato's Protagoras begins with the appearance of a young man. Early in the morning, a boy who had just learned that the sophist from Abdera is in town and who is yearning to meet him, goes to Socrates to request his accompanying. It is for this young man, and thanks to him, that Socrates, after a careful examination, decides to attend the gathering at Callias' house to converse with Protagoras. According to the narrative, the boy is the true catalyst for Socrates' attention and dedication to the sophist and, consequently, the real promoter and instigator of the dialogue. This paper mainly aims at shedding some light on the ethos and psychology of this young man named Hippocrates. Far from the picture often presented of him, merely of an innocent and helpless young man exposed at the dangers of the sophists’ teachings, this work stresses the boldness and excitement of a passionate and impulsive fellow whose irrationality is a potential threat not only for himself, but especially for those surrounding. In addition to the analysis of his ethos and psychology, the paper opens discussing to what extent and in what sense Hippocrates may be considered an associate of Socrates, and ends up speculating, relying on the Protagoras, about the possible causes that brought to the corruption of the souls of youth’s as such.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"67 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141057818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-110-134
Maya Petrova
The article examines the principal English-language studies of the last century focused on exploring the personality of Macrobius (5th century) and his works — Saturnalia (Saturnalia [ed. Willis, 1963]), Commentary on the 'Dream of Scipio' (Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis [ed. Willis, 1963]), and On the differences and similarities of Greek and Latin verbs (De verborum graeci et latini differentiis vel societatibus excerpta [ed. De Paolis, 1990]), written for educational purposes and representing a compendium of Greek knowledge. Interest in Macrobius's creative legacy notably intensified towards the end of the 19th century, a trend linked to the release of critical editions of Macrobian texts and their subsequent translations into French. In particular, the study analyzes the research of Thomas Whittaker (Macrobius; or philosophy, science and letters in the year 400; published in 1923), William Harris Stahl (Macrobius, Commentary on the ‘Dream of Scipio’, published in 1952), Alan Cameron (The date and identity of Macrobius [published in 1966] and Macrobius, Avienus, and Avianus [published in 1967]), Herman De Ley (Macrobius and Numenius. A study of Macrobius, ‘In Somn.’ I, c. 12; published in 1972), Stephen Gersh (Middle platonism and neoplatonism, the Latin tradition; published in 1986), Roger A. Pack (A medieval critic of Macrobius’ cosmometrics; published in 1981), Alison Peden (Science and philosophy in Wales at the time of the Norman conquest: a Macrobius manuscript from Llabadarn; published in 1981), among others. It highlights the primary issues that researchers have focused on when studying Macrobius's literary legacy, identifies the challenges in analyzing his works, and acknowledges the contribution of English-speaking scholars to the global historiography.
文章探讨了上个世纪的主要英文研究，这些研究侧重于探索马克罗比乌斯（5 世纪）的个性及其作品--《撒土纳利亚》（Saturnalia [编者：Willis，1963 年]）、《西庇阿之梦评注》（Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis [编者：Willis，1963 年]）和《论希腊和拉丁动词的异同》（De verborum graeci et latini differentiis vel societatibus excerpta [编者：De Paolis，1963 年]）。Willis，1963 年]）和《论希腊和拉丁动词的异同》（De verborum graeci et latini differentiis vel societatibus excerpta [De Paolis，1990 年]）。19 世纪末，人们对马克罗比乌斯创造性遗产的兴趣明显增强，这一趋势与马克罗比乌斯文本的批判性版本及其随后的法文译本的发行有关。本研究特别分析了托马斯-惠特克（Thomas Whittaker）（《马克罗比乌斯；或 400 年中的哲学、科学和文学》，1923 年出版）、威廉-哈里斯-斯塔尔（William Harris Stahl）（《马克罗比乌斯，对 "西庇阿之梦 "的评论》，1952 年出版）、艾伦-卡梅伦（《马克罗比乌斯的日期和身份》[1966 年出版] 和《马克罗比乌斯、阿维尼乌斯和阿维尼乌斯》[1967 年出版]）、赫尔曼-德莱（《马克罗比乌斯和努米尼乌斯》。马克罗比乌斯研究》，"In Somn.I, c. 12；1972 年出版）、Stephen Gersh（《中世纪柏拉图主义和新柏拉图主义，拉丁传统》；1986 年出版）、Roger A. Pack（《马克罗比乌斯宇宙论的中世纪批评家》；1981 年出版）、Alison Peden（《诺曼征服时期威尔士的科学与哲学：来自 Llabadarn 的马克罗比乌斯手稿》；1981 年出版）等。该书强调了研究人员在研究马克罗比乌斯文学遗产时关注的主要问题，指出了分析其作品时面临的挑战，并肯定了英语学者对全球史学的贡献。
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Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-74-88
A. Kargaltsev
The article is devoted to the teachings about the soul, which were developed in the early Christian tradition before the 4th century. There is no shortage of research on this topic, how-ever, in this article, firstly, no attempt is made to develop a uni-versal patristic teaching, but, on the contrary, an overview of the entire variety of ideas that were formed in the Early Church is give; secondly, the observation is made that the opinion ac-cepted among scientists about the unconditional adherence of Christian authors to one or the other philosophical schools are not supported by the sources. Christian writers argue with their contemporary philosophy, and at the same time rely more on the authority of St. Scriptures and the church tradition, creative-ly reworking the philosophical heritage. Christians use only the general idea of the soul, which was developed by the Greek philosophical schools. Idealistic teaching was spread among the Hellenized Jews of the Diaspora. Christian church teachers used both the «Platonic» immaterial concept of the soul, as well as the «Aristotelian» materialistic one. The author of the article concludes that the choice in favor of one or another model de-pended more on regional specifics. In those provinces of the West and East where the degree of Hellenization was higher, there is a greater attraction to Platonic idealism. On the contra-ry, in Roman North Africa, where Hellenistic culture did not spread, and as the local population as a whole tended to reli-gious literalism and materialism, typical for Punic culture, the materialistic doctrine of the soul also spread. Since it is in Ro-man Africa that Latin Christianity was born, it is in it that Christian materialism would develop. It is precisely caused by cultural specifics of the Mediterranean regions, and not by the difference in Greek and Latin languages, that is usually esti-mated as a core factor of the split between teachings of the soul in the Eastern and Western Christian thought.
{"title":"The concept of the soul of Christian teachers of the Early Church","authors":"A. Kargaltsev","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-74-88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-74-88","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the teachings about the soul, which were developed in the early Christian tradition before the 4th century. There is no shortage of research on this topic, how-ever, in this article, firstly, no attempt is made to develop a uni-versal patristic teaching, but, on the contrary, an overview of the entire variety of ideas that were formed in the Early Church is give; secondly, the observation is made that the opinion ac-cepted among scientists about the unconditional adherence of Christian authors to one or the other philosophical schools are not supported by the sources. Christian writers argue with their contemporary philosophy, and at the same time rely more on the authority of St. Scriptures and the church tradition, creative-ly reworking the philosophical heritage. Christians use only the general idea of the soul, which was developed by the Greek philosophical schools. Idealistic teaching was spread among the Hellenized Jews of the Diaspora. Christian church teachers used both the «Platonic» immaterial concept of the soul, as well as the «Aristotelian» materialistic one. The author of the article concludes that the choice in favor of one or another model de-pended more on regional specifics. In those provinces of the West and East where the degree of Hellenization was higher, there is a greater attraction to Platonic idealism. On the contra-ry, in Roman North Africa, where Hellenistic culture did not spread, and as the local population as a whole tended to reli-gious literalism and materialism, typical for Punic culture, the materialistic doctrine of the soul also spread. Since it is in Ro-man Africa that Latin Christianity was born, it is in it that Christian materialism would develop. It is precisely caused by cultural specifics of the Mediterranean regions, and not by the difference in Greek and Latin languages, that is usually esti-mated as a core factor of the split between teachings of the soul in the Eastern and Western Christian thought.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":"18 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141053847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-193-218
A. Bermous
The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st cen-tury is characterized by multiple crises in most aspects of human existence, among which the education crisis is one of the most noticeable. The usual logic of problematizing and seeking ways to overcome the education crisis is linked to changes in the nor-mative-legal and economic conditions of educational activities, and much less attention is paid to the ontological problems of education. In this regard, the first task of this study was to con-ceptually formulate a request regarding the resources and tools for overcoming the ontological crisis in education. In the context of studying the main stages and results of three decades of re-forms in the field of Russian education, three interconnected re-quests have been identified: 1) Individualization and differentia-tion of the content of education while maintaining basic value-semantic unity; 2) Ensuring the social and economic relevance of the content of education, ensuring its demand and feasibility; 3) Rooting the content of education in social and humanitarian tra-ditions that are capable of influencing and transforming modern social and humanitarian practices. The categories of “midrash” and “sophism” emerged at roughly the same time (around the 5th century BCE) and represent complex phenomena of oral cultures that developed in the Eastern Mediterranean: midrash in the con-text of the Jewish religious tradition, and sophism (as well as the syllogism that gave rise to it) in the ancient city-state tradition. Moreover, each of these phenomena fully corresponds to the re-quirements listed above. 1) Reconceptualization of the educa-tional attitude as a means of ensuring intergenerational connec-tion and continuity; 2) Inherent duality of cultural and education-al traditions in their relationship with “text” and “language” (to which modern culture adds “visible image”); 3) The need to modernize the system of educational standards based on dia-chronic traditions and synchronic cultural-anthropological mod-els; 4) Actualization of issues and tools for ensuring dialogue and "openness" of traditions, identifying their contextual meanings and requests addressed by current socio-humanitarian practices; 5) Integration of projects, socio-educational initiatives and prac-tices around identified scientific and educational traditions and cultural-educational models underlying them.
{"title":"Midrash and sophism in the context of transformation scientific and educational traditions in the 21st century","authors":"A. Bermous","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-193-218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-193-218","url":null,"abstract":"The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st cen-tury is characterized by multiple crises in most aspects of human existence, among which the education crisis is one of the most noticeable. The usual logic of problematizing and seeking ways to overcome the education crisis is linked to changes in the nor-mative-legal and economic conditions of educational activities, and much less attention is paid to the ontological problems of education. In this regard, the first task of this study was to con-ceptually formulate a request regarding the resources and tools for overcoming the ontological crisis in education. In the context of studying the main stages and results of three decades of re-forms in the field of Russian education, three interconnected re-quests have been identified: 1) Individualization and differentia-tion of the content of education while maintaining basic value-semantic unity; 2) Ensuring the social and economic relevance of the content of education, ensuring its demand and feasibility; 3) Rooting the content of education in social and humanitarian tra-ditions that are capable of influencing and transforming modern social and humanitarian practices. The categories of “midrash” and “sophism” emerged at roughly the same time (around the 5th century BCE) and represent complex phenomena of oral cultures that developed in the Eastern Mediterranean: midrash in the con-text of the Jewish religious tradition, and sophism (as well as the syllogism that gave rise to it) in the ancient city-state tradition. Moreover, each of these phenomena fully corresponds to the re-quirements listed above. 1) Reconceptualization of the educa-tional attitude as a means of ensuring intergenerational connec-tion and continuity; 2) Inherent duality of cultural and education-al traditions in their relationship with “text” and “language” (to which modern culture adds “visible image”); 3) The need to modernize the system of educational standards based on dia-chronic traditions and synchronic cultural-anthropological mod-els; 4) Actualization of issues and tools for ensuring dialogue and \"openness\" of traditions, identifying their contextual meanings and requests addressed by current socio-humanitarian practices; 5) Integration of projects, socio-educational initiatives and prac-tices around identified scientific and educational traditions and cultural-educational models underlying them.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47683180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2023-7-7-147-158
I. Prolygina
In ancient Greece, medicine was closely linked to rhetoric as it needed the tools to persuade the audience and logically justify the methods of treatment. During the imperial period, mastery of rhetorical techniques became an essential characteristic of educa-tion and belonging to the intellectual elite who highly valued im-provised public speeches and debates, including those on scien-tific topics. Galen, as one of the brightest and most prolific writ-ers of the Antonine and Severan periods, occupied a key place in this culture of the so-called “Second Sophistic”. However, the study of his style still belongs to the category of desideratum. The difficulty lies mainly in the fact that his compositions are extremely diverse in terms of their volume, genre specificity, and target audience, and in each case, require careful correlation of the text with its context. The question is considered of what modern researchers understand by “Second Sophistic” and what criteria determine whether a particular author belongs to this phenomenon. One of these criteria is paideia — a classical school education in grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy, which provided many common formal features recorded in the writings of Greek and Roman authors of that period. And although Galen does not directly speak about his rhetorical education and skepti-cally comments on the methods of rhetorical persuasion, the list of his works devoted to questions of grammar and rhetoric, which is preserved in his autobiographical writings, testifies to his excellent mastery of the subject. On the other hand, even skimming of his writings points to Galen's expertise in compos-ing so-called “progymnasmata” and his mastery of literary gen-res: narration, eulogy, invective, comparison and description, refutation, etc., which allowed him to become an outstanding physician, polemicist, commentator, and inventor of scientific discourse.
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