Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-145-157
A. Kargaltsev
Anthropological practices of the ancient city are considered on the example of one of the largest pandemics in Antiquity, called the Plague of Cyprian (the middle of the 3rd century). According to the author, it is the major social upheavals and epidemics that are the most representative for considering not only the general processes in the Roman Empire history, but for providing a lot of information about the city life and the processes associated with it. The Plague of Cyprian is a unique testimony not only to the persecution of the church, but also to its role in the life of society. The study analyzes the beginning of the epidemic and the source base, the chronological framework and scale of the epidemic, including information provided by the new archaeological data, as well as the nature of the disease. At present, there is a considerable research interest in these subjects, which is the reason for the emergence of a large amount of new historiography containing interesting hypotheses regarding the pandemic. The written tradition, which includes Cyprian's treatise "On Mortality", specially devoted to the pandemic, as well as the "Life of Cyprian” compiled by Pontius the Deacon, has been studied in detail. It is noteworthy that evidence of people's behavior during the epidemic, the features of assemblies and prayers for certain categories of believers can serve as an additional source of information about the epidemic. Special attention is paid to the impact of the epidemic on different categories of the population in the Roman Empire. In our opinion, it is with the Plague of Cyprian that the cessation of mass anti-Christian persecutions is connected, the transfer of repressive policies during the reign of Valerian to the clergy, as well as the economic exploitation of Christians, both of low birth, who were sentenced to forced labor, and representatives of the nobility, whose property was confiscated. In the context of slave economy, all this can be considered a clear evidence of the manpower shortages in the Roman Empire, whose population lived in unsanitary and overcrowded conditions. This can be viewed as additional evidence of the course of the epidemic and its spread.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-105-128
Michail Vedeshkin
This article discusses some aspects of the curriculum of medical schools in Late Antiquity, the status of medical schools and the educational space of Late Antique Alexandria in the fourth century AD. The study focusses on the biography of Iatrosophist Zeno of Cyprus, an erudite, rhetor and one of the most famous teachers of medicine in the fourth century, whose biography the sophist Eunapius of Sardis included in his Lives of Philosophers and Sophists. The author opposes the hypothesis established in historiography by W. K. Wright and M. Civiletti, according to which Zeno died before 336, and puts forward new arguments in favor of the fact that he was identical with the archiater Zeno of Alexandria, with whom in 359-361 the rhetor Libanius and the Emperor Flavius Claudius Julian (the Apostate) corresponded. The chronology of the lives of Zeno’s disciples (Oribasius from Pergamum, Ionicus of Sardis, and Magnus of Nisibis) testifies in favor of the fact that the iatrosophist could not have died before 336. In addition, it can be considered proven that Zeno’s of Cyprus school of was based in Alexandria. A successive occupation of the medical chair in the capital of Egypt by two famous iatrosophists named Zeno is not impossible, but highly improbable. Thus, with a high degree of probability, the correspondent of the rhetor Libanius and the Emperor Julian the Apostate was the same Zeno mentioned by Eunapius of Sardis. In other words, Zeno of Cyprus lived at least until the end of 361 AD. In general, the research results allow us to correct the generally accepted dates of the iatrosophist’s life and provide new arguments in favor of R. Penella and J. Giangrande’s assumption that Zeno of Cyprus and Zeno of Alexandria was one and the same person. In addition, the article provides the author's translation of a letter from Libanius to Zeno that has not been published in Russian yet.
本文讨论了古代晚期医学院课程设置的一些方面，医学院校的地位以及公元四世纪晚期亚历山大的教育空间。这项研究的重点是塞浦路斯的医学哲学家芝诺的传记，芝诺是一位博学的演说家，也是四世纪最著名的医学教师之一，他的传记被萨迪斯的诡辩家厄纳皮乌斯收录在他的《哲学家和诡辩家的生活》中。作者反对W. K. Wright和M. Civiletti在史学中建立的假设，即芝诺死于336年之前，并提出新的论点，支持他与亚历山大的architer芝诺相同的事实，在359-361年，修辞家Libanius和皇帝Flavius Claudius Julian(叛教者)与他通信。芝诺的门徒(来自别迦摩的奥里巴修斯，撒狄的爱奥尼克斯和尼西比斯的马格努斯)的生活年表证明了这个医学学者不可能在336年之前去世。此外，可以认为证明塞浦路斯芝诺学派的总部设在亚历山大。两位名叫芝诺的著名医学专家连续占据埃及首都的医疗椅并非不可能，但极不可能。因此，修辞家利巴尼乌斯和叛教皇帝朱利安的通信者很有可能就是撒狄的厄纳皮乌斯提到的芝诺。换句话说，塞浦路斯的芝诺至少活到公元361年底。总的来说，研究结果使我们能够纠正普遍接受的医学哲学家的生活日期，并提供新的论据，支持R. Penella和J. Giangrande的假设，即塞浦路斯的芝诺和亚历山大的芝诺是同一个人。此外，文章还提供了作者翻译的一封尚未以俄文发表的利巴尼奥斯写给芝诺的信。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-17-39
I. Prolygina
The role of travel in obtaining medical education in Antiquity is well known from the texts of the “Hippocratic Corpus”. However, the most valuable evidence about this aspect of the medical profession can be found in the texts by Galen of Pergamum (129-210/217), whose works are the main source of this study. Galen's numerous autobiographical notes allow us not only to trace the routes of his voyages, but to uncover their goals as well. After receiving his initial medical education in Pergamum, Galen travelled to Asia Minor, particularly to Mysia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia, attending lectures of famous physicians and philosophers and studying the local traditions of medicine. After that he spent some years in Alexandria. An analysis of a number of texts allows us to conclude that Alexandria in the 2-3 centuries AD was a center for the study of anatomy and commenting on Hippocrates’ texts. To study medicine in this city was considered a necessary stage in the career of a successful physician and a prerequisite for recognition in the profession. Important evidence should also be noted regarding the existing medical specialization in Alexandria, the features of the local dietetics and medicinal substances. An important stage in Galen's medical career was the theoretical and practical study of surgery at the gladiatorial school of Pergamum, where his knowledge was expanded not only with the rules for suturing, but also with hemostatic and wound healing prescriptions. From his extant works on pharmacology (“De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus”, “De compositione medicamentorum per genera”, “De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos”), we know that Galen also visited a number of places in the Eastern Mediterranean: Thrace, Macedonia, Cyprus and even Palestine. The purpose of these journeys was to observe the local climate that affects human health and causes diseases, to study the peculiar properties of the local herbs and minerals, and to collect medicinal substances for his personal apothecary. According to the evidence preserved in one of his latest works, “De indolentia”, Galen managed to collect one of the richest pharmacopoeias of his time and a unique collection of prescriptions that was destroyed by a fire in Rome in 192.
旅行在古代获得医学教育中的作用从“希波克拉底语料库”的文本中众所周知。然而，关于医疗行业这方面最有价值的证据可以在别迦摩的盖伦(129-210/217)的著作中找到，他的作品是本研究的主要来源。盖伦大量的自传体笔记不仅使我们能够追溯他的航行路线，而且还揭示了他们的目标。在别加马接受了最初的医学教育后，盖伦前往小亚细亚，特别是密西亚、弗里吉亚和卡帕多西亚，参加著名医生和哲学家的讲座，研究当地的医学传统。之后，他在亚历山大呆了几年。通过对大量文本的分析，我们可以得出这样的结论:公元2-3世纪的亚历山大是解剖学研究和评论希波克拉底文本的中心。在这个城市学习医学被认为是一个成功的医生职业生涯的必要阶段，也是在这个行业得到认可的先决条件。还应注意到亚历山大港现有的医疗专业化、当地饮食和药物的特点等方面的重要证据。盖伦医学生涯的一个重要阶段是在别迦摩的角斗士学校学习外科手术的理论和实践，在那里，他的知识不仅扩大了缝合的规则，而且还扩大了止血和伤口愈合的处方。从他现存的药理学著作(“De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac potentiatibus”，“De composione medicamentorum per genera”，“De composione medicamentorum secundum locos”)中，我们知道盖伦还访问了地中海东部的一些地方:色雷斯、马其顿、塞浦路斯，甚至巴勒斯坦。这些旅行的目的是观察影响人类健康和导致疾病的当地气候，研究当地草药和矿物质的特性，并为他的私人药剂师收集药用物质。根据盖伦最新的著作《De indolentia》中保存的证据，盖伦设法收集了当时最丰富的药典之一，以及一套独特的处方集，这些处方集于192年在罗马的一场大火中被烧毁。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-129-144
A. Mozhajsky
The article deals with an epidemic that struck Athens during the Peloponnesian War of 431-404 BC. The main outbreak of the epidemic that developed in two stages occurred in 430-426 BC. Most of the information about the disease in Athens is reported by the historian Thucydides. The article analyzes the names of the disease used by the Athenian historian: νόσος, νόσημα, λοιμός, κακός. A quantitative and contextual analysis of their use was also carried out. Thucydides uses the word λοιμός in a specific way that gives this word an additional meaning of pestilence, what can now be called an epidemic. This is evident from the phrase λοιμώδης νόσος (a pestilent/contagious disease) (Thuc. 1.23.3), which reveals its infectious nature. Another important characteristic of Thucydides' use of the word λοιμός is that three times out of four, Thucydides uses it in the context of an ancient saying. This word and other vocabulary used by Thucydides allow us to assume that the historian was well aware of modern medical terminology reflecting the cutting-edge medical education of that epoch. The author also draws a parallel with the use of this vocabulary by the philosopher Plato, Thucydides’ younger contemporary. The article also considers the tradition of studying this kind of disease as described by Thucydides, with the main trend being a gradual identification of this disease with a variation of typhoid. The latter became possible due to the archaeological material from the Kerameikos excavations, namely, to the study of bone remains found in several collective burials. In the final part of the article, the impact of the epidemic on the Athenian paideia is touched upon: it can probably be seen through the depreciation of the humanistic component of the educational space. The decline in the population, including teachers, and the likely even greater decline in the child population, could not but have a negative impact on the moral state of Attica’s people during the epidemic, which was mentioned by Thucydides. The long-term adverse economic effect further exacerbated the situation, which ultimately resulted in the inhuman destruction of the Boeotian city of Mycalessus in 413 BC. In our opinion, this event can also be viewed as the effects of the disease on the outer paideia as well, because the attackers destroyed the largest school in this Boeotian city.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-236-247
Sergey Zanin
The article analyses the influence of Antiquity on J.-J. Rousseau’s ideas of social education. It is noted that Rousseau's interest in Antiquity emerged in childhood and was stimulated by Plutarch's works. In later years, he studied Latin and elements of the ancient Greek language, and translated the works of Tacitus and Seneca into French. Modern scholars place an emphasis on Rousseau's direct acquaintance with the works of ancient authors, in particular, under the influence of the home education that he received from his father, a Geneva watchmaker. At the same time, the article draws attention to the fact that Rousseau's interest in Antiquity coincided with his life choice: he decided to make a career as a writer and composer, and therefore focused on popular examples of creative writing. Montesquieu, Fenelon, Marquis d'Argens introduced ancient themes into the context of literary and academic polemics. Their example was followed by Rousseau, which is convincingly illustrated by the comparative analysis of Fenelon’s Dialogues of the Dead and Prosopopoeia of Fabricius in Rousseau's first Discourse. While retaining the main intention of the great moralist, namely the moral education of society by the writer on the examples of Antiquity, Rousseau rethinks it in the context of his own social anthropology. Antiquity is not an example to follow, but a starting point for a person of his time to think about their own social and cultural identity that is different from the past. Being a writer-moralist and political thinker, Rousseau essentially solved the problem of moral education regarding the perception and assessment of the ancient culture by his contemporaries and society.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-141-171
I. Prolygina
The author provides a commented translation of Galen's "On bones for beginners".
作者对盖伦的《初学者的骨头》进行了评论翻译。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-43-63
Angel Pascual-Martin
The common 4th century B.C. view according to which Homer was regarded as a poet and a wise man, the leading and most honorable, to the point of being considered “the educator of Greece” (Pl. Resp. 606e-607a), is strongly supported by the Pla-tonic dialogues. The works of Plato are the main available source to get to know not only the great pedagogical esteem for Homer, but also the several educational traditions that used or relied on Homeric poetry in Classical Athens. We are certainly used to thinking of Socrates as standing out for contesting or blaming such customs and methods provided by rhapsodes, sophists and common people (Pl. Resp.; Ion; Hp. mi.). But conversely, he is also often depicted quoting, alluding to or remaking on Homeric passages when presenting his own views. Socrates even claims to feel a certain friendship or reverence for the poet and declares to be charmed by contemplating things through him, whom he con-siders to be amongst the few deserving to be called “philosophers” (Pl. Resp. 595b; 607c-d; Phdr. 278b-279b). The puzzling twofold nature of the Socratic attitude towards Homer, coupled with the fact that Plato would become a figure as honored as the poet was, led ancient literary criticism to focus on the Platonic use and sharing of material and techniques proper to Homeric poetry. Works like those of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Maximus of Tyre, Longinus and above all Proclus, not only pointed out the philosopher’s debt to the poet, but even consid-ered him to be an admirer of the Homeric genius unlike anyone else, and whose emulation basically attempted to reach and out-perform the pedagogical power that the legendary poet had (Dion. Hal. Pomp. I, 13; Max. Tyr. Or. 26; [Longinus]; Subl. XIII, 2-3; Procl., In R. VI, 163.13-164.7; 202.7-205.23). With an analogous spirit, studies of contemporary Platonists suggest that the dialogues were shaped using the Homeric text, especially the Odyssey, as a template, and making Socrates ap-pear as going through equivalent experiences to those of Odys-seus’ “νόστος”. With respect to Protagoras, previous attempts focused on explicit references to books X and XI, placing the dispute with the sophist and the events at Callias’ house in the symbolic context of Odysseus’ encounter with Circe and the fol-lowing journey into the underworld. I attempt to bring that read-ing one step further, paying special attention to the narrated character and the dramatic context for the singing of those epi-sodes and the parallel ones in Protagoras. In first place, I consider the whole dialogue refiguring the epi-sode in the Odyssey that works as a dramatic frame for the sing-ing of Odysseus’ past adventures, the arrival at Phaeacia and the reception at Alcinous’ court. I regard Odysseus’ need to sing the Apologue as a call for hospitality to secure a safe passage home, working as a pattern for Socrates’ need of a tale at his own ap-pearance in Athens to fulfill and secure a philosophical education in th
公元前4世纪的普遍观点认为，荷马被认为是诗人和智者，是最重要和最可敬的，甚至被认为是“希腊的教育家”(Pl. Resp. 606e-607a)，这种观点得到了柏拉图对话的有力支持。柏拉图的著作不仅是了解对荷马伟大的教育尊重的主要来源，也是了解古典雅典使用或依赖荷马诗歌的几种教育传统的主要来源。我们当然习惯于把苏格拉底看作是反对或谴责狂想曲家、诡辩家和普通人所提供的习俗和方法的人。离子;惠普。mi)。但相反地，他也经常被描绘成引用，暗指，或者在表达自己观点的时候改写荷马史诗的段落。苏格拉底甚至声称对这位诗人有某种友谊或崇敬，并宣称自己被通过他来思考事物所吸引，他认为他是少数几个值得被称为“哲学家”的人之一(Pl. Resp. 595b;607 c - d;Phdr。278 b - 279 b)。苏格拉底对荷马的态度令人困惑的两面性，加上柏拉图将成为一个与诗人一样受人尊敬的人物，导致古代文学批评集中在柏拉图对荷马诗歌的材料和技巧的使用和分享上。像哈利卡那索斯的狄奥尼修斯、提尔的马克西姆斯、朗吉努斯，尤其是普罗克罗斯的作品，不仅指出了哲学家对诗人的亏欠，甚至认为他是荷马天才的崇拜者，与其他任何人都不同，他的模仿基本上试图达到并超越这位传奇诗人的教学能力(狄翁)。哈尔盛况。我,13;Max。酪氨酸。或者,26日;[Longinus];Subl。十三、2 - 3;Procl。， In R. VI, 163.13-164.7;202.7 - -205.23)。具有类似的精神，对当代柏拉图主义者的研究表明，这些对话是用荷马文本，尤其是《奥德赛》作为模板形成的，并使苏格拉底看起来像经历了与奥德修斯的“ν ν στος”相当的经历。关于普罗泰戈拉，之前的尝试集中在明确引用第十和十一本书，将与诡辩家的争论和卡利亚斯家的事件置于奥德修斯与喀耳刻的相遇以及随后进入地下世界的旅程的象征性背景中。我试图将这种阅读更进一步，特别注意被叙述的角色和那些插曲的戏剧背景以及在普罗泰戈拉的平行插曲中。首先，我认为整个对话重新塑造了《奥德赛》中的小插曲，作为奥德修斯过去冒险的歌唱、到达费阿西亚和在阿尔奇诺斯宫廷的接待的戏剧框架。我认为奥德修斯需要唱《辩护诗》是一种对热情好客的呼唤，以确保安全回家，这与苏格拉底需要在他自己的雅典出现时讲一个故事，以完成并确保在这座城市接受哲学教育的模式一样。其次，我考虑了这种重制的元叙事维度。由于苏格拉底的叙述是为了回应某个“Ὁμ ου παιν ης”，一个“荷马的赞美者”(Pl. Prt. 309b1)，正如奥德修斯的《Apologue》是对demos -docus的“οιδ ο ς”，我研究了对话是如何在雅典不同的叙述和诗歌的使用中证明教学上的首要地位的争论，柏拉图式的叙述将试图通过模仿荷马来超越这一争论。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-214-235
N. Revyakina
The work “On Education” (De tradendis disciplinis) by the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives (1492/3–1540) is considered from the perspective of the use of ancient literature during the in-itial period of child school training (from 7 to 15 years). Vives’ appreciation of the Latin language, a positive attitude towards teaching Greek at school, and the influence of ancient languages on modern European languages — Italian, Spanish, and French are discussed. The article draws attention to some features in teaching the Latin language that are not characteristic of the hu-manists who preceded Vives and also wrote about school. They are as follows: using the native language as an instrument for mastering Latin at the initial stage of learning, and using modern literature - writers, grammarians, humanists, which helps to learn ancient languages in the subsequent period. These features can be explained by Vives’ epoch when national states were being estab-lished, national languages were strengthening, and pedagogical thinking was developing. The article also examines the issue brought up by Vives himself about the attitude to pagan literature and to some, in Vives’ opinion, morally questionable poets. With all the inconsistency of Vives and the low persuasiveness of his self-censorship, the solution to this problem comes down to se-lecting such authors the study of whose works will protect school students from vices. The article shows that both Latin and Greek literature (works on oratory, poetry, comedy, history, my-thology, etc.) are widely used in teaching. Ancient writings not only form and enrich the language, but also provide versatile knowledge, mainly of humanitarian kind, help to bring up an ed-ucated and cultured person. This is supported by a large survey of over 100 ancient authors, modern writers, scientists, humanists, early medieval writers, “church fathers”, publishers, translators, and commentators provided at the very end of Vives' discussion on education, with brief characteristics of many of them.
西班牙人文主义者胡安·路易斯·维维斯(Juan Luis Vives, 1492/3-1540)的作品《论教育》(De tradendis disciplinis)从儿童学校教育初期(7 - 15岁)使用古代文学的角度进行研究。讨论了维夫斯对拉丁语的欣赏，对在学校教授希腊语的积极态度，以及古代语言对现代欧洲语言-意大利语，西班牙语和法语的影响。文章指出，在拉丁文教学中存在一些特点，而这些特点是维维斯之前的人文主义者所没有的，他们也写过关于学校的文章。它们是:在学习拉丁语的初始阶段使用母语作为掌握拉丁语的工具，并使用现代文学-作家，语法学家，人文主义者，这有助于在随后的时期学习古代语言。这些特点可以用维夫斯时代来解释，当时民族国家正在建立，民族语言正在加强，教学思维正在发展。这篇文章也探讨了Vives自己提出的关于异教徒文学和一些在Vives看来道德有问题的诗人的态度的问题。由于Vives的所有不一致和他的自我审查的低说服力，解决这个问题的方法归结为选择这样的作者，研究他们的作品可以保护学生免受不良影响。文章表明，拉丁和希腊文学(演讲、诗歌、喜剧、历史、神学等方面的著作)在教学中被广泛使用。古代文字不仅形成和丰富了语言，而且提供了广泛的知识，主要是人文知识，有助于培养一个受过教育和有文化的人。在Vives关于教育的讨论的最后，提供了对100多位古代作家、现代作家、科学家、人文主义者、中世纪早期作家、“教父”、出版商、翻译家和评论员的大型调查，并简要介绍了其中许多人的特点。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-83-99
M. Petrova
The author provides a commented translation of Donatus' Ars Grammatica (I.1-6).
作者对多纳图斯的《语法教程》（I.1-6）进行了评论翻译。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-172-190
A. Mozhajsky
The article examines the didactical component of Pindar’s Pythian 8, which includes the Theban mythohistorical line — the plot of “Seven against Thebes” and the Epigoni’s march on Thebes. In this ode, Pindar instructs Aeginet Aristomenes, the winner of the Pythian Games, through Amphiaraus’ prophecy. Glorifying Aristomenes, Pindar instructs him not to become proud beyond measure, not to overstep the bounds, because Hes-ychia can destroy anyone who lets “merciless malice” into his heart, as it happened with Adrastus and his son. At the same time, Pindar compares Aristomenes with the hero Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, emphasizing that the glorious blood of their fathers flows in the veins of both. This interpretation of the fragment from Pind. Pyth. 8.56-60 differs from the traditional one since here Pindar meets not Alcmaeon, but Amphiaraus, receiving a prophecy from the latter. It is Amphiaraus who is called Pindar’s "neighbor" and the “guardian” of the Thebans’ possessions. In our opinion, Amphiaraus appears to Pindar in Delphi or on the way to Delphi. This interpretation is based on a comparison of Pindar’s text with a fragment from Herodotus (Hdt. 8.134.1-2), as well as on paleotopographic, archaeological and epigraphic studies. Considering that there is no information about the cult of Alcmaeon in Thebes and in Aegina at the moment, it seems like-ly that Pindar implies his meeting with Amphiaraus, whose sanc-tuary was located, according to a number of scholars, including the author of the article, near Thebes. However, according to He-rodotus who stated that the Thebans could not inquire the oracle of Amphiaraus in this sanctuary, and also on the basis of the pos-sible location of this sanctuary off the road to Delphi, it is sug-gested that Amphiaraus appeared to Pindar not at Amphiareum.
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