{"title":"Political Conflict, Social Inequality, and Electoral Cleavages in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland, 1990–2018","authors":"A. Lindner, F. Novokmet, T. Piketty, T. Zawisza","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"196 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115001631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jules Baleyte, A. Gethin, Yajna Govind, T. Piketty
{"title":"Social Inequalities and the Politicization of Ethnic Cleavages in Botswana, Ghana, Nigeria, and Senegal, 1999–2019","authors":"Jules Baleyte, A. Gethin, Yajna Govind, T. Piketty","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.20","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"129 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114947076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lydia Assouad, A. Gethin, T. Piketty, JULIET-NIL Uraz
{"title":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities in Algeria, Iraq, and Turkey, 1990–2019","authors":"Lydia Assouad, A. Gethin, T. Piketty, JULIET-NIL Uraz","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.22","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129867473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L. Bauluz, A. Gethin, C. Martínez-Toledano, Marc Morgan
{"title":"Historical Political Cleavages and Postcrisis Transformations in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland, 1953–2020","authors":"L. Bauluz, A. Gethin, C. Martínez-Toledano, Marc Morgan","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128185131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"ACKNOWLEDGMENTS","authors":"A. Gethin, C. Martínez-Toledano, T. Piketty","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.24","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122201964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ó. Barrera, A. Leiva, C. Martínez-Toledano, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO
This paper combines electoral surveys to analyze the transformation of the structure of political cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico and Peru over the last decades. We document that Latin American countries are characterized by personalist leaderships (e.g., Fujimori in Peru, Uribe in Colombia) and important historical cleavages (e.g., anti vs. pro-PLN in Costa Rica) that blur class-based voting patterns and have led in some cases to the emergence of competing pro-poor and ethnic-based competing coalitions (e.g., PRN-PLN in Costa Rica, Fujimori-Humala in Peru) over the last decades. The party systems of Costa Rica, Colombia and Peru have thus generated volatile political socio-economic cleavages, while in the more institutionalized party systems of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico they have been less volatile. *Oscar Barrera (World Inequality Lab): odbarrera@gmail.com; Ana Leiva (University of Oslo, UiO): leiva.vernengo@econ.uio.no; Clara Martínez-Toledano (Imperial College London, World Inequality Lab): c.martinez-toledano@imperial.ac.uk; Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero (Paris School of Economics, World Inequality Lab): a.zuniga-cordero@psemail.eu. We are grateful to Lavih Abraham, Ronald Alfaro-Redondo, María Julia Blanco, Francesco Bogliacino, Nicolás Dvoskin, Ignacio Flores, Gustavo García, Amory Gethin, Kyong Mazaro and Thomas Piketty for their useful advice.
本文结合选举调查分析了阿根廷、智利、哥斯达黎加、哥伦比亚、墨西哥和秘鲁在过去几十年里政治分裂结构的变化。我们记录了拉丁美洲国家的特点是个人主义领导(例如秘鲁的藤森，哥伦比亚的乌里韦)和重要的历史分裂(例如哥斯达黎加的反与亲pln)，这些分裂模糊了基于阶级的投票模式，并在某些情况下导致了亲穷人和基于种族的竞争联盟的出现(例如哥斯达黎加的PRN-PLN，秘鲁的藤森-乌马拉)。因此，哥斯达黎加、哥伦比亚和秘鲁的政党制度造成了不稳定的政治社会经济分裂，而阿根廷、巴西、智利和墨西哥较为制度化的政党制度则不那么不稳定。*Oscar Barrera(世界不平等实验室):odbarrera@gmail.com;Ana Leiva(奥斯陆大学，奥斯陆):leiva.vernengo@econ.uio.no;Clara Martínez-Toledano(伦敦帝国学院，世界不平等实验室):c.martinez-toledano@imperial.ac.uk;Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero(巴黎经济学院，世界不平等实验室):a.zuniga-cordero@psemail.eu。我们感谢拉维·亚伯拉罕、罗纳德·阿尔法罗-雷东多、María Julia Blanco、Francesco Bogliacino、Nicolás德沃斯金、伊格纳西奥·弗洛雷斯、古斯塔沃García、Amory Gethin、京·马扎罗和托马斯·皮凯蒂提出的有益建议。
{"title":"Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952–2019","authors":"Ó. Barrera, A. Leiva, C. Martínez-Toledano, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.18","url":null,"abstract":"This paper combines electoral surveys to analyze the transformation of the structure of political cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico and Peru over the last decades. We document that Latin American countries are characterized by personalist leaderships (e.g., Fujimori in Peru, Uribe in Colombia) and important historical cleavages (e.g., anti vs. pro-PLN in Costa Rica) that blur class-based voting patterns and have led in some cases to the emergence of competing pro-poor and ethnic-based competing coalitions (e.g., PRN-PLN in Costa Rica, Fujimori-Humala in Peru) over the last decades. The party systems of Costa Rica, Colombia and Peru have thus generated volatile political socio-economic cleavages, while in the more institutionalized party systems of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico they have been less volatile. *Oscar Barrera (World Inequality Lab): odbarrera@gmail.com; Ana Leiva (University of Oslo, UiO): leiva.vernengo@econ.uio.no; Clara Martínez-Toledano (Imperial College London, World Inequality Lab): c.martinez-toledano@imperial.ac.uk; Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero (Paris School of Economics, World Inequality Lab): a.zuniga-cordero@psemail.eu. We are grateful to Lavih Abraham, Ronald Alfaro-Redondo, María Julia Blanco, Francesco Bogliacino, Nicolás Dvoskin, Ignacio Flores, Gustavo García, Amory Gethin, Kyong Mazaro and Thomas Piketty for their useful advice.","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127119916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper exploits political attitudes surveys conducted between 1953 and 2017 to document long-run changes in the structure of political cleavages in Japan. I analyze the transformation of Japan’s one-party dominant system from the hegemony of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to the disintegration of conservative forces into multiple splinter parties and the rise of a new centrist coalition. Throughout Japan’s contemporary history, persisting divides based upon foreign policy and remilitarization have remained a key axis of democratic conflicts. These divides have coincided with lower-educated voters showing greater support for the LDP and other conservative parties, which have generally advocated expansion of military spending and overseas interventions. The strength of the LDP in postwar decades also relied on a unique coalition of poorer rural areas and business elites, while socialist and communist parties found greater support among urban unionized wage earners. Urbanization, declining rural-urban inequalities, the expansion of education, and the subsequent fragmentation of the party system have put an end to this equilibrium and have been associated with a remarkable “depolarization” of Japan’s political space. I also analyze the long-run transformation of generational divides in relation to changing attitudes to war memory and political parties. † Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. I wish to thank Kentaro Asai, David Chiavacci, Sébastien Lechevalier, Thanasak Jenmana, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, Carmen Schmidt, and Yoshida Toru for their comments and advices. I am also grateful to the teams of the Social Science Japan Data Archive, the Japanese Election Studies, the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research for making the data exploited in this paper available.
{"title":"Political Cleavages and the Representation of Social Inequalities in Japan, 1953–2017","authors":"A. Gethin","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.14","url":null,"abstract":"This paper exploits political attitudes surveys conducted between 1953 and 2017 to document long-run changes in the structure of political cleavages in Japan. I analyze the transformation of Japan’s one-party dominant system from the hegemony of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to the disintegration of conservative forces into multiple splinter parties and the rise of a new centrist coalition. Throughout Japan’s contemporary history, persisting divides based upon foreign policy and remilitarization have remained a key axis of democratic conflicts. These divides have coincided with lower-educated voters showing greater support for the LDP and other conservative parties, which have generally advocated expansion of military spending and overseas interventions. The strength of the LDP in postwar decades also relied on a unique coalition of poorer rural areas and business elites, while socialist and communist parties found greater support among urban unionized wage earners. Urbanization, declining rural-urban inequalities, the expansion of education, and the subsequent fragmentation of the party system have put an end to this equilibrium and have been associated with a remarkable “depolarization” of Japan’s political space. I also analyze the long-run transformation of generational divides in relation to changing attitudes to war memory and political parties. † Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. I wish to thank Kentaro Asai, David Chiavacci, Sébastien Lechevalier, Thanasak Jenmana, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, Carmen Schmidt, and Yoshida Toru for their comments and advices. I am also grateful to the teams of the Social Science Japan Data Archive, the Japanese Election Studies, the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research for making the data exploited in this paper available.","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116691548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Inequality, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, 1996–2016","authors":"Carmen Durrer DE LA SOTA, A. Gethin","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.16","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114429500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyses the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil since 1989 using a novel assembly of electoral surveys. Brazilian political history since redemocratization is largely a history of the rise and fall of the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT). We show that the election of Lula da Silva as President in 2002, followed by the implementation of redistributive policies by successive PT governments, was at the origin of the marked socioeconomic cleavages that emerged. In a relatively short space of time the PT transformed itself from a party of the young, highly educated, high-income elite of the Southern party of the country, to a party of the poor and lesser educated voters, increasingly located in the disadvantaged region of the Northeast. Controlling for a host of socio-demographic factors, a voter in the Northeast was 20 percentage points more likely to vote for the PT in 2018 than voters in other regions, compared to being 5 percentage points less likely to do so in 1989. In sharp contrast to other western democracies, political conflict in Brazil has followed an increasingly unidimensional class-based path. This culminated in the unification of elites and large parts of the middle class behind Bolsonaro in the 2018 presidential election. We argue that contextual policy-driven factors and programmatic alliances are key to understand the PT’s singular evolution, and thus the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil. * Amory Gethin (amory.gething@psemail.eu), Marc Morgan (marc.morgan@psemail.eu): Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. We thank Gedeão Locks, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, and Thiago Scarelli for helpful comments.
本文分析了自1989年以来巴西选举分裂的转变，使用了一种新颖的选举调查集合。自再民主化以来的巴西政治史在很大程度上是一部工人党(Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT)兴衰的历史。我们表明，卢拉·达席尔瓦于2002年当选总统，随后连续几届劳工党政府实施了再分配政策，这是出现的明显的社会经济分裂的根源。在相对较短的时间内，为泰党从一个年轻的、受过高等教育的、高收入的南部政党精英转变为一个贫穷的、受教育程度较低的选民的政党，越来越多地出现在东北的弱势地区。在控制了一系列社会人口因素后，2018年，东北选民投票给为泰党的可能性比其他地区高出20个百分点，而1989年这一比例为5个百分点。与其它西方民主国家形成鲜明对比的是，巴西的政治冲突遵循的是一种日益单一的、以阶级为基础的道路。在2018年的总统选举中，精英和大部分中产阶级团结在博尔索纳罗的背后，这达到了高潮。我们认为，背景政策驱动因素和纲领联盟是理解巴西工人党独特演变的关键，因此也有助于理解巴西选举分裂的转变。* Amory Gethin (amory.gething@psemail.eu)、Marc Morgan (marc.morgan@psemail.eu):巴黎经济学院-世界不平等实验室。我们感谢gede o Locks、Clara Martínez-Toledano、Thomas Piketty和Thiago Scarelli的有益评论。
{"title":"Democracy and the Politicization of Inequality in Brazil, 1989–2018","authors":"A. Gethin, Marc Morgan","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.17","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil since 1989 using a novel assembly of electoral surveys. Brazilian political history since redemocratization is largely a history of the rise and fall of the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT). We show that the election of Lula da Silva as President in 2002, followed by the implementation of redistributive policies by successive PT governments, was at the origin of the marked socioeconomic cleavages that emerged. In a relatively short space of time the PT transformed itself from a party of the young, highly educated, high-income elite of the Southern party of the country, to a party of the poor and lesser educated voters, increasingly located in the disadvantaged region of the Northeast. Controlling for a host of socio-demographic factors, a voter in the Northeast was 20 percentage points more likely to vote for the PT in 2018 than voters in other regions, compared to being 5 percentage points less likely to do so in 1989. In sharp contrast to other western democracies, political conflict in Brazil has followed an increasingly unidimensional class-based path. This culminated in the unification of elites and large parts of the middle class behind Bolsonaro in the 2018 presidential election. We argue that contextual policy-driven factors and programmatic alliances are key to understand the PT’s singular evolution, and thus the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil. * Amory Gethin (amory.gething@psemail.eu), Marc Morgan (marc.morgan@psemail.eu): Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. We thank Gedeão Locks, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, and Thiago Scarelli for helpful comments.","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"118 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129453480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the changing relationships between party support, electoral cleavages and socioeconomic inequality in Germany since 1949. We analyze the link between voting behaviors and socioeconomic characteristics of voters. In the 1950s-1970s, the vote for left parties was strongly associated with lower education and lower income voters. Since the 1980s voting for left parties has become associated with higher education voters. In effect, intellectual and economic elites seem to have drifted apart, with high-education elites voting for the left and high-income elites voting for the right. We analyze how this process is related to the occurrence of new parties since 1980 and the recent rise of populism. For comments and discussions, we are grateful to Amory Gethin, Julian Heid, and Clara MartínezToledano, We thank Clara Bohle, Larissa Fuchs, and Severin Süss for outstanding research assistance.
{"title":"Electoral Cleavages and Socioeconomic Inequality in Germany, 1949–2017","authors":"Fabian Kosse, T. Piketty","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.6","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the changing relationships between party support, electoral cleavages and socioeconomic inequality in Germany since 1949. We analyze the link between voting behaviors and socioeconomic characteristics of voters. In the 1950s-1970s, the vote for left parties was strongly associated with lower education and lower income voters. Since the 1980s voting for left parties has become associated with higher education voters. In effect, intellectual and economic elites seem to have drifted apart, with high-education elites voting for the left and high-income elites voting for the right. We analyze how this process is related to the occurrence of new parties since 1980 and the recent rise of populism. For comments and discussions, we are grateful to Amory Gethin, Julian Heid, and Clara MartínezToledano, We thank Clara Bohle, Larissa Fuchs, and Severin Süss for outstanding research assistance.","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134445082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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