Turkey offers itself to be a regional leader for the Middle East, North Africa, partly for the Balkans and the Caucasus, while pursuing its own interests, not least economic ones. Turkey's foreign policy activation, and not only in the South, but also in the North Caucasus, is probably intended to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara. When analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey during the rule of the ruling Justice and Development Party, of course, you need to pay special attention to the foreign policy concept of neo-Ottomanism, the architect of which is Ahmet Davutoglu. The developed new approach "strategic depth" means that for Turkish diplomacy, Turkey's deep historical and cultural roots in the Balkans, the Middle East, the Greater Caucasus and Central Asia (former territories of the Ottoman Empire) are more important than the existing state borders. The pragmatism of Ankara's foreign policy is also manifested in a sober assessment of the popularity in the Caucasus of such ideas as Great Turan (a pan-Turkic project of a single state for all ethnic Turks) and neo-Ottomanism. For Caucasians, the times of the rule of the Ottoman Empire are the golden age of prosperity. Turanism is more aimed at awakening "kindred feelings" based on the common Turkic heritage. "They are implementing practical humanitarian projects, identifying leaders of public opinion who are ready to cooperate. Ankara is pursuing a policy of small steps in order to change the social and cultural image of the region in the long term. In general, Turkish leader is confident that due to historical reasons and the realities of modern politics The Caucasus is a zone of direct strategic interests of Turkey. Ankara, relying on the support of the United States and NATO, takes an active part in most regional political and economic projects, actively intervenes in the affairs of the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central Asian and North African regions, tries to strengthen its role beyond their borders, which often overlaps with the national interests of Russia.
{"title":"Turkish northern Caucasus foreign policy impact Russian national security","authors":"R. Shangaraev, A. Valiev","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-03","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey offers itself to be a regional leader for the Middle East, North Africa, partly for the Balkans and the Caucasus, while pursuing its own interests, not least economic ones. Turkey's foreign policy activation, and not only in the South, but also in the North Caucasus, is probably intended to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara. When analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey during the rule of the ruling Justice and Development Party, of course, you need to pay special attention to the foreign policy concept of neo-Ottomanism, the architect of which is Ahmet Davutoglu. The developed new approach \"strategic depth\" means that for Turkish diplomacy, Turkey's deep historical and cultural roots in the Balkans, the Middle East, the Greater Caucasus and Central Asia (former territories of the Ottoman Empire) are more important than the existing state borders. The pragmatism of Ankara's foreign policy is also manifested in a sober assessment of the popularity in the Caucasus of such ideas as Great Turan (a pan-Turkic project of a single state for all ethnic Turks) and neo-Ottomanism. For Caucasians, the times of the rule of the Ottoman Empire are the golden age of prosperity. Turanism is more aimed at awakening \"kindred feelings\" based on the common Turkic heritage. \"They are implementing practical humanitarian projects, identifying leaders of public opinion who are ready to cooperate. Ankara is pursuing a policy of small steps in order to change the social and cultural image of the region in the long term. In general, Turkish leader is confident that due to historical reasons and the realities of modern politics The Caucasus is a zone of direct strategic interests of Turkey. Ankara, relying on the support of the United States and NATO, takes an active part in most regional political and economic projects, actively intervenes in the affairs of the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central Asian and North African regions, tries to strengthen its role beyond their borders, which often overlaps with the national interests of Russia.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124403120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russia has a developed system of various institutions aimed to provide economic interests abroad. Intergovernmental Commissions on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation covering bilateral level of cooperation. They provide a regular platform for dialogue with 104 countries. The actual issues concerning investment and trade cooperation are discussed in this bilateral level. International economic organizations providing the opportunity to work on multilateral level. There are organizations where our country is a member state (for example United Nations, World Trade Organization, etc.) and organizations where Russia acts as observer or as a participant of individual negotiation tracks and working groups (for example, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development — OECD). Activities within the framework of the World Trade Organization have a priority character for Russian economic diplomacy. The WTO is the largest international organization that sets itself the task of creating proper conditions for international trade. It is also a unique mechanism for the settlement of various trade and economic disputes. WTO is aimed to flow trade smoothly and provide countries with a constructive and fair outlet for dealing with disputes over trade issue. This article considers two institutions named above from the point of view of Russian economic diplomacy and its foreign economic activity.
{"title":"Economic diplomacy instruments in the field of foreign economic activity of Russia","authors":"A. Naryshkin","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-07","url":null,"abstract":"Russia has a developed system of various institutions aimed to provide economic interests abroad. Intergovernmental Commissions on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation covering bilateral level of cooperation. They provide a regular platform for dialogue with 104 countries. The actual issues concerning investment and trade cooperation are discussed in this bilateral level. International economic organizations providing the opportunity to work on multilateral level. There are organizations where our country is a member state (for example United Nations, World Trade Organization, etc.) and organizations where Russia acts as observer or as a participant of individual negotiation tracks and working groups (for example, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development — OECD). Activities within the framework of the World Trade Organization have a priority character for Russian economic diplomacy. The WTO is the largest international organization that sets itself the task of creating proper conditions for international trade. It is also a unique mechanism for the settlement of various trade and economic disputes. WTO is aimed to flow trade smoothly and provide countries with a constructive and fair outlet for dealing with disputes over trade issue. This article considers two institutions named above from the point of view of Russian economic diplomacy and its foreign economic activity.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123972004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In December 2019 the European Union presented an ambitious plan called the Green Deal which is aimed at combating climate change. In the EU 2021–2027 budget approved in 2020 about 25 % of the expenditures are allocated for climate projects. Legal framework of the project was established in summer 2021. Its elements can impact seriously the structure and dynamics of the EU's relations with its leading trading partners, including the Russian Federation. The article analyzes the impact the European Green Agenda has on Russia, which has its own approaches to combating climate change. They form an integral part of national development priorities system. Having analyzed the relevant strategic documents, the authors compare the directions of environmental policies of the Russian Federation and the EU. Attention is paid to the goals and objectives, as well as to the proposed tools for reducing and absorbing carbon dioxide emissions into the atmosphere. The paper also provides a detailed description of the "Fit for 55" package of measures and determines its significance for Russia. The study examines a wide range of economic and political risks for Russia in the mid and long terms. In addition, the consequences of the introduction of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism for the fuel and energy complex of the Russian Federation are highlighted. Furthermore, the article presents possible dynamics of a competition in the international energy market amid the implementation of the "Green Deal" and the transition to a low-carbon economy. As a result of the research, possible economic and political measures in internal and external dimensions aimed at mitigating risks are suggested. Moreover, possible ways to improve the effectiveness of combating climate change and the reduction of harmful emissions are put forward. In addition, the research identifies prospects for cooperation in ecology between Russia and the EU.
{"title":"The European green deal: risks and opportunities for Russia","authors":"O. Karpovich, A. Vilchinskii","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-01","url":null,"abstract":"In December 2019 the European Union presented an ambitious plan called the Green Deal which is aimed at combating climate change. In the EU 2021–2027 budget approved in 2020 about 25 % of the expenditures are allocated for climate projects. Legal framework of the project was established in summer 2021. Its elements can impact seriously the structure and dynamics of the EU's relations with its leading trading partners, including the Russian Federation. The article analyzes the impact the European Green Agenda has on Russia, which has its own approaches to combating climate change. They form an integral part of national development priorities system. Having analyzed the relevant strategic documents, the authors compare the directions of environmental policies of the Russian Federation and the EU. Attention is paid to the goals and objectives, as well as to the proposed tools for reducing and absorbing carbon dioxide emissions into the atmosphere. The paper also provides a detailed description of the \"Fit for 55\" package of measures and determines its significance for Russia. The study examines a wide range of economic and political risks for Russia in the mid and long terms. In addition, the consequences of the introduction of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism for the fuel and energy complex of the Russian Federation are highlighted. Furthermore, the article presents possible dynamics of a competition in the international energy market amid the implementation of the \"Green Deal\" and the transition to a low-carbon economy. As a result of the research, possible economic and political measures in internal and external dimensions aimed at mitigating risks are suggested. Moreover, possible ways to improve the effectiveness of combating climate change and the reduction of harmful emissions are put forward. In addition, the research identifies prospects for cooperation in ecology between Russia and the EU.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125950151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyzes the main stages of the development of the political subjectivity of Ukraine, its formation as an independent state entity. Geographically located within the historical Old Russian principalities, despite its deep historical roots, nevertheless, it belongs to the category of "young" European states, the independent development of which dates back a little more than 30 years. The collapse of the USSR created the conditions for the development of Ukraine as a sovereign state. Nevertheless, the opportunities provided for the effective development of Ukrainian statehood were not realized. The result of ill-conceived, chaotic transformations was the development of crisis processes in all spheres of life of Ukrainian society. A special stage in the development of modern statehood of Ukraine and the implementation of its anti-Russian foreign policy course was the events related to the coup d'etat in Kiev in February 2014. The protests that began in November 2013, related to the suspension of the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, eventually led to mass riots and a coup d'etat in Kiev on February 22–23, 2014. After the coup d'etat, the activities of the Ukrainian leadership that came to power are aimed at forming the image of the enemy in the person of Russia, guilty of all the troubles and troubles, the failed "Ukrainian showcase of Europe". The most significant results of the transformation of Ukraine's statehood that followed the coup d'etat were the destruction of the entire spectrum of bilateral relations and ties with Russia, the construction of an enemy image in Russia, progressive Russophobia, an internal political civilizational split in society, discrimination of the population of Ukraine on linguistic and religious grounds, and other destructive political processes. The influence of negative factors on the situation in Ukraine is significantly aggravated by the presence of a complex of unresolved internal political problems that generate a split in Ukrainian society, instability and escalation of tension and conflict. The article defines the main directions of the current stage of development of the Ukrainian state. The main directions of further escalation of the Ukrainian crisis are identified. The main sources and reasons for the implementation of the anti — Russian trend in Ukraine's foreign policy, the implementation of the concept of Ukraine — "Anti-Russia"are revealed.
{"title":"Anti-Russian trends in Ukraine's foreign policy","authors":"I. Bocharnikov, O. Ovsyannikova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-02","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the main stages of the development of the political subjectivity of Ukraine, its formation as an independent state entity. Geographically located within the historical Old Russian principalities, despite its deep historical roots, nevertheless, it belongs to the category of \"young\" European states, the independent development of which dates back a little more than 30 years. The collapse of the USSR created the conditions for the development of Ukraine as a sovereign state. Nevertheless, the opportunities provided for the effective development of Ukrainian statehood were not realized. The result of ill-conceived, chaotic transformations was the development of crisis processes in all spheres of life of Ukrainian society. A special stage in the development of modern statehood of Ukraine and the implementation of its anti-Russian foreign policy course was the events related to the coup d'etat in Kiev in February 2014. The protests that began in November 2013, related to the suspension of the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, eventually led to mass riots and a coup d'etat in Kiev on February 22–23, 2014. After the coup d'etat, the activities of the Ukrainian leadership that came to power are aimed at forming the image of the enemy in the person of Russia, guilty of all the troubles and troubles, the failed \"Ukrainian showcase of Europe\". The most significant results of the transformation of Ukraine's statehood that followed the coup d'etat were the destruction of the entire spectrum of bilateral relations and ties with Russia, the construction of an enemy image in Russia, progressive Russophobia, an internal political civilizational split in society, discrimination of the population of Ukraine on linguistic and religious grounds, and other destructive political processes. The influence of negative factors on the situation in Ukraine is significantly aggravated by the presence of a complex of unresolved internal political problems that generate a split in Ukrainian society, instability and escalation of tension and conflict. The article defines the main directions of the current stage of development of the Ukrainian state. The main directions of further escalation of the Ukrainian crisis are identified. The main sources and reasons for the implementation of the anti — Russian trend in Ukraine's foreign policy, the implementation of the concept of Ukraine — \"Anti-Russia\"are revealed.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131239359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
2020 became a turning point for many spheres of life, and diplomatic activity was no exception. In the conditions of «closed» borders, diplomatic offi cers had to look for new forms of interaction. The result of such searches was the phenomenon of «cloud» diplomacy, as one of the subspecies of digital diplomacy. As the analysis of the conducted research has shown, even among diplomats there is no consensus on the digitalization of foreign policy. On the one hand, it allows you to reduce the fi nancial and time costs for «live» meetings and speed up the discussion and resolution of operational issues; on the other hand, such virtual communication does not allow «catching the true mood» of the interlocutor and limits his ability to collect additional information. Based on the study of the information presented on the offi cial websites of the President, the government and the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs for the period from 01.03.2020 to 31.12.2020, we came to the following conclusions: 1) digitalization has fi rmly entered the arsenal of means of implementing foreign policy activities; 2) «cloud» diplomacy allows you to discuss a wide range of topical issues; 3) «cloud» diplomacy has not become a priority tool in the work of diplomats; those. it has a utilitarian character, not a value-semantic one. At the same time, the introduction of digital means of communication into circulation made it possible to more actively involve non-state actors in the process of foreign policy interaction: non-profi t organizations, individuals, etc. In addition, the digitalization process forced offi cial institutions and politicians to actively use social networks in their daily activities as a tool for direct communication with society. Summing up, we note that the isolation regime all over the world has provoked a real «boom» in the fi eld of digital communications, which have become an integral part of international relations in the paradigm of the new «normality».
{"title":"«Cloud» diplomacy as a trend in the era of a pandemic: the experience of Italy","authors":"K.M. Tabarintsevа-Romanova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2102-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2102-07","url":null,"abstract":"2020 became a turning point for many spheres of life, and diplomatic activity was no exception. In the conditions of «closed» borders, diplomatic offi cers had to look for new forms of interaction. The result of such searches was the phenomenon of «cloud» diplomacy, as one of the subspecies of digital diplomacy. As the analysis of the conducted research has shown, even among diplomats there is no consensus on the digitalization of foreign policy. On the one hand, it allows you to reduce the fi nancial and time costs for «live» meetings and speed up the discussion and resolution of operational issues; on the other hand, such virtual communication does not allow «catching the true mood» of the interlocutor and limits his ability to collect additional information. Based on the study of the information presented on the offi cial websites of the President, the government and the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs for the period from 01.03.2020 to 31.12.2020, we came to the following conclusions: 1) digitalization has fi rmly entered the arsenal of means of implementing foreign policy activities; 2) «cloud» diplomacy allows you to discuss a wide range of topical issues; 3) «cloud» diplomacy has not become a priority tool in the work of diplomats; those. it has a utilitarian character, not a value-semantic one. At the same time, the introduction of digital means of communication into circulation made it possible to more actively involve non-state actors in the process of foreign policy interaction: non-profi t organizations, individuals, etc. In addition, the digitalization process forced offi cial institutions and politicians to actively use social networks in their daily activities as a tool for direct communication with society. Summing up, we note that the isolation regime all over the world has provoked a real «boom» in the fi eld of digital communications, which have become an integral part of international relations in the paradigm of the new «normality».","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123859105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Taking into account the historical features of the development of the Russian statehood, the article considers the importance of having a national idea that could spiritually unite the numerous peoples and nationalities of our country. Today, many proposals are put forward on this occasion, among which there is the idea of patriotism — a sense of love for the Motherland, a willingness to sacrifice for it. However, in this capacity, according to many experts, the feeling can not be a national idea, as a driving force in the development of society; it can only be a necessary and obligatory condition for this movement and its development. Using historical examples, the author shows that the national idea cannot exist without the state ideology — a kind of soul of the nation, the value and ideological basis of society, which forms the meaning of the existence of the state and its citizens. It is the state ideology that should form the basis of the national idea and include a whole system of unifying ideals and values that derive from the entire history and culture of the country. Since today the solution of the problem of searching for a national idea largely depends on the attitude to our country abroad, the article suggests using the external image of the country as a living, visual representation of the characteristics of a particular state in the historical, military, demographic, economic, political, recreational, tourist, etc. spheres as the geopolitical contour of the national idea. In this regard, the main directions and performers of the implementation of this proposal are specified.
{"title":"External Image as a Geopolitical contour of the National Idea of Russia","authors":"V. Vinokurov","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2102-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2102-01","url":null,"abstract":"Taking into account the historical features of the development of the Russian statehood, the article considers the importance of having a national idea that could spiritually unite the numerous peoples and nationalities of our country. Today, many proposals are put forward on this occasion, among which there is the idea of patriotism — a sense of love for the Motherland, a willingness to sacrifice for it. However, in this capacity, according to many experts, the feeling can not be a national idea, as a driving force in the development of society; it can only be a necessary and obligatory condition for this movement and its development. Using historical examples, the author shows that the national idea cannot exist without the state ideology — a kind of soul of the nation, the value and ideological basis of society, which forms the meaning of the existence of the state and its citizens. It is the state ideology that should form the basis of the national idea and include a whole system of unifying ideals and values that derive from the entire history and culture of the country. Since today the solution of the problem of searching for a national idea largely depends on the attitude to our country abroad, the article suggests using the external image of the country as a living, visual representation of the characteristics of a particular state in the historical, military, demographic, economic, political, recreational, tourist, etc. spheres as the geopolitical contour of the national idea. In this regard, the main directions and performers of the implementation of this proposal are specified.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115854923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the correlation between deterrence and coercion strategies as tools of modern diplomacy. The transformation of the deterrence strategy from post-war times to the present is traced. A comparative analysis of deterrence and coercion strategies is carried out.
{"title":"Strategies of deterrence and coercion as tools of 21st century diplomacy","authors":"Amber Bartosh","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2102-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2102-04","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the correlation between deterrence and coercion strategies as tools of modern diplomacy. The transformation of the deterrence strategy from post-war times to the present is traced. A comparative analysis of deterrence and coercion strategies is carried out.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126961439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The implementation of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative, designed as a fl agship foreign policy concept, in the post-Soviet space in modern conditions is associated with such processes as expanding the real horizons for launching investment projects, involving more participants, diversifying existing and developing new tools, clarifying the regulatory framework, etc. These trends, in turn, require updating the system of criteria and practices for cooperation between China and the post-Soviet states. Initially, the "One Belt, One Road" format was perceived as a concept of creating an acceptable investment and trade and economic space used to maintain regional stability and create investment attractiveness for more economic niches of the countries involved, on the one hand, and building a more or less stable geopolitical infl uence of China and fi nding new niches for the transnationalization of Chinese business, on the other hand. The dynamics of the growth of exports of Chinese technologies and ideas in the context of the post-Soviet region reveals, among other things, serious concerns of less infl uential participants interested in protecting national economies and maintaining the eff ectiveness of state regulation, which is associated at least with increasing the pace of economic development and the establishment of their own rules of the game by the Chinese side. Accordingly, the commercial and political elite of the People's Republic of China is interested in ensuring more trusting and open relations through the development of special free trade zones and the adjustment of public diplomacy methods.
{"title":"Implementation of the \"One Belt, One Road\" initiative in the post-Soviet space: pros and cons for Russia","authors":"O. Karpovich, L. A. Smagina","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2102-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2102-03","url":null,"abstract":"The implementation of the \"One Belt, One Road\" initiative, designed as a fl agship foreign policy concept, in the post-Soviet space in modern conditions is associated with such processes as expanding the real horizons for launching investment projects, involving more participants, diversifying existing and developing new tools, clarifying the regulatory framework, etc. These trends, in turn, require updating the system of criteria and practices for cooperation between China and the post-Soviet states. Initially, the \"One Belt, One Road\" format was perceived as a concept of creating an acceptable investment and trade and economic space used to maintain regional stability and create investment attractiveness for more economic niches of the countries involved, on the one hand, and building a more or less stable geopolitical infl uence of China and fi nding new niches for the transnationalization of Chinese business, on the other hand. The dynamics of the growth of exports of Chinese technologies and ideas in the context of the post-Soviet region reveals, among other things, serious concerns of less infl uential participants interested in protecting national economies and maintaining the eff ectiveness of state regulation, which is associated at least with increasing the pace of economic development and the establishment of their own rules of the game by the Chinese side. Accordingly, the commercial and political elite of the People's Republic of China is interested in ensuring more trusting and open relations through the development of special free trade zones and the adjustment of public diplomacy methods.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128045595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, the sphere of confrontation has signifi cantly expanded due to the increasing share of political and diplomatic, economic, information, cybernetic, psychological means and methods of implementing political goals in international confrontation. The author declares that today information and communication technologies are often used to interfere in the internal aff airs of sovereign states, and the goal of destabilizing the socio-political situation in the state is to generate protest potential in society and create a political singularity, which leads to the infl ation of power in this country and its discredit. The article deals with modern forms of interstate confrontation with the use of violent changes in the global political landscape using the capabilities of modern information and communication technologies. It is emphasized that the global confrontation has acquired a permanent character and periodically escalates to extremely dangerous levels when using hybrid forms of confrontation between states and their coalitions. The author notes that in the modern world, the use of innovative, and fi rst of all, information and communication technologies, for violent infl uence on the opposing side, has accelerated unprecedented. It is shown that in recent years, the world economy has been constantly tested by sanctions wars, and the sanctions war is mostly understood as the introduction of a regime of economic sanctions against a state in circumvention of international law, that is, outside the procedure provided for and defi ned by the UN, and the postulate of forcibly reshaping the world political landscape with a noble goal leads only to increased confrontation and confrontation. The article identifi es the current problem areas and threats that are already being implemented today and those that are possible in the future with the development of information and communication technologies.
{"title":"Cybersecurity and modern forms of interstate confrontation","authors":"I. Surma","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2102-08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2102-08","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, the sphere of confrontation has signifi cantly expanded due to the increasing share of political and diplomatic, economic, information, cybernetic, psychological means and methods of implementing political goals in international confrontation. The author declares that today information and communication technologies are often used to interfere in the internal aff airs of sovereign states, and the goal of destabilizing the socio-political situation in the state is to generate protest potential in society and create a political singularity, which leads to the infl ation of power in this country and its discredit. The article deals with modern forms of interstate confrontation with the use of violent changes in the global political landscape using the capabilities of modern information and communication technologies. It is emphasized that the global confrontation has acquired a permanent character and periodically escalates to extremely dangerous levels when using hybrid forms of confrontation between states and their coalitions. The author notes that in the modern world, the use of innovative, and fi rst of all, information and communication technologies, for violent infl uence on the opposing side, has accelerated unprecedented. It is shown that in recent years, the world economy has been constantly tested by sanctions wars, and the sanctions war is mostly understood as the introduction of a regime of economic sanctions against a state in circumvention of international law, that is, outside the procedure provided for and defi ned by the UN, and the postulate of forcibly reshaping the world political landscape with a noble goal leads only to increased confrontation and confrontation. The article identifi es the current problem areas and threats that are already being implemented today and those that are possible in the future with the development of information and communication technologies.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134284764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic crisis on the foreign policy and diplomacy of states, including economic diplomacy. ED is interpreted as a multi-sided multi-faceted activity, an integral part of foreign policy aimed at protecting the national interests and economic security of the country. Given the interdepartmental nature of the ED, the presence of numerous actors and agents, not only state, but also public and business structures, political and foreign economic coordination on the part of the Foreign Ministries is of great importance, and this role of foreign policy departments is increasing during the pandemic crisis. The activity of the ED of Russia in 2020 was generally successful, among the main results: active participation of diplomats in the anti-epidemic work of the Government of the Russian Federation, including export fl ights, provision of emergency assistance by compatriots abroad, assistance to foreign countries; — measures to promote the Russian vaccine in the world, establish its production abroad, and thus win new world markets for medicines; — settlement of the pricing crisis on the world oil market with the leading role of Russia and Saudi Arabia; — adjustment of double taxation agreements with a number of foreign countries, taking into account the domestic economic needs of the country; — the growing experience of BRICS, this interstate association, which did not know the crisis, including its fi ght against epidemiological diseases, during the period of Russia's presidency in the BRICS; — further steps to deepen integration within the EAEU; — Russia's success in the eastern direction of foreign policy, in the development of trade exchanges and epidemiological cooperation with the ASEAN and APEC states. The new world crisis has become a catalyst for the convergence of ED methods with scientifi c and public diplomacy, with other diplomatic cultures that can be combined under the general name of civil diplomacy. Such a separation is required to protect the legacy of professional diplomacy, the popularity and use of which methods is growing signifi cantly. ED, as an integral part of offi cial diplomacy, is presented as a mediator between classical and civil diplomacy. It provides civil society with an example of the more rigorous, pragmatic, results-oriented work that the current pandemic crisis requires.
{"title":"Economic Diplomacy. Pandemic effect","authors":"T. Musatova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2102-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2102-06","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic crisis on the foreign policy and diplomacy of states, including economic diplomacy. ED is interpreted as a multi-sided multi-faceted activity, an integral part of foreign policy aimed at protecting the national interests and economic security of the country. Given the interdepartmental nature of the ED, the presence of numerous actors and agents, not only state, but also public and business structures, political and foreign economic coordination on the part of the Foreign Ministries is of great importance, and this role of foreign policy departments is increasing during the pandemic crisis. The activity of the ED of Russia in 2020 was generally successful, among the main results: active participation of diplomats in the anti-epidemic work of the Government of the Russian Federation, including export fl ights, provision of emergency assistance by compatriots abroad, assistance to foreign countries; — measures to promote the Russian vaccine in the world, establish its production abroad, and thus win new world markets for medicines; — settlement of the pricing crisis on the world oil market with the leading role of Russia and Saudi Arabia; — adjustment of double taxation agreements with a number of foreign countries, taking into account the domestic economic needs of the country; — the growing experience of BRICS, this interstate association, which did not know the crisis, including its fi ght against epidemiological diseases, during the period of Russia's presidency in the BRICS; — further steps to deepen integration within the EAEU; — Russia's success in the eastern direction of foreign policy, in the development of trade exchanges and epidemiological cooperation with the ASEAN and APEC states. The new world crisis has become a catalyst for the convergence of ED methods with scientifi c and public diplomacy, with other diplomatic cultures that can be combined under the general name of civil diplomacy. Such a separation is required to protect the legacy of professional diplomacy, the popularity and use of which methods is growing signifi cantly. ED, as an integral part of offi cial diplomacy, is presented as a mediator between classical and civil diplomacy. It provides civil society with an example of the more rigorous, pragmatic, results-oriented work that the current pandemic crisis requires.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134443493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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