Тhe purpose of this article is to analyze the tools that the Russian Federation implements to form a positive image in the era of coronavirus infection. As a result, the following tasks were set: to identify Russia's tools for creating a favorable image during the epidemic; to analyze how the tools identified by the author can further affect Russia's image within the world community. In the interests of solving these tasks, the author considers such actions of the Russian Federation as humanitarian assistance to other countries from the point of view of tools for forming an adequate image of the state in the international arena. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time comprehensive measures of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation to promote a positive state image at the present stage were considered.
{"title":"Tools for forming an objective image of the Russian Federation","authors":"Irina Iarovaia","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2202-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2202-06","url":null,"abstract":"Тhe purpose of this article is to analyze the tools that the Russian Federation implements to form a positive image in the era of coronavirus infection. As a result, the following tasks were set: to identify Russia's tools for creating a favorable image during the epidemic; to analyze how the tools identified by the author can further affect Russia's image within the world community. In the interests of solving these tasks, the author considers such actions of the Russian Federation as humanitarian assistance to other countries from the point of view of tools for forming an adequate image of the state in the international arena. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time comprehensive measures of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation to promote a positive state image at the present stage were considered.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114544493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The importance of the arisen topic is connected to the change of government in Afghanistan in 2021. The events in Afghanistan are another example of the fact that in the third decade of the XXI century the number of new threats to national and international security has increased. New areas of instability appear, and they are able to destabilize the situation in countries with fragile social and political regimes. It is feared that these countries could recline from democracy as well. One of the new such areas is Afghanistan, where the Taliban has come into power. As a result, internal contradictions have arisen, which led to the confrontation of ethnical groups. The influence of Afghanistan events upon the political situation in Africa is analyzed. Some African governments became concerned about the possible repetition of the Afghanistan political scenario. In order to strengthen national security Russia should search for allies among its Asian and African partners. African states see in our country a time-verified partner and are ready to cooperate for the sake of peacekeeping on the continent. The military and technical cooperation between Russia and Africa has significantly increased. New agreements are being concluded; meetings of state leaders are being held. Russian and African cooperation rises to a new level.
{"title":"Recent events in Afghanistan and the national security of African countries","authors":"G. Sidorova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2202-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2202-04","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of the arisen topic is connected to the change of government in Afghanistan in 2021. The events in Afghanistan are another example of the fact that in the third decade of the XXI century the number of new threats to national and international security has increased. New areas of instability appear, and they are able to destabilize the situation in countries with fragile social and political regimes. It is feared that these countries could recline from democracy as well. One of the new such areas is Afghanistan, where the Taliban has come into power. As a result, internal contradictions have arisen, which led to the confrontation of ethnical groups. The influence of Afghanistan events upon the political situation in Africa is analyzed. Some African governments became concerned about the possible repetition of the Afghanistan political scenario. In order to strengthen national security Russia should search for allies among its Asian and African partners. African states see in our country a time-verified partner and are ready to cooperate for the sake of peacekeeping on the continent. The military and technical cooperation between Russia and Africa has significantly increased. New agreements are being concluded; meetings of state leaders are being held. Russian and African cooperation rises to a new level.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114243368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article discusses various aspects of the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the preparation of a new strategic concept (SC-2021). Advocating a decisive expansion of the range of NATO's capabilities to respond promptly to modern challenges, politicians and the military refer to the presence of new key threats that were not discussed in the previous strategic concepts of the bloc. The complex of such challenges and threats carries one of the fundamental functions in the development of the document. However, the leading place is given to the scrupulous consideration of doctrinal documents being developed in the United States: the national security strategy, military doctrine, nuclear policy review, the stake dictated from overseas on the military deterrence of Russia and some others. The internal and institutional factors of the bloc's development, the diplomatic and military aspects of the alliance's policy play an important role. NATO's focus on the role of a global player in tandem with the United States determines the development of the military technosphere of the bloc, which focuses on cognitive warfare and artificial intelligence. The preservation of the function of NATO as the main tool of the United States in the confrontation with Russia determines the buildup of the military presence of the bloc at the borders of our country, the conduct of military exercises according to provocative scenarios, the military development of Ukraine. An analysis of NATO's transformation, including a change in military strategy and a bet on the development of new technologies, each of which has a threatening subversive and destabilizing potential, makes it necessary to develop a comprehensive counteraction program in Russia. Particular attention should be paid to the development of strategies to counter cognitive warfare, the work on which, along with artificial intelligence, is the focus of the alliance's innovative efforts. NATO has been and remains one of the important actors in the global struggle and relies on the combined use of force and non-force methods and means of influencing the enemy, the use of innovative technologies, which requires Russia, its allies and partners to respond immediately and carefully coordinated across the entire spectrum of threats and challenges.
{"title":"The diplomatic tandem of the USA and NATO in world politics","authors":"A. A. Bartosh, A. G. Letyago","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2106-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2106-04","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses various aspects of the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the preparation of a new strategic concept (SC-2021). Advocating a decisive expansion of the range of NATO's capabilities to respond promptly to modern challenges, politicians and the military refer to the presence of new key threats that were not discussed in the previous strategic concepts of the bloc. The complex of such challenges and threats carries one of the fundamental functions in the development of the document. However, the leading place is given to the scrupulous consideration of doctrinal documents being developed in the United States: the national security strategy, military doctrine, nuclear policy review, the stake dictated from overseas on the military deterrence of Russia and some others. The internal and institutional factors of the bloc's development, the diplomatic and military aspects of the alliance's policy play an important role. NATO's focus on the role of a global player in tandem with the United States determines the development of the military technosphere of the bloc, which focuses on cognitive warfare and artificial intelligence. The preservation of the function of NATO as the main tool of the United States in the confrontation with Russia determines the buildup of the military presence of the bloc at the borders of our country, the conduct of military exercises according to provocative scenarios, the military development of Ukraine. An analysis of NATO's transformation, including a change in military strategy and a bet on the development of new technologies, each of which has a threatening subversive and destabilizing potential, makes it necessary to develop a comprehensive counteraction program in Russia. Particular attention should be paid to the development of strategies to counter cognitive warfare, the work on which, along with artificial intelligence, is the focus of the alliance's innovative efforts. NATO has been and remains one of the important actors in the global struggle and relies on the combined use of force and non-force methods and means of influencing the enemy, the use of innovative technologies, which requires Russia, its allies and partners to respond immediately and carefully coordinated across the entire spectrum of threats and challenges.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125348019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Current transition processes have closely related with huge numbers of social spheres. The most significant transformations took place in the digital technology sphere. These trends have radically changed most spheres of life primarily including spread of information and communication technologies, civil services, diplomatic negotiations and promotion of state interests through "soft power". Importance of technologies as an element ensuring the sovereignty of states has increased due to involving information and communication technologies in daily people’s life and state management processes. The land, maritime, information and technological borders of sovereign states are actually blurred. The most advanced tech actors have opportunity to impose not only their own economic policy, making other countries dependent on high-tech products and its individual components, but also the information agenda. Nowadays social networks and technological platforms have almost gained the upper hand in competition with traditional mass media, both in terms of the speed of news distribution and audience coverage. This article is dedicated to the transformation processes in the digital, communication and technological spheres and potential impact of mentioned processes on the states sovereignty, Also the article reviews digital diplomacy as an element of "soft power" in promoting state interests abroad.
{"title":"Digital diplomacy as a factor of ensuring the real sovereignty of Russia","authors":"A. Naryshkin","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2106-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2106-05","url":null,"abstract":"Current transition processes have closely related with huge numbers of social spheres. The most significant transformations took place in the digital technology sphere. These trends have radically changed most spheres of life primarily including spread of information and communication technologies, civil services, diplomatic negotiations and promotion of state interests through \"soft power\". Importance of technologies as an element ensuring the sovereignty of states has increased due to involving information and communication technologies in daily people’s life and state management processes. The land, maritime, information and technological borders of sovereign states are actually blurred. The most advanced tech actors have opportunity to impose not only their own economic policy, making other countries dependent on high-tech products and its individual components, but also the information agenda. Nowadays social networks and technological platforms have almost gained the upper hand in competition with traditional mass media, both in terms of the speed of news distribution and audience coverage. This article is dedicated to the transformation processes in the digital, communication and technological spheres and potential impact of mentioned processes on the states sovereignty, Also the article reviews digital diplomacy as an element of \"soft power\" in promoting state interests abroad.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129149746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The newest world history has been marked by economic crises, environmental disasters an increase in intrastate and interstate armed conflicts, as well as an escalating confrontation in the field of energy resources. Among these risks, environmental problems such as global warming, sea level rise, soil erosion and shortages of food and fossil fuels have become unprecedentedly visible. This article focuses on a new climate agenda in the light of COP-26, taking place in Glasgow, and the regional experience of Latin America in confronting climate threats and adapting to climate changes since the ratification of the 2015 Paris Agreement. The authors consider the main international climate instruments, as well as those achievements on the way to greening national economies, which were undertaken by the LAC states within the mechanisms of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Since the ratification of the Paris Agreement, every Latin American state has made progress in implementing the environmental agenda and developing legislation aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to climate change. The conclusion highlights the need for broad state participation on the base of proven instruments for solving major environmental problems, further developing early warning systems and consistent implementation of the planned action plans to reduce the risk of disasters and their consequences. Primary importance is attached to interstate dialogue to tackle the environmental challenges, commitment to the responsible fulfillment of international climate agreements and further development of international framework in the field of environmental law. Joint initiatives among the states of the region are expected to have significant effect on reducing emissions of these gases. Moreover, the market-based instruments proposed by the Paris Agreement are known to be an important complement to the ongoing efforts to comply with the overall UNFCCC climate agenda.
{"title":"Climate agenda on the eve of COP-26: experience of Latin America","authors":"M. Troyansky, O. Karpovich, Alina V. Davydova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2106-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2106-03","url":null,"abstract":"The newest world history has been marked by economic crises, environmental disasters an increase in intrastate and interstate armed conflicts, as well as an escalating confrontation in the field of energy resources. Among these risks, environmental problems such as global warming, sea level rise, soil erosion and shortages of food and fossil fuels have become unprecedentedly visible. This article focuses on a new climate agenda in the light of COP-26, taking place in Glasgow, and the regional experience of Latin America in confronting climate threats and adapting to climate changes since the ratification of the 2015 Paris Agreement. The authors consider the main international climate instruments, as well as those achievements on the way to greening national economies, which were undertaken by the LAC states within the mechanisms of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Since the ratification of the Paris Agreement, every Latin American state has made progress in implementing the environmental agenda and developing legislation aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to climate change. The conclusion highlights the need for broad state participation on the base of proven instruments for solving major environmental problems, further developing early warning systems and consistent implementation of the planned action plans to reduce the risk of disasters and their consequences. Primary importance is attached to interstate dialogue to tackle the environmental challenges, commitment to the responsible fulfillment of international climate agreements and further development of international framework in the field of environmental law. Joint initiatives among the states of the region are expected to have significant effect on reducing emissions of these gases. Moreover, the market-based instruments proposed by the Paris Agreement are known to be an important complement to the ongoing efforts to comply with the overall UNFCCC climate agenda.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130955242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article notes the relevance of the problem of the correlation of traditional values with national security issues, defines the concept of "traditional values", the main approaches to identifying the essence and content of this concept. the traditional values of Russians are considered from the point of view of ensuring the national security of the country. There are such unique characteristics of the Russian people as community, nepotism, the priority of the ideal over the material. The abovementioned values and ideals are common — universal and acceptable to all — and echo the ideals of the Soviet period. However, now there is not a return to the values of socialism, which, by the way, also called for justice, equality, stability, but a gradual prioritization of the basic spiritual values in the consciousness of the people, regardless of the socio-economic model, since they are the backbone of the social system of society. Through the defi nition of traditional values and an objective assessment of the modern spiritual and moral state of society, the author builds a scheme for achieving the unity of the peoples of Russia as the basis of national security. In this regard, he comes to the conclusion that only the appeal of Russians to the history and traditions of their state, taking into account primarily national interests, can contribute to neutralization of internal and external threats to the individual, society and the state within the framework of the national security system of Russia, as well as preventing the negative influence of Western values and cultural expression in general. At the same time, official documents of the Russian Federation are used as arguments, as well as the speech of President V. Putin at the Valdai Forum on October 21 this year.
{"title":"Protection of traditional values and national security issues","authors":"V. Vinokurov","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2106-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2106-01","url":null,"abstract":"The article notes the relevance of the problem of the correlation of traditional values with national security issues, defines the concept of \"traditional values\", the main approaches to identifying the essence and content of this concept. the traditional values of Russians are considered from the point of view of ensuring the national security of the country. There are such unique characteristics of the Russian people as community, nepotism, the priority of the ideal over the material. The abovementioned values and ideals are common — universal and acceptable to all — and echo the ideals of the Soviet period. However, now there is not a return to the values of socialism, which, by the way, also called for justice, equality, stability, but a gradual prioritization of the basic spiritual values in the consciousness of the people, regardless of the socio-economic model, since they are the backbone of the social system of society. Through the defi nition of traditional values and an objective assessment of the modern spiritual and moral state of society, the author builds a scheme for achieving the unity of the peoples of Russia as the basis of national security. In this regard, he comes to the conclusion that only the appeal of Russians to the history and traditions of their state, taking into account primarily national interests, can contribute to neutralization of internal and external threats to the individual, society and the state within the framework of the national security system of Russia, as well as preventing the negative influence of Western values and cultural expression in general. At the same time, official documents of the Russian Federation are used as arguments, as well as the speech of President V. Putin at the Valdai Forum on October 21 this year.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127709485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Multyaceted Diplomacy as the modern Confrontation Model of "Collective West" against Russian Federation. This article is dedicated to the exceptionally complex relationship between Russia and "Collective West" (Western European countries) instigated by the USA where US is provoking anti-Russian sanctions and acts as a catalyst of large–scale confrontations against Russian Federation. The author pays special attention to the systematic confrontation launched against the leadership of Russia since 2014. The forms and methods of anti — Russian policy and diplomacy are analyzed through the model of multifaceted "polidiplomacy" (the pressure diplomacy, sanction diplomacy, informational (media) diplomacy, as well as "diplomacy" of challenges, threats, and blackmail, and the newest type of diplomacy — the "pandemic diplomacy". Despite the difference of forms and specific realization methods for each particular sub-model, their main purpose of it is to inflict the maximum damage/destruction to the very existence of Russia using sanctions as its principal practice. The article analyzes the peculiarities of political pressure and enforcements of anti-Russian policy launched during the presidency of Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joseph Biden who were actively supported by the UK leadership and a number of European Union members.
{"title":"\"Polydiplomacy\" as a confrontational model of modern relations of the Collective West with Russia","authors":"Yuri A. Razzhivin","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-06","url":null,"abstract":"Multyaceted Diplomacy as the modern Confrontation Model of \"Collective West\" against Russian Federation. This article is dedicated to the exceptionally complex relationship between Russia and \"Collective West\" (Western European countries) instigated by the USA where US is provoking anti-Russian sanctions and acts as a catalyst of large–scale confrontations against Russian Federation. The author pays special attention to the systematic confrontation launched against the leadership of Russia since 2014. The forms and methods of anti — Russian policy and diplomacy are analyzed through the model of multifaceted \"polidiplomacy\" (the pressure diplomacy, sanction diplomacy, informational (media) diplomacy, as well as \"diplomacy\" of challenges, threats, and blackmail, and the newest type of diplomacy — the \"pandemic diplomacy\". Despite the difference of forms and specific realization methods for each particular sub-model, their main purpose of it is to inflict the maximum damage/destruction to the very existence of Russia using sanctions as its principal practice. The article analyzes the peculiarities of political pressure and enforcements of anti-Russian policy launched during the presidency of Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joseph Biden who were actively supported by the UK leadership and a number of European Union members.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127815248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to the activities of one of the most famous public organizations in Russia-the All — Russian Movement for the Support of Flot (DPF), which celebrated its 30th anniversary on September 10, 2021. Created in the difficult conditions of the beginning of the actual collapse of the Soviet Union, the Movement immediately declared its patriotic goals, the main one of which was the systematic preparation and worthy meeting of the upcoming 300th anniversary of the Russian Fleet. The ideas and plans of the DPF leadership have found wide support among military sailors and representatives of the civil fleet. Today, the Fleet Support Movement unites in its ranks more than 50 thousand individual and collective members-veterans and active military sailors, representatives of the Marine Transport and River Fleet, Shipbuilding and ship repair industry, Fishing Fleet, marine science, People's fleet-yachting, etc. All of them are part of 63 regional branches and representative offices operating in many regions and large cities of our country. Thus, it has become a powerful public organization that can solve any task in its field, starting from the development of the Russian Maritime Strategy and ending with taking care of the daily life of members of the maritime community. The organization also actively participates in international activities, which makes it a strong representative of Russian public (people's) diplomacy abroad.
{"title":"All-Russian fleet support movement and public diplomacy","authors":"V. Vinokurov","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-04","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the activities of one of the most famous public organizations in Russia-the All — Russian Movement for the Support of Flot (DPF), which celebrated its 30th anniversary on September 10, 2021. Created in the difficult conditions of the beginning of the actual collapse of the Soviet Union, the Movement immediately declared its patriotic goals, the main one of which was the systematic preparation and worthy meeting of the upcoming 300th anniversary of the Russian Fleet. The ideas and plans of the DPF leadership have found wide support among military sailors and representatives of the civil fleet. Today, the Fleet Support Movement unites in its ranks more than 50 thousand individual and collective members-veterans and active military sailors, representatives of the Marine Transport and River Fleet, Shipbuilding and ship repair industry, Fishing Fleet, marine science, People's fleet-yachting, etc. All of them are part of 63 regional branches and representative offices operating in many regions and large cities of our country. Thus, it has become a powerful public organization that can solve any task in its field, starting from the development of the Russian Maritime Strategy and ending with taking care of the daily life of members of the maritime community. The organization also actively participates in international activities, which makes it a strong representative of Russian public (people's) diplomacy abroad.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130584064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article deals with the history and prospects of the development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia. It is noted that diplomatic relations between the two states have a long history. The author identifies three main stages in the development of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The first stage was the Soviet one (until 1991). It was during this period that the foundations of cooperation between the two states were laid. At the same time, diplomatic relations were supported by broad cooperation in the economic and military-political spheres. Mongolia and Russia have been acting as allies for a long time. At the same time, the USSR acted as a guarantor of Mongolia's independence. The second stage (1991–2000) is characterized by the cooling of bilateral relations, which was due to the processes that took place in the USSR. The third stage (2000 and up to the present) is characterized by the intensification of diplomatic contacts. This is reflected in the frequency of official visits of the heads of state of Mongolia and Russia, as well as heads of diplomatic departments of Mongolia and Russia. The period of the 2000s. it is characterized by the presence of permanent diplomatic contacts between Mongolia and Russia. Their results are expressed in a number of declarations and agreements on cooperation between countries in various fields. Cross-border cooperation is also actively developing. The author notes that the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia are dictated by the goals of the foreign policy of both countries. The author notes that Mongolia is characterized by the desire to build equally equal relations with all states. Russia, on the contrary, seeks to build cooperation by attracting new member states to interstate associations of various directions. In particular, Russian diplomacy is making efforts to attract Mongolia to participate in the processes taking place within the framework of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the further development of cooperation is considered by the Russian side from the point of view of deepening the processes of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the Mongolian side, in accordance with the provisions of its foreign policy concept, does not seek to join any political associations. The author concludes that considering the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the differences in approaches to the implementation of foreign policy between the two countries.
{"title":"Mongolian-Russian diplomatic relations: history and prospects","authors":"A. Dashnyam, B. Gunchinsharav","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-05","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the history and prospects of the development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia. It is noted that diplomatic relations between the two states have a long history. The author identifies three main stages in the development of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The first stage was the Soviet one (until 1991). It was during this period that the foundations of cooperation between the two states were laid. At the same time, diplomatic relations were supported by broad cooperation in the economic and military-political spheres. Mongolia and Russia have been acting as allies for a long time. At the same time, the USSR acted as a guarantor of Mongolia's independence. The second stage (1991–2000) is characterized by the cooling of bilateral relations, which was due to the processes that took place in the USSR. The third stage (2000 and up to the present) is characterized by the intensification of diplomatic contacts. This is reflected in the frequency of official visits of the heads of state of Mongolia and Russia, as well as heads of diplomatic departments of Mongolia and Russia. The period of the 2000s. it is characterized by the presence of permanent diplomatic contacts between Mongolia and Russia. Their results are expressed in a number of declarations and agreements on cooperation between countries in various fields. Cross-border cooperation is also actively developing. The author notes that the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia are dictated by the goals of the foreign policy of both countries. The author notes that Mongolia is characterized by the desire to build equally equal relations with all states. Russia, on the contrary, seeks to build cooperation by attracting new member states to interstate associations of various directions. In particular, Russian diplomacy is making efforts to attract Mongolia to participate in the processes taking place within the framework of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the further development of cooperation is considered by the Russian side from the point of view of deepening the processes of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the Mongolian side, in accordance with the provisions of its foreign policy concept, does not seek to join any political associations. The author concludes that considering the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the differences in approaches to the implementation of foreign policy between the two countries.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133364159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to the analysis of Azerbaijani-Russian relations and regional policy of Russia. The article analyzes the historical ties between Azerbaijan and Russia, which for several centuries formed the defining link in the chain of historical events that took place in Azerbaijan. XVIII-beginning. The XIX century was the culmination, because at that time the foundation of Azerbaijani-Russian relations was laid, which were fully developed in a later period. The events that took place during this period largely predetermined the future fate of the Azerbaijani people, having influenced the course of its socio-political and cultural development. The author analyzes the relations between Russia and Azerbaijan after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the period of the rule of the Popular Front of Azerbaijan (NFA). A special place is given to the transformation of relations between the countries, after the coming to power of Heydar Aliyev and Vladimir Putin. The historic visit of the Russian president to the Republic, which became the first such visit of a Russian leader to sovereign Azerbaijan, played a positive role in bringing both sides closer together and beginning the modern stage of relations. The article also examines the economic and humanitarian relations between the two countries. Both countries have established themselves as leaders in the oil and gas industry, their relations have recently significantly intensified, relying on international legal documents of a systemic nature. In the humanitarian sphere, relations between Azerbaijan and Russia are developing at a high level. The Russian Information and Cultural Center (RICС), a representative office of Rossotrudnichestvo, operates in Azerbaijan. Numerous public associations of Azerbaijanis operate in Russia, among which the most significant are the Federal National and Cultural Autonomy of Azerbaijanis of Russia (FNKA AzerRos) and the Azerbaijani Youth Organization of Russia (AMOR). Special attention is paid to the role of Russia in the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the decree of V. Putin «On measures to maintain peace in Nagorno-Karabakh» dated November 10, 2020. Generalizing conclusions concerning the prospects of bilateral relations in regional politics are made.
{"title":"Azerbaijani-Russian relations as a factor of regional stability in the Caspian-Caucasus region","authors":"M. F. Shukurov","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2105-08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2105-08","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of Azerbaijani-Russian relations and regional policy of Russia. The article analyzes the historical ties between Azerbaijan and Russia, which for several centuries formed the defining link in the chain of historical events that took place in Azerbaijan. XVIII-beginning. The XIX century was the culmination, because at that time the foundation of Azerbaijani-Russian relations was laid, which were fully developed in a later period. The events that took place during this period largely predetermined the future fate of the Azerbaijani people, having influenced the course of its socio-political and cultural development. The author analyzes the relations between Russia and Azerbaijan after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the period of the rule of the Popular Front of Azerbaijan (NFA). A special place is given to the transformation of relations between the countries, after the coming to power of Heydar Aliyev and Vladimir Putin. The historic visit of the Russian president to the Republic, which became the first such visit of a Russian leader to sovereign Azerbaijan, played a positive role in bringing both sides closer together and beginning the modern stage of relations. The article also examines the economic and humanitarian relations between the two countries. Both countries have established themselves as leaders in the oil and gas industry, their relations have recently significantly intensified, relying on international legal documents of a systemic nature. In the humanitarian sphere, relations between Azerbaijan and Russia are developing at a high level. The Russian Information and Cultural Center (RICС), a representative office of Rossotrudnichestvo, operates in Azerbaijan. Numerous public associations of Azerbaijanis operate in Russia, among which the most significant are the Federal National and Cultural Autonomy of Azerbaijanis of Russia (FNKA AzerRos) and the Azerbaijani Youth Organization of Russia (AMOR). Special attention is paid to the role of Russia in the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the decree of V. Putin «On measures to maintain peace in Nagorno-Karabakh» dated November 10, 2020. Generalizing conclusions concerning the prospects of bilateral relations in regional politics are made.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123156246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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