Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1232601
Lucas Michael Haitsma
This article considers the Court of Justice of the European Union's assessment and regulation of risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on Passenger Name Records data (PNR data). On the June 21, 2022 the court delivered a landmark judgment in Ligue des Droits Humains pertaining to discrimination and algorithmic profiling in a border security context. The CJEU identifies and seeks to regulate several risks of discrimination in relation to the automated processing of PNR data, the manual review of the results of this processing, and the resulting decisions taken by competent authorities. It interpreted whether the PNR Directive that lays down the legal basis for such profiling was compatible with the fundamental right to privacy, the right to data protection, and the right to non-discrimination. In its judgment, the CJEU seems to insufficiently assess various risks of discrimination. In particular, it overlooks risks relating to data quality and representativeness, automation bias, and practical difficulties in identifying discrimination. The judges also seem to prescribe safeguards against discrimination without guidance as to how to ensure their uniform and effective implementation. Such shortcomings can be observed in relation to ensuring the non-discriminatory nature of law enforcement databases, preventing indirectly discriminatory profiling practices based on collected PNR data, and configuring effective human-in-the-loop and transparency safeguards. This landmark judgement represents an important step in addressing algorithmic discrimination through CJEU adjudication. However, the CJEUs inability to sufficiently address the risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on the PNR Directive raises a broader concern. Namely, whether the CJEU is adequately equipped to combat algorithmic discrimination in the broader realm of European border security where algorithmic profiling is becoming increasingly commonplace.
{"title":"Regulating algorithmic discrimination through adjudication: the Court of Justice of the European Union on discrimination in algorithmic profiling based on PNR data","authors":"Lucas Michael Haitsma","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1232601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1232601","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the Court of Justice of the European Union's assessment and regulation of risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on Passenger Name Records data (PNR data). On the June 21, 2022 the court delivered a landmark judgment in Ligue des Droits Humains pertaining to discrimination and algorithmic profiling in a border security context. The CJEU identifies and seeks to regulate several risks of discrimination in relation to the automated processing of PNR data, the manual review of the results of this processing, and the resulting decisions taken by competent authorities. It interpreted whether the PNR Directive that lays down the legal basis for such profiling was compatible with the fundamental right to privacy, the right to data protection, and the right to non-discrimination. In its judgment, the CJEU seems to insufficiently assess various risks of discrimination. In particular, it overlooks risks relating to data quality and representativeness, automation bias, and practical difficulties in identifying discrimination. The judges also seem to prescribe safeguards against discrimination without guidance as to how to ensure their uniform and effective implementation. Such shortcomings can be observed in relation to ensuring the non-discriminatory nature of law enforcement databases, preventing indirectly discriminatory profiling practices based on collected PNR data, and configuring effective human-in-the-loop and transparency safeguards. This landmark judgement represents an important step in addressing algorithmic discrimination through CJEU adjudication. However, the CJEUs inability to sufficiently address the risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on the PNR Directive raises a broader concern. Namely, whether the CJEU is adequately equipped to combat algorithmic discrimination in the broader realm of European border security where algorithmic profiling is becoming increasingly commonplace.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136113967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1257092
Mitchell Linegar, Rafal Kocielnik, R. Michael Alvarez
Large Language Models (LLMs) are a type of artificial intelligence that uses information from very large datasets to model the use of language and generate content. While LLMs like GPT-3 have been used widely in many applications, the recent public release of OpenAI's ChatGPT has opened more debate about the potential uses and abuses of LLMs. In this paper, we provide a brief introduction to LLMs and discuss their potential application in political science and political methodology. We use two examples of LLMs from our recent research to illustrate how LLMs open new areas of research. We conclude with a discussion of how researchers can use LLMs in their work, and issues that researchers need to be aware of regarding using LLMs in political science and political methodology.
{"title":"Large language models and political science","authors":"Mitchell Linegar, Rafal Kocielnik, R. Michael Alvarez","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1257092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1257092","url":null,"abstract":"Large Language Models (LLMs) are a type of artificial intelligence that uses information from very large datasets to model the use of language and generate content. While LLMs like GPT-3 have been used widely in many applications, the recent public release of OpenAI's ChatGPT has opened more debate about the potential uses and abuses of LLMs. In this paper, we provide a brief introduction to LLMs and discuss their potential application in political science and political methodology. We use two examples of LLMs from our recent research to illustrate how LLMs open new areas of research. We conclude with a discussion of how researchers can use LLMs in their work, and issues that researchers need to be aware of regarding using LLMs in political science and political methodology.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136078618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Methodology challenge in political science research","authors":"Camelia Florela Voinea","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1295055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1295055","url":null,"abstract":"SPECIALTY GRAND CHALLENGE article Front. Polit. Sci., 11 October 2023Sec. Political Science Methodologies Volume 5 - 2023 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1295055","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136210961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1214101
Philippe De Lombaerde, Marco D'Attoma, Neil Dullaghan, Hana Umezawa, Caroline Verhelst
Even though the UN interacts with regions and regionalism, a systematic analysis of the development of the regional dimension within their bodies is still needed. Traditional categories identifying simply electoral or operational roles for regions fall short in accounting for their multi-layered and increasing impact. Aiming at formulating a new typology and research agenda in this area, the authors approached the issue inductively. First, they provided a historical mapping of the regional manifestations in the framework of the UN and UN-regional organization interactions. Second, they analyzed relevant debates for the UN on peace, security, and sustainability through the lens of the regional dimension. What emerges is that, though vaguely defined and seriously fragmented, regions are largely used as electoral bodies, socio-economic areas, and statistical categories by the UN, that follow historical, cultural, and political rather than purely geographical criteria in their shaping. Besides, in the last 20 years, regions have become crucial for peacekeeping and conflict resolution in specific areas, as well as they are paramount to the implementation of global sustainability goals. All in all, the inductive approach has outlined three dimensions of UN regionalism: regions' political and operational roles; institutionalized vs. non-institutionalized groupings; and their formal vs. informal status. Finally, the authors suggest that strengthening partnerships between the UN and regional entities should be a milestone for a new era of networked and multi-layered multilateralism, while the harmonization of statistical regions is desirable at the operational level.
{"title":"UNdefined regions: toward a new typology of regions in the UN","authors":"Philippe De Lombaerde, Marco D'Attoma, Neil Dullaghan, Hana Umezawa, Caroline Verhelst","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1214101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1214101","url":null,"abstract":"Even though the UN interacts with regions and regionalism, a systematic analysis of the development of the regional dimension within their bodies is still needed. Traditional categories identifying simply electoral or operational roles for regions fall short in accounting for their multi-layered and increasing impact. Aiming at formulating a new typology and research agenda in this area, the authors approached the issue inductively. First, they provided a historical mapping of the regional manifestations in the framework of the UN and UN-regional organization interactions. Second, they analyzed relevant debates for the UN on peace, security, and sustainability through the lens of the regional dimension. What emerges is that, though vaguely defined and seriously fragmented, regions are largely used as electoral bodies, socio-economic areas, and statistical categories by the UN, that follow historical, cultural, and political rather than purely geographical criteria in their shaping. Besides, in the last 20 years, regions have become crucial for peacekeeping and conflict resolution in specific areas, as well as they are paramount to the implementation of global sustainability goals. All in all, the inductive approach has outlined three dimensions of UN regionalism: regions' political and operational roles; institutionalized vs. non-institutionalized groupings; and their formal vs. informal status. Finally, the authors suggest that strengthening partnerships between the UN and regional entities should be a milestone for a new era of networked and multi-layered multilateralism, while the harmonization of statistical regions is desirable at the operational level.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135579421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1172393
Abbas Jong
Methodological nationalism can be understood in the broadest sense possible as any kind of correspondence between society and the unit of the nation-state. This equation can be traced and understood at two levels: firstly, within the socio-historical context of the rise of nationalism and the development of human and social sciences; and secondly, within the cognitive context of the emergence of nationalism and these sciences, or the modern episteme, in other words. By focusing on the latter, the present article aims to indicate that the problem of methodological nationalism can be effectively grasped by exploring the intricate interplay among modernity, the discourse of nationalism, and the emergence of social science, particularly concerning the modern episteme. It becomes apparent that the regime of foundationalist differentiation ingrained within the modern episteme has established the foundation for this correspondence or congruence—a regime that, while constructing determined, regulated, unified and completed categories, such as society and the social/nation-state and the national, simultaneously sets the ground for the exclusion of other non-social/non-national phenomena and events. In this paper, the objective is to demonstrate how, by disclosing the implementation of this regime as well as highlighting the contingent nature and, consequently, the conditions of the possibility of social phenomena in the path of their grounding, alongside prioritizing the indeterminate social configurations and arguing for a post-foundationalist approach and the politics of transnationalism, it becomes possible to overcome the problem of methodological nationalism. This, in turn, sets a basis for taking into account excluded and indeterminate phenomena and actors within a global context.
{"title":"Modern episteme, methodological nationalism and the politics of transnationalism","authors":"Abbas Jong","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1172393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1172393","url":null,"abstract":"Methodological nationalism can be understood in the broadest sense possible as any kind of correspondence between society and the unit of the nation-state. This equation can be traced and understood at two levels: firstly, within the socio-historical context of the rise of nationalism and the development of human and social sciences; and secondly, within the cognitive context of the emergence of nationalism and these sciences, or the modern episteme, in other words. By focusing on the latter, the present article aims to indicate that the problem of methodological nationalism can be effectively grasped by exploring the intricate interplay among modernity, the discourse of nationalism, and the emergence of social science, particularly concerning the modern episteme. It becomes apparent that the regime of foundationalist differentiation ingrained within the modern episteme has established the foundation for this correspondence or congruence—a regime that, while constructing determined, regulated, unified and completed categories, such as society and the social/nation-state and the national, simultaneously sets the ground for the exclusion of other non-social/non-national phenomena and events. In this paper, the objective is to demonstrate how, by disclosing the implementation of this regime as well as highlighting the contingent nature and, consequently, the conditions of the possibility of social phenomena in the path of their grounding, alongside prioritizing the indeterminate social configurations and arguing for a post-foundationalist approach and the politics of transnationalism, it becomes possible to overcome the problem of methodological nationalism. This, in turn, sets a basis for taking into account excluded and indeterminate phenomena and actors within a global context.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135579422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1221565
Mackenzie Ishmael Chibambo, Joseph Jinja Divala
There is a common assumption that the removal of civics from the curriculum between 1995 and 2002, when Malawi became a democracy might have deformed citizenship and civic education (CE). This narrative assumes that civics, as a discipline, was critical for instilling democratic and civic values among Malawians. This then prompted the Tonse Alliance Government (TAG) to change the Ministry of Civic Education and Culture (MoCC) to the Ministry of Civic Education and National Unity (MoCENU) as the first step. Additionally, the then Minister of MoCENU proposed a policy change to reintroduce civics in schools arguing that, it is only through this subject that democratic citizenship can be realized. Accordingly, this paper sought to argue that mere changing of MoCC to MoCENU, and reintroducing civics in schools may add nothing toward the creation of democratic citizenship when we consider global trends. This paper therefore utilized qualitative research design especially Critical Hermeneutics to analyze available literature on citizenship and CE trends, its conceptions and common issues around the globe. In doing so, the paper sought to explain whether Malawi's CE projects have been on the right trajectory or not, and how power-relations and political interests have shaped its development. Mainly, we ascribed to the epigram that, straightening a tree is better done in its sapling . In other words, the best spaces for behavior change and habit formation remain the schools because they are naturally designed to prepare children for such roles and functions. While our arguments might not be final, we still understand that many researches have held a fragmented view of citizenship and CE. We thus sought to analyze these two concepts in the lenses of Critical Pedagogy as suggested by Paulo Freire and Henry Giroux who understood schools as political spaces where the hegemony captures the curriculum to oppress society while protecting their interests. By advocating for a democratic model of education anchored in humanization, problem-posing, and critical conscientization, Critical Pedagogy molds students into future citizens who values critical thinking, transparency and democratic values.
{"title":"The paradox of civic education in Malawi's education system: regaining the missed opportunities","authors":"Mackenzie Ishmael Chibambo, Joseph Jinja Divala","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1221565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1221565","url":null,"abstract":"There is a common assumption that the removal of civics from the curriculum between 1995 and 2002, when Malawi became a democracy might have deformed citizenship and civic education (CE). This narrative assumes that civics, as a discipline, was critical for instilling democratic and civic values among Malawians. This then prompted the Tonse Alliance Government (TAG) to change the Ministry of Civic Education and Culture (MoCC) to the Ministry of Civic Education and National Unity (MoCENU) as the first step. Additionally, the then Minister of MoCENU proposed a policy change to reintroduce civics in schools arguing that, it is only through this subject that democratic citizenship can be realized. Accordingly, this paper sought to argue that mere changing of MoCC to MoCENU, and reintroducing civics in schools may add nothing toward the creation of democratic citizenship when we consider global trends. This paper therefore utilized qualitative research design especially Critical Hermeneutics to analyze available literature on citizenship and CE trends, its conceptions and common issues around the globe. In doing so, the paper sought to explain whether Malawi's CE projects have been on the right trajectory or not, and how power-relations and political interests have shaped its development. Mainly, we ascribed to the epigram that, straightening a tree is better done in its sapling . In other words, the best spaces for behavior change and habit formation remain the schools because they are naturally designed to prepare children for such roles and functions. While our arguments might not be final, we still understand that many researches have held a fragmented view of citizenship and CE. We thus sought to analyze these two concepts in the lenses of Critical Pedagogy as suggested by Paulo Freire and Henry Giroux who understood schools as political spaces where the hegemony captures the curriculum to oppress society while protecting their interests. By advocating for a democratic model of education anchored in humanization, problem-posing, and critical conscientization, Critical Pedagogy molds students into future citizens who values critical thinking, transparency and democratic values.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135719437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1070508
Olusola Olalekan Popoola, Ayo Emmanuel Olajuyigbe
The Blue Economy is crucial for sustainable development in Africa, and the Gulf of Guinea, one of Sub-Saharan Africa's most economically dynamic countries, faces several challenges in transitioning into this economy. This study assesses the situation of the Blue Economy in the Gulf of Guinea and proposes strategies for its operationalization. A qualitative research approach was used to examine each member state's marine conservation initiatives, regional collaboration, management approaches, and strategic frameworks. Findings show that the Gulf of Guinea is already experiencing blue economy activities, but challenges like rapid population growth, urbanization, piracy, unsustainable anthropogenic activities, poor institutional frameworks, and climate change hinder the transition. The Gulf of Guinea's ocean economy accounts for less than 10% of GDP, so integrating the blue economy into trade strategies is crucial for its transformation. A systematic approach based on national priorities, social context, and resource base is needed to foster social inclusion, economic progress, and sustainable ocean development. Enablers of blue growth, such as integrated coastal zone management, marine spatial planning, marine protected areas, marine biodiversity, and blue justice discourse, must be integrated into policy design, prioritizing sustainability and equity. A cautious, phased approach is suggested, focusing on establishing traditional sectors, growing them, integrating value chains, and implementing regional collaboration so that the blue economy delivers on its social, environmental and economic goals in the Gulf of Guinea.
{"title":"Operationalizing the blue economy in the Gulf of Guinea, Africa","authors":"Olusola Olalekan Popoola, Ayo Emmanuel Olajuyigbe","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1070508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1070508","url":null,"abstract":"The Blue Economy is crucial for sustainable development in Africa, and the Gulf of Guinea, one of Sub-Saharan Africa's most economically dynamic countries, faces several challenges in transitioning into this economy. This study assesses the situation of the Blue Economy in the Gulf of Guinea and proposes strategies for its operationalization. A qualitative research approach was used to examine each member state's marine conservation initiatives, regional collaboration, management approaches, and strategic frameworks. Findings show that the Gulf of Guinea is already experiencing blue economy activities, but challenges like rapid population growth, urbanization, piracy, unsustainable anthropogenic activities, poor institutional frameworks, and climate change hinder the transition. The Gulf of Guinea's ocean economy accounts for less than 10% of GDP, so integrating the blue economy into trade strategies is crucial for its transformation. A systematic approach based on national priorities, social context, and resource base is needed to foster social inclusion, economic progress, and sustainable ocean development. Enablers of blue growth, such as integrated coastal zone management, marine spatial planning, marine protected areas, marine biodiversity, and blue justice discourse, must be integrated into policy design, prioritizing sustainability and equity. A cautious, phased approach is suggested, focusing on establishing traditional sectors, growing them, integrating value chains, and implementing regional collaboration so that the blue economy delivers on its social, environmental and economic goals in the Gulf of Guinea.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136130691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-20DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1245684
Habiba Sarhan, Simon Hegelich
The use of AI-generated image captions has been increasing. Scholars of disability studies have long studied accessibility and AI issues concerning technology bias, focusing on image captions and tags. However, less attention has been paid to the individuals and social groups depicted in images and captioned using AI. Further research is needed to understand the underlying representational harms that could affect these social groups. This paper investigates the potential representational harms to social groups depicted in images. There is a high risk of harming certain social groups, either by stereotypical descriptions or erasing their identities from the caption, which could affect the understandings, beliefs, and attitudes that people hold about these specific groups. For the purpose of this article, 1,000 images with human-annotated captions were collected from news agencies “politics” sections. Microsoft's Azure Cloud Services was used to generate AI-generated captions with the December 2021 public version. The pattern observed from the politically salient images gathered and their captions highlight the tendency of the model used to generate more generic descriptions, which may potentially harm misrepresented social groups. Consequently, a balance between those harms needs to be struck, which is intertwined with the trade-off between generating generic vs. specific descriptions. The decision to generate generic descriptions, being extra cautious not to use stereotypes, erases and demeans excluded and already underrepresented social groups, while the decision to generate specific descriptions stereotypes social groups as well as reifies them. The appropriate trade-off is, therefore, crucial, especially when examining politically salient images.
{"title":"Understanding and evaluating harms of AI-generated image captions in political images","authors":"Habiba Sarhan, Simon Hegelich","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1245684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1245684","url":null,"abstract":"The use of AI-generated image captions has been increasing. Scholars of disability studies have long studied accessibility and AI issues concerning technology bias, focusing on image captions and tags. However, less attention has been paid to the individuals and social groups depicted in images and captioned using AI. Further research is needed to understand the underlying representational harms that could affect these social groups. This paper investigates the potential representational harms to social groups depicted in images. There is a high risk of harming certain social groups, either by stereotypical descriptions or erasing their identities from the caption, which could affect the understandings, beliefs, and attitudes that people hold about these specific groups. For the purpose of this article, 1,000 images with human-annotated captions were collected from news agencies “politics” sections. Microsoft's Azure Cloud Services was used to generate AI-generated captions with the December 2021 public version. The pattern observed from the politically salient images gathered and their captions highlight the tendency of the model used to generate more generic descriptions, which may potentially harm misrepresented social groups. Consequently, a balance between those harms needs to be struck, which is intertwined with the trade-off between generating generic vs. specific descriptions. The decision to generate generic descriptions, being extra cautious not to use stereotypes, erases and demeans excluded and already underrepresented social groups, while the decision to generate specific descriptions stereotypes social groups as well as reifies them. The appropriate trade-off is, therefore, crucial, especially when examining politically salient images.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136314993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Navigating the demographic shift: an examination of China's new fertility policy and its implications","authors":"Wengtong Chan, Chonin Cheang","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1278072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1278072","url":null,"abstract":"OPINION article Front. Polit. Sci., 18 September 2023Sec. Comparative Governance Volume 5 - 2023 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1278072","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135207670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1150501
Simon Hegelich, Saurabh Dhawan, Habiba Sarhan
Acclamation as political form of communication has been used to understand political phenomena by a range of 20th century thinkers and recently has been used to analyze social media. However, if the notion of social media as acclamation is to be fruitful, it should be closely connected to inherent features of social media as technology and should be available to empirical analysis. To do so, this study follows a mixed-method approach. First, we offer a theoretical analysis of acclamation and how it links to each of the constituent parts of social media. Next, we build upon this theoretical analysis to study acclamation and social media as a matter of empirical data analysis to analyse the Tweets of the US-Presidents Obama, Trump and Biden. We apply regression models to measure the effects of acclamation. Our results show that acclamation is an essential feature of political communication but different for each President. This is in parts caused by the algorithms of Twitter which have different effects on the communication of the three Presidents. Our findings expand the idea of social media as acclamation and prove its relevance to the current political discourse.
{"title":"Twitter as political acclamation","authors":"Simon Hegelich, Saurabh Dhawan, Habiba Sarhan","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1150501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1150501","url":null,"abstract":"Acclamation as political form of communication has been used to understand political phenomena by a range of 20th century thinkers and recently has been used to analyze social media. However, if the notion of social media as acclamation is to be fruitful, it should be closely connected to inherent features of social media as technology and should be available to empirical analysis. To do so, this study follows a mixed-method approach. First, we offer a theoretical analysis of acclamation and how it links to each of the constituent parts of social media. Next, we build upon this theoretical analysis to study acclamation and social media as a matter of empirical data analysis to analyse the Tweets of the US-Presidents Obama, Trump and Biden. We apply regression models to measure the effects of acclamation. Our results show that acclamation is an essential feature of political communication but different for each President. This is in parts caused by the algorithms of Twitter which have different effects on the communication of the three Presidents. Our findings expand the idea of social media as acclamation and prove its relevance to the current political discourse.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135437815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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