Pub Date : 2024-07-24DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1362526
Florian Steig
The rise in global sea levels poses a substantial, sometimes existential threat to coastal cities around the world, such as Bangkok, Lagos, or Jakarta. Adaptation projects range from hard infrastructure to nature-based solutions or ‘planned retreat’, often having severe implications in terms of equity and equality. Given the threat of urban flooding and submergence, this paper asks how ‘the future’ for these cities is imagined, and how sociotechnical imaginaries of climate futures inform policymaking. Using insights from poststructuralism and Science and Technology Studies (STS), I argue that the way of ‘seeing’ and ‘knowing’ sea level rise is constitutive of the rationalities that undergird the governing of rising water around the world. I trace the discrete operations of the discursive formations and imaginaries that have evolved globally around the issue of sea level rise, with their own distinctive logics. Analyzing a variety of globally circulating policy documents and local adaptation projects, I show how the governance of sea level rise is based on a very specific ‘expert’ knowledge that allows re-designing sinking cities ‘from above’. This kind of knowledge, provided by a depoliticizing global network of consultants, designers, and development banks, privileges imaginaries of modernity and control using technology and engineering, as well as ideas on how populations in flood-prone areas are expected to govern themselves in the advent of rising sea levels. These imaginaries tend to marginalize alternative local adaptation practices, lead to unintended outcomes, and often discriminate against those who are already vulnerable to climate change impacts.
{"title":"Imagining the flood: rationalities of governance in sinking cities","authors":"Florian Steig","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1362526","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1362526","url":null,"abstract":"The rise in global sea levels poses a substantial, sometimes existential threat to coastal cities around the world, such as Bangkok, Lagos, or Jakarta. Adaptation projects range from hard infrastructure to nature-based solutions or ‘planned retreat’, often having severe implications in terms of equity and equality. Given the threat of urban flooding and submergence, this paper asks how ‘the future’ for these cities is imagined, and how sociotechnical imaginaries of climate futures inform policymaking. Using insights from poststructuralism and Science and Technology Studies (STS), I argue that the way of ‘seeing’ and ‘knowing’ sea level rise is constitutive of the rationalities that undergird the governing of rising water around the world. I trace the discrete operations of the discursive formations and imaginaries that have evolved globally around the issue of sea level rise, with their own distinctive logics. Analyzing a variety of globally circulating policy documents and local adaptation projects, I show how the governance of sea level rise is based on a very specific ‘expert’ knowledge that allows re-designing sinking cities ‘from above’. This kind of knowledge, provided by a depoliticizing global network of consultants, designers, and development banks, privileges imaginaries of modernity and control using technology and engineering, as well as ideas on how populations in flood-prone areas are expected to govern themselves in the advent of rising sea levels. These imaginaries tend to marginalize alternative local adaptation practices, lead to unintended outcomes, and often discriminate against those who are already vulnerable to climate change impacts.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141810091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-22DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1198295
Zsófia S. Ignácz
The paper outlines key points of a novel research approach to empirically investigate the question of legitimacy in modern societies. This new research approach utilizes a functionalist perspective to expand the concept of legitimacy. Accordingly, the conceptual framework discusses how legitimacy can be employed in different domains of society. In particular, it proposes to conceptualize both the legitimacy of the political system (political legitimacy) as well as the legitimacy of the economic system (economic legitimacy). The main objectives of the study are to (1) develop conceptualizations that are empirically plausible for the two types of legitimacies; (2) to empirically verify the operationalization; and (3) to assess empirically the relationship between these two types of legitimacies and identify interdependencies between them. The paper employs a macro-level research design to understand the relationship between political and economic legitimacy, where the main units of analysis are countries. The study compiles a new country-level dataset of indicators for political and economic legitimacy based on a large selection of secondary cross-national data sources. It employs then structural equation modeling to established empirical measurement models for political and economic legitimacy. Moreover, the relationship of political and economic legitimacy is explored with a cross-lagged panel model. The paper establishes that political and economic legitimacy are two distinct concepts empirically. Furthermore, the empirical results indicate that political legitimacy has a negative influence on economic legitimacy, whereas economic legitimacy does not effect political legitimacy. Overall, the paper shows the viability of this new research approach and potential pitfalls for future research. The empirical evidence should be interpreted with caution due to low data quality, nonetheless the paper contributes to taking a step closer toward understanding how governments can ensure stable societies.
{"title":"The relationship between political legitimacy and economic legitimacy: empirical explorations of a novel research approach on legitimacy","authors":"Zsófia S. Ignácz","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1198295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1198295","url":null,"abstract":"The paper outlines key points of a novel research approach to empirically investigate the question of legitimacy in modern societies. This new research approach utilizes a functionalist perspective to expand the concept of legitimacy. Accordingly, the conceptual framework discusses how legitimacy can be employed in different domains of society. In particular, it proposes to conceptualize both the legitimacy of the political system (political legitimacy) as well as the legitimacy of the economic system (economic legitimacy). The main objectives of the study are to (1) develop conceptualizations that are empirically plausible for the two types of legitimacies; (2) to empirically verify the operationalization; and (3) to assess empirically the relationship between these two types of legitimacies and identify interdependencies between them. The paper employs a macro-level research design to understand the relationship between political and economic legitimacy, where the main units of analysis are countries. The study compiles a new country-level dataset of indicators for political and economic legitimacy based on a large selection of secondary cross-national data sources. It employs then structural equation modeling to established empirical measurement models for political and economic legitimacy. Moreover, the relationship of political and economic legitimacy is explored with a cross-lagged panel model. The paper establishes that political and economic legitimacy are two distinct concepts empirically. Furthermore, the empirical results indicate that political legitimacy has a negative influence on economic legitimacy, whereas economic legitimacy does not effect political legitimacy. Overall, the paper shows the viability of this new research approach and potential pitfalls for future research. The empirical evidence should be interpreted with caution due to low data quality, nonetheless the paper contributes to taking a step closer toward understanding how governments can ensure stable societies.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141816305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1271062
Albert Denk
The aim of this article is to highlight and conceptualize key aspects of social closures that impact the German nuclear waste management case. According to the German legislator, the public must be involved in the search for a final repository for high-level radioactive waste. De facto, however, almost the entire population of Germany is excluded. In this article, processes of social closure are identified which lead to this and more extensive problematic situations with regard to procedural gaps. The participatory claim of the procedure already contains indeterminacies, participation conditions and concrete exclusions that make broad participation impossible. Based on the analysis of social closures to the outside and to the inside, it is shown that this participation only includes extremely few, generally better-off citizens and does not meet the claim to represent the public. Above all, closure mechanisms have an external effect, due to the characteristics of a supposed separation between people and their natural environment, the nation-statehood, and a limitation to symptom control. Internal closures function due to ignorance of unequal social positions, nuclear-historical amnesia, and the decoupling of safety and justice. This article ends with the conceptual creation of an exclusive public, which describes a process of state instrumentalization of public participation.
{"title":"Exclusive public—an analysis of public participation in the site selection procedure for a repository for nuclear waste","authors":"Albert Denk","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1271062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1271062","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to highlight and conceptualize key aspects of social closures that impact the German nuclear waste management case. According to the German legislator, the public must be involved in the search for a final repository for high-level radioactive waste. De facto, however, almost the entire population of Germany is excluded. In this article, processes of social closure are identified which lead to this and more extensive problematic situations with regard to procedural gaps. The participatory claim of the procedure already contains indeterminacies, participation conditions and concrete exclusions that make broad participation impossible. Based on the analysis of social closures to the outside and to the inside, it is shown that this participation only includes extremely few, generally better-off citizens and does not meet the claim to represent the public. Above all, closure mechanisms have an external effect, due to the characteristics of a supposed separation between people and their natural environment, the nation-statehood, and a limitation to symptom control. Internal closures function due to ignorance of unequal social positions, nuclear-historical amnesia, and the decoupling of safety and justice. This article ends with the conceptual creation of an exclusive public, which describes a process of state instrumentalization of public participation.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141822762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-18DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1398686
Andrés Mendiburo-Seguel, Andrew R. Olah, Dario Paez, Patricio Navia
Both the Theory of Affective Intelligence and the Expectancy Violation Theory suggest emotions are crucial in supporting political candidates. However, despite the considerable existing evidence on this topic, the impact of humor-induced emotions has been less explored. In this study, we examine whether positive and negative emotions mediate the effects of politicians’ use of affiliative humor on their likeability and citizen’s intention to vote for them. To do this, we designed an experiment in the context of the Chilean presidential elections of 2021, where two candidates representing extreme opposing ideologies competed for the office of president: Gabriel Boric, from a coalition including the Communist Party, and José Antonio Kast from the extreme-right Republican Party. Both candidates used different campaign techniques, including humor that did not always have political content. The experiment was run prior to the second round of the election with a sample of Chilean voters two months before the election (n = 1,033) and had four conditions: two experimental groups watched a video of a candidate using nonpolitical humor, and two control groups did not. Results indicate that humor boosted both candidates’ likeability and vote probability differently: for Boric, it increased positive emotions; for Kast, it reduced negative emotions. Perceptions of a candidate’s humor predicted higher likeability and declared probability of voting for him, independent of political stance. We discuss these outcomes through ITA and EVT frameworks and their significance for political communication.
情感智力理论（Theory of Affective Intelligence）和期望违背理论（Expectancy Violation Theory）都认为，情感对于支持政治候选人至关重要。然而，尽管已有大量相关证据，但对幽默引发的情绪影响的探讨却较少。在本研究中，我们探讨了积极情绪和消极情绪是否会调节政治家使用附属幽默对其亲和力和公民投票意向的影响。为此，我们设计了一个以 2021 年智利总统选举为背景的实验，两名代表极端对立意识形态的候选人竞争总统职位：加布里埃尔-博里奇（Gabriel Boric）来自包括共产党在内的联盟，何塞-安东尼奥-卡斯特（José Antonio Kast）来自极右翼的共和党。两位候选人使用了不同的竞选技巧，包括并不总是包含政治内容的幽默。实验在第二轮选举前进行，在选举前两个月对智利选民进行了抽样调查（n = 1,033），共有四种情况：两个实验组观看了候选人使用非政治幽默的视频，两个对照组没有观看。结果表明，幽默以不同方式提高了两位候选人的受欢迎程度和得票率：对博里奇来说，幽默增加了积极情绪；对卡斯特来说，幽默减少了消极情绪。对候选人幽默的感知预示着更高的好感度和投票给他的概率，这与政治立场无关。我们通过 ITA 和 EVT 框架讨论了这些结果及其对政治传播的意义。
{"title":"Laughing your vote off: the impact of candidates’ humor on voters’ emotions and intentions","authors":"Andrés Mendiburo-Seguel, Andrew R. Olah, Dario Paez, Patricio Navia","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1398686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1398686","url":null,"abstract":"Both the Theory of Affective Intelligence and the Expectancy Violation Theory suggest emotions are crucial in supporting political candidates. However, despite the considerable existing evidence on this topic, the impact of humor-induced emotions has been less explored. In this study, we examine whether positive and negative emotions mediate the effects of politicians’ use of affiliative humor on their likeability and citizen’s intention to vote for them. To do this, we designed an experiment in the context of the Chilean presidential elections of 2021, where two candidates representing extreme opposing ideologies competed for the office of president: Gabriel Boric, from a coalition including the Communist Party, and José Antonio Kast from the extreme-right Republican Party. Both candidates used different campaign techniques, including humor that did not always have political content. The experiment was run prior to the second round of the election with a sample of Chilean voters two months before the election (n = 1,033) and had four conditions: two experimental groups watched a video of a candidate using nonpolitical humor, and two control groups did not. Results indicate that humor boosted both candidates’ likeability and vote probability differently: for Boric, it increased positive emotions; for Kast, it reduced negative emotions. Perceptions of a candidate’s humor predicted higher likeability and declared probability of voting for him, independent of political stance. We discuss these outcomes through ITA and EVT frameworks and their significance for political communication.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141824915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-17DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1412260
P. Bunyavejchewin, Supruet Thavornyutikarn, Pattanarat Faugchun, P. Kamonpetch
This study quantitatively examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the concentration of military power within the international geopolitical system from 2014 to 2023. Utilizing a modified Composite Indicator of National Capability (mCINC) based on defense budgets and military personnel, this study analyzes the relative concentration of military capabilities among 145 states. Derived from the Correlates of War Project, our methodology enables an examination of variations in military capability concentration, especially during the pandemic years. The results trend towards the dispersion of military capabilities, with notable variations observed during the COVID-19 period, reflecting a more equitable distribution among states, notably major powers. These variations are attributed to a decrease in military capabilities among democracies, particularly the United States, and an increase in Russia’s military power. The study concludes that the pandemic years have led to a nuanced adjustment towards greater multipolarity, hinting at potential instability and uncertainty in geopolitics.
本研究定量分析了 COVID-19 大流行对 2014 年至 2023 年国际地缘政治体系内军事力量集中的影响。本研究利用基于国防预算和军事人员的国家能力综合指标（mCINC），分析了 145 个国家军事能力的相对集中程度。我们的研究方法源自 "战争相关性项目"（Correlates of War Project），可用于研究军事能力集中度的变化，尤其是在大流行病时期。研究结果趋向于军事能力的分散，在 COVID-19 期间观察到了明显的变化，反映出国家之间，尤其是大国之间的分布更加公平。这些变化归因于民主国家（尤其是美国）军事能力的下降和俄罗斯军事实力的增强。研究得出结论，大流行病时期导致了向更大多极化的细微调整，暗示了地缘政治中潜在的不稳定性和不确定性。
{"title":"Measuring the concentration of military power in the international geopolitical system: Singer’s methodology using only military indicators","authors":"P. Bunyavejchewin, Supruet Thavornyutikarn, Pattanarat Faugchun, P. Kamonpetch","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1412260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1412260","url":null,"abstract":"This study quantitatively examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the concentration of military power within the international geopolitical system from 2014 to 2023. Utilizing a modified Composite Indicator of National Capability (mCINC) based on defense budgets and military personnel, this study analyzes the relative concentration of military capabilities among 145 states. Derived from the Correlates of War Project, our methodology enables an examination of variations in military capability concentration, especially during the pandemic years. The results trend towards the dispersion of military capabilities, with notable variations observed during the COVID-19 period, reflecting a more equitable distribution among states, notably major powers. These variations are attributed to a decrease in military capabilities among democracies, particularly the United States, and an increase in Russia’s military power. The study concludes that the pandemic years have led to a nuanced adjustment towards greater multipolarity, hinting at potential instability and uncertainty in geopolitics.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141831371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-04DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1383026
Jorge Constantino, Ben Wagner
Accountability is considered a cornerstone of public administration and good governance. This study characterizes the relationship between the Dutch Intelligence and Secret Service (“AIVD”) and citizens (represented by parliament, courts, and oversight boards) as a complex actor-forum relationship. We utilize different accountability principles of public administration found in international and Dutch instruments and academic literature to propose workable principles of accountability for the AIVD. These proposed principles of accountability can be summarized as acting within duty, explainability, necessity, proportionality, reporting and record keeping, redress, and continuous independent oversight. Similarly, there are some conditions to support the workability of accountability principles. These conditions may be characterized as productive actor-forum relationships, cooperation, flexibility, value alignment, and learning and improving opportunities.
{"title":"Accountability and oversight in the Dutch intelligence and security domains in the digital age","authors":"Jorge Constantino, Ben Wagner","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1383026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1383026","url":null,"abstract":"Accountability is considered a cornerstone of public administration and good governance. This study characterizes the relationship between the Dutch Intelligence and Secret Service (“AIVD”) and citizens (represented by parliament, courts, and oversight boards) as a complex actor-forum relationship. We utilize different accountability principles of public administration found in international and Dutch instruments and academic literature to propose workable principles of accountability for the AIVD. These proposed principles of accountability can be summarized as acting within duty, explainability, necessity, proportionality, reporting and record keeping, redress, and continuous independent oversight. Similarly, there are some conditions to support the workability of accountability principles. These conditions may be characterized as productive actor-forum relationships, cooperation, flexibility, value alignment, and learning and improving opportunities.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141267701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-03DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1363974
Tom Vizcarrondo, Milad Minooie
This study expands previous research on political endorsements by focusing on the tone of the endorsement, rather than the endorser or the presence/absence of any endorsement at all. Using a 2×2 experimental design and a sample of 906 registered voters from a midwestern U.S. state, this study measures the effect of positive and negative endorsements on the voter perceptions of the endorsee, endorser, and unendorsed candidate during a partisan primary election campaign. Results support the idea that positive endorsements generally improve voters’ attitudes toward the endorsee and the endorser and negative endorsements generally hurt voters’ perception of the unendorsed candidate. Further interaction analyses show that factors such as a voter’s existing enthusiasm for politics, government, and politicians can moderate the effect of endorsements. The findings are in line with the proposition of the Social Judgment Theory and support the existing literature on the effect of endorsements.
{"title":"It’s not just what you say: the impact of message tone on intra-party endorsements","authors":"Tom Vizcarrondo, Milad Minooie","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1363974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1363974","url":null,"abstract":"This study expands previous research on political endorsements by focusing on the tone of the endorsement, rather than the endorser or the presence/absence of any endorsement at all. Using a 2×2 experimental design and a sample of 906 registered voters from a midwestern U.S. state, this study measures the effect of positive and negative endorsements on the voter perceptions of the endorsee, endorser, and unendorsed candidate during a partisan primary election campaign. Results support the idea that positive endorsements generally improve voters’ attitudes toward the endorsee and the endorser and negative endorsements generally hurt voters’ perception of the unendorsed candidate. Further interaction analyses show that factors such as a voter’s existing enthusiasm for politics, government, and politicians can moderate the effect of endorsements. The findings are in line with the proposition of the Social Judgment Theory and support the existing literature on the effect of endorsements.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141268893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-13DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1258811
Vaishali Singh
Public policy management has an intractable nature, and the institutional complexity of governance further exacerbates its practice. Transnational learning cutting across countries and policy areas can contribute to this policy knowledge in dealing with multifarious issues in public management. Understanding the institutional mix in public management in various contexts enhances the existing comprehension of how the national pattern of public management works differently in different socio-economic, cultural, and political settings. The present research aims to study the institutional framework in the form of state structure (unitary or federal) and the nature of executive government (majoritarian or consensual) in delineating the influence of institutions on public management processes in divergent policy systems. The paper undertakes four in-depth country case studies and the public management reforms as a response to institutional pressure are examined using the 4 M strategy–Maintain (holding on to existing administrative structures and processes), Modernize (keeping service delivery and regulation up to date), Marketize (efficiency and user-responsive public management), and Minimize (reducing state-led regulation). The case studies highlight the differences in the broad direction and energy of implementation that characterize a particular policy style. The results of the study indicate that even though the institutional dimensions are not present in strict polarization, the impact of the institutional mix is evident in the dominant strategies of public management reforms adopted at the national level.
公共政策管理具有棘手的性质，而治理机构的复杂性又进一步加剧了其实践。跨国家和跨政策领域的跨国学习有助于在处理公共管理的各种问题时掌握政策知识。了解不同背景下公共管理的机构组合，可以加深对国家公共管理模式如何在不同社会经济、文化和政治环境下以不同方式发挥作用的理解。本研究旨在研究以国家结构（单一制或联邦制）和行政政府性质（多数派或协商一致）为形式的制度框架，以界定不同政策体系中制度对公共管理过程的影响。本文对四个国家进行了深入的案例研究，并采用 4 M 战略--保持（坚持现有的行政结构和程序）、现代化（保持服务提供和监管的与时俱进）、市场化（提高效率和响应用户的公共管理）和最小化（减少国家主导的监管）--对公共管理改革作为对体制压力的回应进行了研究。案例研究强调了特定政策风格在大方向和执行力度上的差异。研究结果表明，尽管制度层面没有出现严格的两极分化，但制度组合的影响在国家层面采取的公共管理改革主导战略中显而易见。
{"title":"Role of institutions in public management: developing case studies for divergent policy systems","authors":"Vaishali Singh","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1258811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1258811","url":null,"abstract":"Public policy management has an intractable nature, and the institutional complexity of governance further exacerbates its practice. Transnational learning cutting across countries and policy areas can contribute to this policy knowledge in dealing with multifarious issues in public management. Understanding the institutional mix in public management in various contexts enhances the existing comprehension of how the national pattern of public management works differently in different socio-economic, cultural, and political settings. The present research aims to study the institutional framework in the form of state structure (unitary or federal) and the nature of executive government (majoritarian or consensual) in delineating the influence of institutions on public management processes in divergent policy systems. The paper undertakes four in-depth country case studies and the public management reforms as a response to institutional pressure are examined using the 4 M strategy–Maintain (holding on to existing administrative structures and processes), Modernize (keeping service delivery and regulation up to date), Marketize (efficiency and user-responsive public management), and Minimize (reducing state-led regulation). The case studies highlight the differences in the broad direction and energy of implementation that characterize a particular policy style. The results of the study indicate that even though the institutional dimensions are not present in strict polarization, the impact of the institutional mix is evident in the dominant strategies of public management reforms adopted at the national level.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140985409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-10DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1335735
Gábor Kozma, Feyrouz Ahlam Saidi, E. Molnár
Large cities are becoming increasingly valuable in the spatial structure of globalized economies. Although these centers vary significantly regarding population, economic structure, and income conditions, they—compared to their surroundings—generally show a higher productivity level, a higher rate of employment, higher education, and higher innovation performance. However, this metropolization and concentration of the economy in large cities made the development of cities regarded as medium-sized on an international scale an issue of competitiveness in Europe, characterized by dense town networks, a small number of metropolises, and a significant weight of medium- and small-sized towns. However, one of the main preconditions for achieving success in this competition is to form a comprehensive and complex concept with a significant emphasis on economic development. Therefore, the aim of our study is to analyze the local economic development strategies for the last three decades, as elaborated in Debrecen. In the framework of our empirical analysis, we examined how different mainstream concepts appear in local development strategies and which development objectives are determined by the local strategies. Furthermore, we also aimed to identify possible changes in ideas about city roles by referring to the organization of economic space.
{"title":"Local economic development strategies in a medium-sized city on the European periphery: a path to become an economic center of Eastern Central Europe importance","authors":"Gábor Kozma, Feyrouz Ahlam Saidi, E. Molnár","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1335735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1335735","url":null,"abstract":"Large cities are becoming increasingly valuable in the spatial structure of globalized economies. Although these centers vary significantly regarding population, economic structure, and income conditions, they—compared to their surroundings—generally show a higher productivity level, a higher rate of employment, higher education, and higher innovation performance. However, this metropolization and concentration of the economy in large cities made the development of cities regarded as medium-sized on an international scale an issue of competitiveness in Europe, characterized by dense town networks, a small number of metropolises, and a significant weight of medium- and small-sized towns. However, one of the main preconditions for achieving success in this competition is to form a comprehensive and complex concept with a significant emphasis on economic development. Therefore, the aim of our study is to analyze the local economic development strategies for the last three decades, as elaborated in Debrecen. In the framework of our empirical analysis, we examined how different mainstream concepts appear in local development strategies and which development objectives are determined by the local strategies. Furthermore, we also aimed to identify possible changes in ideas about city roles by referring to the organization of economic space.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140992376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-10DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1400307
Xia Liu
The principle of non-combatant immunity was codified in the Code of International Law and developed into an important foundation for the doctrine of just war, whose origins can be traced to the moral imperative of religious support. The doctrine advocates that persons deemed innocent should be protected from the threat of war, and it is the most widely recognized and deeply rooted moral constraint on the conduct of war. However, the principle of non-combatant immunity has not really deterred the outbreak of war, leaving the international community committed to utopian ideals. In the contemporary context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the principle of non-combatant immunity has been rendered ineffective as civilians are forced to be on the frontlines of both sides of the war. The principle of “just war” seems to have taken on a new basis, with self-defense becoming the pretext for justifying war, and the international community unable to rescue civilians from the flames of war amidst the outcry. There is an urgent need for the international community to re-examine and re-evaluate the immunity of non-combatants, and to limit the use of war as a “legitimate” means of resolving international conflicts. This article calls for a critical assessment of the normativity and effectiveness of the existing law on the principle of non-combatants, and a rethinking of how to construct a more rational and high-level principle to enhance the protection of non-combatants.
{"title":"Civilians at war: focusing on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and scrutinizing the doctrine of non-combatant immunity","authors":"Xia Liu","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1400307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1400307","url":null,"abstract":"The principle of non-combatant immunity was codified in the Code of International Law and developed into an important foundation for the doctrine of just war, whose origins can be traced to the moral imperative of religious support. The doctrine advocates that persons deemed innocent should be protected from the threat of war, and it is the most widely recognized and deeply rooted moral constraint on the conduct of war. However, the principle of non-combatant immunity has not really deterred the outbreak of war, leaving the international community committed to utopian ideals. In the contemporary context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the principle of non-combatant immunity has been rendered ineffective as civilians are forced to be on the frontlines of both sides of the war. The principle of “just war” seems to have taken on a new basis, with self-defense becoming the pretext for justifying war, and the international community unable to rescue civilians from the flames of war amidst the outcry. There is an urgent need for the international community to re-examine and re-evaluate the immunity of non-combatants, and to limit the use of war as a “legitimate” means of resolving international conflicts. This article calls for a critical assessment of the normativity and effectiveness of the existing law on the principle of non-combatants, and a rethinking of how to construct a more rational and high-level principle to enhance the protection of non-combatants.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140994198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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