Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1238461
P. Salvini, T. Reinmund, Benjamin Hardin, Keri Grieman, C. Ten Holter, Aaron Johnson, Lars Kunze, Alan Winfield, Marina Jirotka
This paper draws on three case studies to examine some of the challenges and tensions involved in the use of Autonomous Decision-Making Systems (ADMS). In particular, the paper highlights: (i) challenges around the shifting “locale” of the decision, and the associated consequences for stakeholders; (ii) potential implications for stakeholders from regulation such as the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR); (iii) the different values that stakeholder groups bring to the “decision” question; (iv) how complex pre-existing webs of stakeholders and decision-making authorities may be disrupted or disempowered by the use of an automated system and the lack of evaluation of possible consequences; (v) how ADMS for non-technical users can lead to circumvention of the boundaries of intended system use. We illustrate these challenges through case studies in three domains: adult social care, aviation, and vehicle driver monitoring systems. The paper closes with recommendations for both practice and policy in the deployment of ADMS.
{"title":"Human involvement in autonomous decision-making systems. Lessons learned from three case studies in aviation, social care and road vehicles","authors":"P. Salvini, T. Reinmund, Benjamin Hardin, Keri Grieman, C. Ten Holter, Aaron Johnson, Lars Kunze, Alan Winfield, Marina Jirotka","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1238461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1238461","url":null,"abstract":"This paper draws on three case studies to examine some of the challenges and tensions involved in the use of Autonomous Decision-Making Systems (ADMS). In particular, the paper highlights: (i) challenges around the shifting “locale” of the decision, and the associated consequences for stakeholders; (ii) potential implications for stakeholders from regulation such as the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR); (iii) the different values that stakeholder groups bring to the “decision” question; (iv) how complex pre-existing webs of stakeholders and decision-making authorities may be disrupted or disempowered by the use of an automated system and the lack of evaluation of possible consequences; (v) how ADMS for non-technical users can lead to circumvention of the boundaries of intended system use. We illustrate these challenges through case studies in three domains: adult social care, aviation, and vehicle driver monitoring systems. The paper closes with recommendations for both practice and policy in the deployment of ADMS.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"125 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138953503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1286577
Bama Andika Putra
Studies in maritime diplomacy have treated the development of oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea as taken-for-granted events. On the contrary, this study argues that assessing the maritime diplomatic properties inherent in energy reserve explorations can reveal unique insights, motivations, and significance of maritime diplomatic events. It assesses Malaysia's oil and gas explorations in the Luconia Shoals, informed by the analytical framework of Le Mière's maritime diplomatic properties. Utilizing secondary data from the Asian Maritime Transparency Initiative between 2020 and 2023 related to Malaysia's oil and gas project developments in the Luconia Shoals, this article concludes that the maritime diplomatic events consist of the following characteristics: (1) pre-emptive and sustainment, underlining Malaysia's long-term plan of fulfilling the growing domestic energy demand, (2) explicitness of the messages transmitted to Chinese officials in order to repel any possibilities of adversaries misconstruing Malaysia's actions at sea, and (3) moderate kinetic effect due to the lethal weaponry at the disposal of the hard power assets deployed to handle occurring crisis. Evaluation of Malaysia's maritime diplomatic properties also reveals two worrying conclusions: (1) the existence of reactive events, which can cause disruptions at sea due to the lack of planning related to the actions taken by the Royal Malaysian Navy, and (2) asymmetrical power relations between China and Malaysia, predicted to cause China to continue its power projections at sea and aggravate Malaysian policymakers.
{"title":"Deciphering the maritime diplomatic properties of Malaysia's oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea","authors":"Bama Andika Putra","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1286577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1286577","url":null,"abstract":"Studies in maritime diplomacy have treated the development of oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea as taken-for-granted events. On the contrary, this study argues that assessing the maritime diplomatic properties inherent in energy reserve explorations can reveal unique insights, motivations, and significance of maritime diplomatic events. It assesses Malaysia's oil and gas explorations in the Luconia Shoals, informed by the analytical framework of Le Mière's maritime diplomatic properties. Utilizing secondary data from the Asian Maritime Transparency Initiative between 2020 and 2023 related to Malaysia's oil and gas project developments in the Luconia Shoals, this article concludes that the maritime diplomatic events consist of the following characteristics: (1) pre-emptive and sustainment, underlining Malaysia's long-term plan of fulfilling the growing domestic energy demand, (2) explicitness of the messages transmitted to Chinese officials in order to repel any possibilities of adversaries misconstruing Malaysia's actions at sea, and (3) moderate kinetic effect due to the lethal weaponry at the disposal of the hard power assets deployed to handle occurring crisis. Evaluation of Malaysia's maritime diplomatic properties also reveals two worrying conclusions: (1) the existence of reactive events, which can cause disruptions at sea due to the lack of planning related to the actions taken by the Royal Malaysian Navy, and (2) asymmetrical power relations between China and Malaysia, predicted to cause China to continue its power projections at sea and aggravate Malaysian policymakers.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138961972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-15DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1285602
Marja Järvelä
Cultural sustainability relates to sustainable development. According to UNESCO “culture provides the necessary transformative dimension that ensures the sustainability of development processes.” Originally sustainable development was defined through three dimensions-ecological, economic and social dimension. Further, the social dimension has been understood in multiple ways often accentuating socio-economic assets of development rather than socio-cultural capacities. Eventually, there has been an increasing interest in defining cultural sustainability as a fourth pillar of sustainable development. While becoming aware of the contemporary supranational risks such as climate change, COVID 19-pandemia or escalating military conflicts, sustainable development can hardly be envisioned in terms of linear progress but rather considered with anticipation of eventual shocks, interruptions, and vulnerabilities related to development. In this perspective, cultural sustainability can be increasingly associated with identifying vulnerabilities and with envisioning attainable measures of adaptation. This article addresses the complex issue of defining cultural sustainability through lenses of social resilience and adaptive capacity at local level.
{"title":"Dimensions of cultural sustainability—Local adaptation, adaptive capacity and social resilience","authors":"Marja Järvelä","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1285602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1285602","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural sustainability relates to sustainable development. According to UNESCO “culture provides the necessary transformative dimension that ensures the sustainability of development processes.” Originally sustainable development was defined through three dimensions-ecological, economic and social dimension. Further, the social dimension has been understood in multiple ways often accentuating socio-economic assets of development rather than socio-cultural capacities. Eventually, there has been an increasing interest in defining cultural sustainability as a fourth pillar of sustainable development. While becoming aware of the contemporary supranational risks such as climate change, COVID 19-pandemia or escalating military conflicts, sustainable development can hardly be envisioned in terms of linear progress but rather considered with anticipation of eventual shocks, interruptions, and vulnerabilities related to development. In this perspective, cultural sustainability can be increasingly associated with identifying vulnerabilities and with envisioning attainable measures of adaptation. This article addresses the complex issue of defining cultural sustainability through lenses of social resilience and adaptive capacity at local level.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"317 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138996511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-15DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1322922
José M. Muñoz, José Ángel Marinaro
{"title":"Neurorights as reconceptualized human rights","authors":"José M. Muñoz, José Ángel Marinaro","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1322922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1322922","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"122 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138999672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-13DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1281437
Michael T. Heaney, Erika L. Anderson, Madilyn E. Cancro, Grace E. Martin
As nationalism rises worldwide, understanding the relevance of national identities is at a premium in both the study of mass political behavior and the analysis of social movements. Drawing on research in social psychology, this study explores interactions among national and supranational identities using the concepts of identity interference (i.e., negative interactions) and identity complementarity (i.e., positive interactions). These interactions extend beyond the direct effects of identity considered in many previous studies. Focusing on interactions centers the analysis on the contextual aspects of identity during nationalist mobilizations. Survey data from Scotland demonstrate that interactions among Scottish, British, and European identities were consequential for mobilizing support for Scottish independence in 2019. Strong evidence indicates interference between Scottish and British identities. European and Scottish identities complement one another among independence supporters but not in the general population. The possibility of interference between European and British identities is backed by only mixed results. The timing of this study in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum was likely relevant to its findings on European identity. Overall, this research illustrates the benefits of widening the empirical examination of multiple identities in the social sciences.
{"title":"Interactions among national and supranational identities: mobilizing the independence movement in Scotland","authors":"Michael T. Heaney, Erika L. Anderson, Madilyn E. Cancro, Grace E. Martin","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1281437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1281437","url":null,"abstract":"As nationalism rises worldwide, understanding the relevance of national identities is at a premium in both the study of mass political behavior and the analysis of social movements. Drawing on research in social psychology, this study explores interactions among national and supranational identities using the concepts of identity interference (i.e., negative interactions) and identity complementarity (i.e., positive interactions). These interactions extend beyond the direct effects of identity considered in many previous studies. Focusing on interactions centers the analysis on the contextual aspects of identity during nationalist mobilizations. Survey data from Scotland demonstrate that interactions among Scottish, British, and European identities were consequential for mobilizing support for Scottish independence in 2019. Strong evidence indicates interference between Scottish and British identities. European and Scottish identities complement one another among independence supporters but not in the general population. The possibility of interference between European and British identities is backed by only mixed results. The timing of this study in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum was likely relevant to its findings on European identity. Overall, this research illustrates the benefits of widening the empirical examination of multiple identities in the social sciences.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"33 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139006031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-04DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1228838
Niina Meriläinen, M. Hiljanen, Matti Rautiainen
The purpose of this explorative and mixed methods research is to discover and describe the possible archetypes of high school and vocational school students from empirical data produced by young people and media, and to discuss what kinds of power relations these archetypes can create in Finnish society. Indeed, the empirical data produced by young people and those found in newspapers reveal archetypes and various power relations. In particular, the data indicate how the vectors of such archetypes guide thinking about young people and their life courses. In particular, the archetypes illustrate how vocational school students have to defend themselves and their choices in their daily lives, while high school students do not. Furthermore, the empirical data illustrate how the lives of vocational school students are mainly described as happening here and toward the future of the voiceless proletariat, while high school students are considered active and successful changemakers. Vocational school students also question official Finland and the place where they have been situated. Among others, this can create an opportunity for information operations.
{"title":"Archetypes of youth as vectors in power relations - From praises to information operations","authors":"Niina Meriläinen, M. Hiljanen, Matti Rautiainen","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1228838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1228838","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this explorative and mixed methods research is to discover and describe the possible archetypes of high school and vocational school students from empirical data produced by young people and media, and to discuss what kinds of power relations these archetypes can create in Finnish society. Indeed, the empirical data produced by young people and those found in newspapers reveal archetypes and various power relations. In particular, the data indicate how the vectors of such archetypes guide thinking about young people and their life courses. In particular, the archetypes illustrate how vocational school students have to defend themselves and their choices in their daily lives, while high school students do not. Furthermore, the empirical data illustrate how the lives of vocational school students are mainly described as happening here and toward the future of the voiceless proletariat, while high school students are considered active and successful changemakers. Vocational school students also question official Finland and the place where they have been situated. Among others, this can create an opportunity for information operations.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"10 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138603193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1173646
Reuven Shapira
This article focuses on alternatives to leaders' constitutional term limits which failed to protect democracy in innumerable countries as they did not reduce incumbency advantages in re-election contests. Such a reduction can achieve a super-majority thresholds escalator for incumbents' re-election. Research has found that setting super-majority thresholds for leadership offices improves the quality of leadership. However, leaders' autocratic entrenchment poses the worse problem of democratic leadership quality. Setting escalating super-majority thresholds for an incumbent's re-election would bar autocratic entrenchment by reducing her/his incumbency advantages in re-election contests. Both ordinal and exponential escalator versions prolong the tenure of successful high-moral effective leaders beyond two terms, allowing them to use accumulated trust credit to advance radical changes, while incumbents who fail to achieve a super-majority threshold are replaced. However, the ordinal version lacks a terminal term, thus it may not prevent autocratic entrenchment, while the exponential version with its terminal term that ensures succession while escalating super-majority thresholds mitigates the exponential growth of leaders' power resources with tenure. After an incumbent fails to re-elect, a second voting round without her/him will give the winner a clear mandate to rule. Suggestions for further study of barring leaders' entrenchment by exponential escalating super-majority thresholds are offered. JEL classification D02; D70; K16; Z13; Z18.
{"title":"Preventing leaders' autocratic entrenchment by exponential super-majority threshold escalators","authors":"Reuven Shapira","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1173646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1173646","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on alternatives to leaders' constitutional term limits which failed to protect democracy in innumerable countries as they did not reduce incumbency advantages in re-election contests. Such a reduction can achieve a super-majority thresholds escalator for incumbents' re-election. Research has found that setting super-majority thresholds for leadership offices improves the quality of leadership. However, leaders' autocratic entrenchment poses the worse problem of democratic leadership quality. Setting escalating super-majority thresholds for an incumbent's re-election would bar autocratic entrenchment by reducing her/his incumbency advantages in re-election contests. Both ordinal and exponential escalator versions prolong the tenure of successful high-moral effective leaders beyond two terms, allowing them to use accumulated trust credit to advance radical changes, while incumbents who fail to achieve a super-majority threshold are replaced. However, the ordinal version lacks a terminal term, thus it may not prevent autocratic entrenchment, while the exponential version with its terminal term that ensures succession while escalating super-majority thresholds mitigates the exponential growth of leaders' power resources with tenure. After an incumbent fails to re-elect, a second voting round without her/him will give the winner a clear mandate to rule. Suggestions for further study of barring leaders' entrenchment by exponential escalating super-majority thresholds are offered. JEL classification D02; D70; K16; Z13; Z18.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"106 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135934972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1223274
Anne-Marie Jeannet, Lenka Dražanová
Introduction Why do cohorts differ in their attitudes toward sexual orientation and what is the role of societal values during formative years? We investigate whether discontinuities in the prevailing values of equality and tradition in a person's formative years impinge on their attitudes toward sexual orientation as adults. Methods We test this by integrating historical political data from the Manifesto Project Dataset with contemporary micro-data on attitudes toward sexual orientation from 10 rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2020) across 13 cohorts in 13 European countries. Results and discussion Using hierarchical age-period-cohort analysis with synthetic age cohorts, we find if the value of equality is politically diffuse, it can have a socializing effect. We find that the individuals who came of age during a period when political values of equality were more dominant are more tolerant of gays and lesbians. On the other hand, we do not find any evidence that individuals who experience youth during a time of more traditional political values have more negative opinions about different sexual orientations. Overall, these findings suggest that cohorts adopt distinct patterns of attitudes toward gays and lesbians as a result of a collective process of socialization during their impressionable years.
{"title":"Cohort differences in attitudes toward sexual orientation: the formative political climate as a socializing agent","authors":"Anne-Marie Jeannet, Lenka Dražanová","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1223274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1223274","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction Why do cohorts differ in their attitudes toward sexual orientation and what is the role of societal values during formative years? We investigate whether discontinuities in the prevailing values of equality and tradition in a person's formative years impinge on their attitudes toward sexual orientation as adults. Methods We test this by integrating historical political data from the Manifesto Project Dataset with contemporary micro-data on attitudes toward sexual orientation from 10 rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2020) across 13 cohorts in 13 European countries. Results and discussion Using hierarchical age-period-cohort analysis with synthetic age cohorts, we find if the value of equality is politically diffuse, it can have a socializing effect. We find that the individuals who came of age during a period when political values of equality were more dominant are more tolerant of gays and lesbians. On the other hand, we do not find any evidence that individuals who experience youth during a time of more traditional political values have more negative opinions about different sexual orientations. Overall, these findings suggest that cohorts adopt distinct patterns of attitudes toward gays and lesbians as a result of a collective process of socialization during their impressionable years.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"16 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135265793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1005385
Davide Vittori, Oscar Barberà
During COVID-19 politics was radically transformed. Even though parliaments, parties, and parliamentary groups continued working, they did so mainly through digital means. Our aim is to investigate how political parties and their élites reacted to those changes. For this aim, we launched a pilot survey among party élites in Spain and Italy. We use descriptive statistics and multivariate OLS regressions to answer to our research questions. Our results point out that parties quickly adapted to executive online meetings, but meetings of other (representative) organs were far less frequent. As for the élites' adaptation and in particular privacy concerns, we find that socio-demographic characteristic of the élites matter and being member of a digital party are not crucial determinants, as we expected. Ideology, on the contrary, play a much relevant role, with right-wing élites being more concerned about privacy. Finally, younger and more educated respondents are more favorable toward moving some parties' activities in the on-line sphere.
{"title":"Approaching the Unknown. The COVID-19 pandemic, political parties and digital adaptations: party élites' perceptions in Italy and Spain","authors":"Davide Vittori, Oscar Barberà","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1005385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1005385","url":null,"abstract":"During COVID-19 politics was radically transformed. Even though parliaments, parties, and parliamentary groups continued working, they did so mainly through digital means. Our aim is to investigate how political parties and their élites reacted to those changes. For this aim, we launched a pilot survey among party élites in Spain and Italy. We use descriptive statistics and multivariate OLS regressions to answer to our research questions. Our results point out that parties quickly adapted to executive online meetings, but meetings of other (representative) organs were far less frequent. As for the élites' adaptation and in particular privacy concerns, we find that socio-demographic characteristic of the élites matter and being member of a digital party are not crucial determinants, as we expected. Ideology, on the contrary, play a much relevant role, with right-wing élites being more concerned about privacy. Finally, younger and more educated respondents are more favorable toward moving some parties' activities in the on-line sphere.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135730577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1232601
Lucas Michael Haitsma
This article considers the Court of Justice of the European Union's assessment and regulation of risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on Passenger Name Records data (PNR data). On the June 21, 2022 the court delivered a landmark judgment in Ligue des Droits Humains pertaining to discrimination and algorithmic profiling in a border security context. The CJEU identifies and seeks to regulate several risks of discrimination in relation to the automated processing of PNR data, the manual review of the results of this processing, and the resulting decisions taken by competent authorities. It interpreted whether the PNR Directive that lays down the legal basis for such profiling was compatible with the fundamental right to privacy, the right to data protection, and the right to non-discrimination. In its judgment, the CJEU seems to insufficiently assess various risks of discrimination. In particular, it overlooks risks relating to data quality and representativeness, automation bias, and practical difficulties in identifying discrimination. The judges also seem to prescribe safeguards against discrimination without guidance as to how to ensure their uniform and effective implementation. Such shortcomings can be observed in relation to ensuring the non-discriminatory nature of law enforcement databases, preventing indirectly discriminatory profiling practices based on collected PNR data, and configuring effective human-in-the-loop and transparency safeguards. This landmark judgement represents an important step in addressing algorithmic discrimination through CJEU adjudication. However, the CJEUs inability to sufficiently address the risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on the PNR Directive raises a broader concern. Namely, whether the CJEU is adequately equipped to combat algorithmic discrimination in the broader realm of European border security where algorithmic profiling is becoming increasingly commonplace.
{"title":"Regulating algorithmic discrimination through adjudication: the Court of Justice of the European Union on discrimination in algorithmic profiling based on PNR data","authors":"Lucas Michael Haitsma","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1232601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1232601","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the Court of Justice of the European Union's assessment and regulation of risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on Passenger Name Records data (PNR data). On the June 21, 2022 the court delivered a landmark judgment in Ligue des Droits Humains pertaining to discrimination and algorithmic profiling in a border security context. The CJEU identifies and seeks to regulate several risks of discrimination in relation to the automated processing of PNR data, the manual review of the results of this processing, and the resulting decisions taken by competent authorities. It interpreted whether the PNR Directive that lays down the legal basis for such profiling was compatible with the fundamental right to privacy, the right to data protection, and the right to non-discrimination. In its judgment, the CJEU seems to insufficiently assess various risks of discrimination. In particular, it overlooks risks relating to data quality and representativeness, automation bias, and practical difficulties in identifying discrimination. The judges also seem to prescribe safeguards against discrimination without guidance as to how to ensure their uniform and effective implementation. Such shortcomings can be observed in relation to ensuring the non-discriminatory nature of law enforcement databases, preventing indirectly discriminatory profiling practices based on collected PNR data, and configuring effective human-in-the-loop and transparency safeguards. This landmark judgement represents an important step in addressing algorithmic discrimination through CJEU adjudication. However, the CJEUs inability to sufficiently address the risks of discrimination in the context of algorithmic profiling based on the PNR Directive raises a broader concern. Namely, whether the CJEU is adequately equipped to combat algorithmic discrimination in the broader realm of European border security where algorithmic profiling is becoming increasingly commonplace.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136113967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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