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Corrigendum: Yellow Vests: anti-austerity, pro-democracy, and popular (not populist) 勘误:黄背心:反紧缩、支持民主、受欢迎(非民粹主义)
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1221151
Michael J Carpenter, Benjamin Perrier
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引用次数: 0
Blaming it on NATO? Framing the role of NATO in the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine on Twitter 把它归咎于北约?在推特上阐述北约在俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰中的作用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-24 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1122439
Lara Kobilke, A. Kulichkina, Ani Baghumyan, Christian Pipal
Introduction Since social media has become a significant tool for conflict communication amid the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, researchers have grown more interested in the digital content citizens are exposed to. Methods To further investigate the role of social media in the ongoing invasion, we conducted a manual content analysis to examine tweets in English, Russian, and German that explicitly mentioned NATO in the context of the full-scale invasion during February to May 2022. Our analysis explored how these language-specific Twitter communities framed NATO's role in the conflict. Results We found that English-speaking tweeters were more likely to hold NATO responsible for finding a solution and least likely to blame NATO for the war compared to German and Russian speakers. We also observed that the Russian-speaking Twitter community exhibits a comparatively lower tendency to hold NATO accountable for the ongoing war as compared to their German-speaking counterparts, and they are also notably the least likely to expect NATO to bring an end to the war. Finally, English-speaking Twitter users who attribute blame to NATO for the ongoing war tend to adhere to a preconceived notion, rather than arriving at an interpretation based on the situation at hand. This is in contrast to the Russian-speaking community, where the opposite is true. German-speaking users fall somewhere in between these two perspectives. Discussion Our research contributes to the literature by providing a novel integration of conceptual and methodological perspectives on the framing and stance-taking of social media users during wartime, addressing known research gaps in the comparative analysis of these discussions, i.e., adding “non-English” perspectives. It also highlights the importance of cultural and linguistic sensitivity when addressing responsibility in armed conflicts and the need to consider the diverse perspectives derived from divergent problem definitions and evaluative standards.
引言由于在俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰期间,社交媒体已成为冲突沟通的重要工具,研究人员对公民接触到的数字内容越来越感兴趣,德国在2022年2月至5月全面入侵的背景下明确提到了北约。我们的分析探讨了这些特定语言的推特社区是如何构成北约在冲突中的角色的。结果我们发现,与讲德语和俄语的人相比,讲英语的推特用户更有可能认为北约有责任找到解决方案,而不太可能将战争归咎于北约。我们还观察到,与德语社区相比,讲俄语的推特社区要求北约对正在进行的战争负责的倾向相对较低,而且他们也最不可能期望北约结束战争。最后,说英语的推特用户将正在进行的战争归咎于北约,他们倾向于坚持一种先入为主的观念,而不是根据当前局势做出解释。这与俄语社区形成了鲜明对比,后者的情况正好相反。德语使用者介于这两种观点之间。讨论我们的研究通过对战时社交媒体用户的框架和立场提供概念和方法论视角的新颖整合,解决了这些讨论的比较分析中已知的研究空白,即添加了“非英语”视角,为文献做出了贡献。它还强调了在处理武装冲突中的责任时文化和语言敏感性的重要性,以及考虑从不同的问题定义和评价标准中得出的不同观点的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
Policy incentives for smallholder adoption of climate-smart agricultural practices 鼓励小农采用气候智能型农业做法的政策激励措施
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1112311
M. van Asseldonk, E. Girvetz, H. Pamuk, C. Wattel, R. Ruben
There is a large and growing literature on the potential use of policy instruments for stimulating the adoption of Climate-Smart Agriculture (CSA) practices amongst smallholders. The objective of this article is to review and understand how the array of potential policy incentives can serve as mechanisms for enhancing adoption and upscaling of potential CSA practices by small-scale farmers in low-income countries. The review follows a matrix approach capturing where specific CSA practices (rows) are supported by typical policy instruments (columns) for enhancing widespread adoption. We first identify six key CSA practices, namely water management, soil and nutrient management, crop tolerance to stress, agroforestry and intercropping, crop rotation and mixed systems, and pest and disease management. Then we discuss the impact of those typical policy instruments, namely market prices, taxes and subsidies, land rights, rural finance, training and information, and certification and labeling. The review finds that most studies on this subject have a rather narrow focus on functional properties of a specific policy instrument and a particular CSA practice, thereby ignoring substitution, complementary or conditional effects between policy measures and CSA practices. Consequently, previous studies identify few incentives, particularly effective on their own. Wider perspectives on impact pathways point to the importance of sequencing and scaling for enhancing farmers' CSA adoption. We therefore advocate for more integrated approaches that also consider indirect effects of policy instruments on CSA adoption and pursue their systematic anchoring through successful policies that enhance widespread adoption.
关于鼓励小农户采用气候智能农业(CSA)做法的政策工具的潜在用途,有大量且不断增长的文献。本文的目的是审查和了解一系列潜在的政策激励措施如何成为低收入国家小规模农民采用和推广潜在CSA做法的机制。审查遵循矩阵方法,捕捉特定CSA实践(行)得到典型政策工具(列)支持的地方,以促进广泛采用。我们首先确定了六个关键的CSA实践,即水管理、土壤和营养管理、作物抗逆性、农林和间作、作物轮作和混合系统以及病虫害管理。然后,我们讨论了这些典型政策工具的影响,即市场价格、税收和补贴、土地权、农村金融、培训和信息以及认证和标签。审查发现,大多数关于这一主题的研究都相当狭隘地关注特定政策工具和特定CSA实践的功能特性,从而忽视了政策措施和CSA实践之间的替代、补充或条件效应。因此,以前的研究发现很少有激励措施,特别是单独有效的激励措施。对影响途径的更广泛观点表明,排序和扩展对提高农民CSA采用率的重要性。因此,我们主张采取更加综合的方法,同时考虑到政策文书对CSA采用的间接影响,并通过促进广泛采用的成功政策来寻求其系统锚定。
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引用次数: 0
Existential insecurity and deference to authority: the pandemic as a natural experiment 生存的不安全感和对权威的顺从:大流行是一种自然实验
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1117550
R. S. Foa, C. Welzel
Introduction The global coronavirus pandemic offers a quasi-experimental setting for understanding the impact of sudden exposure to heightened existential risk upon both individual and societal values. Methods We examined the effect of the pandemic on political attitudes by comparing data from eight countries surveyed before and after the worldwide spread of COVID-19 in March 2020 with continuous weekly polling tracker data from the United Kingdom from 2019 to 2021. Multilevel models were used to explore the drivers of change, and the results indicated that reported emotions of fear and stress were positively associated with institutional approval during periods of greater pathogen risk. Results Our findings revealed that support for political and technocratic authority, as well as satisfaction with political institutions, rose significantly above long-term historical baselines during the pandemic. Discussion The results support the hypothesis that exposure to existential risk results in greater support for authority and that individual feelings of insecurity may be linked to less critical citizen orientations.
全球冠状病毒大流行为理解突然暴露于高度存在风险对个人和社会价值观的影响提供了一个准实验环境。方法通过将2020年3月COVID-19全球传播前后八个国家的调查数据与英国2019年至2021年连续每周调查跟踪数据进行比较,研究大流行对政治态度的影响。多层模型用于探索变化的驱动因素,结果表明,在病原体风险较高的时期,报告的恐惧和压力情绪与制度批准呈正相关。我们的研究结果显示,对政治和技术官僚权威的支持,以及对政治制度的满意度,在大流行期间显著高于长期历史基线。研究结果支持了一个假设,即暴露于存在风险会导致对权威的更大支持,而个人的不安全感可能与不那么批判性的公民取向有关。
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引用次数: 1
Differences in impact of official development assistance on foreign direct investment by aid types 按援助类型划分的官方发展援助对外国直接投资影响的差异
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1149865
Saori Ono, Takashi Sekiyama
This study examined the impact of Official Development Assistance (ODA) on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) by aid type, which has been largely overlooked in previous studies. Using the Generalized Method of Moments with a gravity model, five major donor countries (France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and 63 recipient country pairs from 1996 to 2020 were analyzed. Granger causality tests, impulse response analyses and variance decomposition analyses using a panel vector autoregressive model were conducted to identify causal relationships in the time series and to quantitatively capture the impact. The results suggest that ODA Loans from Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom promote FDI. Their ODA Loans have a high proportion of economic infrastructure and productive-sector support. Hence, their ODA Loans may attract FDI to recipient countries by developing infrastructure in recipient countries such as transportation, telecommunications, energy, and finance. This study contributes to an academic community by highlighting the differences of aid type in attracting FDI and provides practical implications for policymakers and practitioners in the field of international development.
本研究按援助类型考察了官方发展援助(ODA)对外国直接投资(FDI)的影响,这在以前的研究中基本上被忽视了。利用重力模型广义矩量法,分析了1996年至2020年五个主要捐助国(法国、德国、日本、英国和美国)和63对受援国。使用面板向量自回归模型进行格兰杰因果检验、脉冲响应分析和方差分解分析,以确定时间序列中的因果关系,并定量捕捉其影响。结果表明,来自德国、日本和英国的官方发展援助贷款促进了外国直接投资。它们的官方发展援助贷款有很大比例用于经济基础设施和生产部门支助。因此,它们的官方发展援助贷款可以通过发展受援国的运输、电信、能源和金融等基础设施,吸引外国直接投资到受援国。本研究通过突出援助类型在吸引外国直接投资方面的差异,为学术界做出了贡献,并为国际发展领域的决策者和实践者提供了实际意义。
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引用次数: 0
Performing crisis to create your enemy: Europe vs. the EU in Hungarian populist discourse 上演危机制造敌人:匈牙利民粹主义话语中的欧洲与欧盟
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1032470
R. Sata
Hungary has become the leader of democratic backsliding within Europe, with Prime Minister Viktor Orbán turning into the staunchest critic of the EU, despite a consistent support for the European project among the wider public and Hungary being a net benefiter of EU membership. Using a systematic analysis of all speeches, statements and interviews of the PM for his three consecutive governments 2010–2022, I claim the radicalization of this Eurosceptic discourse is a direct consequence of a continuous populist performance of crisis that demands the creation of images of friends and foes to unite and mobilize people. Orbán relies on discursive processes of othering to construct to his liking both “the good people” and its enemies, who are to be blamed for the crises. Anybody can become an enemy in the various crises that follow each other. At the same time, discursive conceptions of Europe vs. the EU remain in the center of the discourse to establish Hungary's European belonging as well as opposition to EU for policies that allegedly people reject. While the economic crisis pits an economic “us” against the former socialist political elite, foreign capital, and the EU and IMF that are all blamed for Hungary's near-bankruptcy situation. The refugee crisis redefines both “us” and “others”, the “self” is distinguished using ethno-linguistic criteria and identitarian Christianity to signal the cultural distance from the Muslim migrant “other” as well as multicultural EU. The pandemic crisis is performed only to further exacerbate the conflict between the illiberal “self” and the liberal “others”, where supranational EU, promoting multiculturalism, gender ideology or neoliberal policies not only threatens the very existence of traditional-national lifestyles but endangers the people themselves. With each crisis performed, newer and newer conflict lines between various “European self's” and “threatening EU” are identified, each adding to the radicalization of Orbán's discourse. The demonization of the EU and the pretext of saving Europe using these false discursive constructs enables Orbán strengthen his grip of power and drift to authoritarianism.
匈牙利已成为欧洲民主倒退的领导者,总理维克托·奥尔班成为欧盟最坚定的批评者,尽管广大公众一直支持欧洲项目,匈牙利是欧盟成员国的净受益者。通过对首相2010-2022年连续三届政府的所有演讲、声明和采访的系统分析,我声称这种疑欧言论的激进化是持续的民粹主义危机表现的直接后果,这种危机需要塑造朋友和敌人的形象来团结和动员人民。奥尔班依靠他人的话语过程来构建他喜欢的“好人”和敌人,他们应该为危机负责。在接踵而至的各种危机中,任何人都可能成为敌人。与此同时,欧洲与欧盟的争论概念仍然是建立匈牙利的欧洲归属以及反对欧盟政策的话语中心,这些政策据称是人们拒绝的。虽然经济危机使经济“我们”与前社会主义政治精英、外国资本、欧盟和国际货币基金组织对立,而这些都被认为是匈牙利濒临破产的原因。难民危机重新定义了“我们”和“他人”,使用民族语言标准和同一主义基督教来区分“自我”,以表明与穆斯林移民“他人”以及多元文化欧盟的文化距离。疫情危机的实施只会进一步加剧不自由的“自我”和自由的“他人”之间的冲突,在这种冲突中,超国家的欧盟,促进多元文化、性别意识形态或新自由主义政策,不仅威胁到传统民族生活方式的存在,而且危及人民自身。随着每一次危机的发生,各种“欧洲自我”和“威胁欧盟”之间的冲突线越来越新,每一条都加剧了奥尔班话语的激进化。对欧盟的妖魔化和利用这些虚假的话语结构拯救欧洲的借口,使奥尔班加强了对权力的控制,并转向了威权主义。
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引用次数: 1
Non-cognitive skills and immigrant-native inequalities in the labor market in Europe 欧洲劳动力市场中的非认知技能与移民-本土不平等
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1091997
Agnieszka Kanas, M. Fenger
Non-cognitive skills are increasingly essential in the labor market, especially given technological advances and evolving work environments. Unequal distribution of non-cognitive skills among various groups in the population may contribute to labor market inequalities. This article investigates the significance of non-cognitive skills for immigrant-native inequalities in the European labor market. Specifically, we examine the potential differences in non-cognitive skills between native and immigrant groups and how these differences may affect their income. Additionally, we explore whether equal levels of non-cognitive skills have comparable payoffs for native and immigrant groups in society. We use, comparative survey data from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies and OLS regressions with country fixed effects. Our findings show that many immigrants exhibit lower levels of non-cognitive skills than native-born workers, despite differences between origin groups. This difference in non-cognitive skills explains part of the immigrant-native inequality in the labor market for most immigrant-origin groups. Moreover, our results indicate that immigrants, especially those from Central and Eastern European countries, benefit less from exercising comparable non-cognitive skills than native-born workers. Our study highlights the importance of non-cognitive skills in addressing the labor market disadvantage faced by immigrants, and emphasizes that policymakers and educators should recognize the significance of these skills when developing policies targeting immigrants.
非认知技能在劳动力市场上越来越重要,尤其是在技术进步和工作环境不断变化的情况下。非认知技能在人口中不同群体之间的不平等分布可能会导致劳动力市场的不平等。本文调查了非认知技能对欧洲劳动力市场移民与本土不平等的意义。具体来说,我们研究了本地和移民群体在非认知技能方面的潜在差异,以及这些差异如何影响他们的收入。此外,我们探讨了同等水平的非认知技能是否对社会上的本地和移民群体有相当的回报。我们使用来自国际成人能力评估项目的比较调查数据和具有国家固定效应的OLS回归。我们的研究结果表明,尽管移民群体之间存在差异,但许多移民的非认知技能水平低于本土出生的工人。这种非认知技能的差异部分解释了大多数移民群体在劳动力市场上的移民与本土不平等。此外,我们的研究结果表明,移民,特别是来自中欧和东欧国家的移民,从锻炼可比的非认知技能中获得的收益低于本土出生的工人。我们的研究强调了非认知技能在解决移民面临的劳动力市场劣势方面的重要性,并强调政策制定者和教育工作者在制定针对移民的政策时应该认识到这些技能的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Metropolitan governance in the context of dynamic urbanization: the case of Brazil 动态城市化背景下的都市治理:以巴西为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1148522
K. Zimmermann, Ana Lia Leonel, Marcio A. Kontopp
This study discusses the evolvement of metropolitan governance in Brazil and uses greater São Paulo as an in-depth case study to demonstrate how metropolitan governance is organized in a megacity region in the Global South. This is of interest as many publications in this specific academic field focus on European or North American city regions that are, on average, smaller in size and part of multi-level governance systems. Hence, many theoretical positions that are established in the scholarly debate do not work well in the context of megacities. The study will describe how the metropolitan governance arrangement in greater São Paulo evolved and reflected on the setbacks and success of metropolitan planning and policies in the context of uncertain state support. Metropolitan regions have been established in Brazil by the military regime in the mid-1970s for industrialization and comprehensive top-down planning. After the fall of the regime in the 1980s, the question of metropolitan regions was delegated to the states which created a sort of institutional vacuum and a lack of dedicated policies. In 2018, however, Brazil had 76 institutionalized metropolitan regions but these differ in size and institutional strength. The metropolitan region of São Paulo is the biggest as it comprises 39 municipalities with approximately 20 million inhabitants. However, given the dynamic of expansion, the question of establishing an appropriate scale emerged. Attempts to create a governance arrangement for regional development and strategic planning for the so-called São Paulo Macrometropolis with 172 municipalities and roughly 32 million inhabitants failed. However, in a separate process, over decades, seven metropolitan regions emerged on a smaller scale (the São Paulo Metropolitan Region being one of them). The study is based on a literature review, document analysis (laws in particular), and workshops with Brazilian colleagues that happened within the context of a research project on environmental planning and water governance in the greater São Paulo Metropolitan Region.
本研究讨论了巴西大都市治理的演变,并以大圣保罗为深入案例研究,展示了大都市治理是如何在全球南部特大城市区域组织起来的。这是令人感兴趣的,因为这一特定学术领域的许多出版物关注的是欧洲或北美城市地区,这些地区平均规模较小,属于多层次治理体系的一部分。因此,学术辩论中确立的许多理论立场在超大城市的背景下并不奏效。该研究将描述大圣保罗的大都市治理安排是如何演变的,并反映出在不确定的国家支持背景下大都市规划和政策的挫折和成功。20世纪70年代中期,军事政权在巴西建立了大都会区,用于工业化和自上而下的全面规划。20世纪80年代政权倒台后,大都市地区的问题被下放给各州,这造成了一种制度真空,缺乏专门的政策。然而,2018年,巴西有76个制度化大都市地区,但这些地区的规模和制度实力各不相同。圣保罗大都会区是最大的,它由39个市镇组成,约有2000万居民。然而,鉴于扩张的动力,出现了建立适当规模的问题。试图为拥有172个市镇和约3200万居民的所谓圣保罗大都市建立区域发展和战略规划的治理安排的尝试失败了。然而,在一个单独的过程中,几十年来,出现了七个规模较小的大都市地区(圣保罗大都市地区就是其中之一)。该研究基于文献综述、文件分析(尤其是法律)以及与巴西同事在大圣保罗大都会区环境规划和水治理研究项目范围内举行的研讨会。
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引用次数: 0
Debating E-voting throughout Europe: constitutional structures, parties' concepts and Europeans' perceptions 讨论整个欧洲的电子投票:宪法结构、政党概念和欧洲人的看法
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.982558
I. Borucki, Florian Hartleb
Techno-optimists with a more cosmopolitan focus agree that E-voting lies at the heart of implementing e-government and digitalization into democratic structures. The example of the “e-state” Estonia proves the relevance: E-voting has been in (legal) practice since 2005, and research can take much empirical evidence from this laboratory for digital innovation. The fact that Estonia is an exception to the rule within the European Union (EU) member states explains the comparative approach to the (possible) legal framework for eparticipation. With focusing on liberal democracies' constitutional predefinitions, voting procedures in the virtual age have not been compared yet. However, we have yet to learn much about the extent to which E-voting exists in European constitutions, even after one generation of intense debate about its possible implementation. Perceptions of E-voting matter because of the omnipresent digital transformation and discussions about how democracies (could) digitalize. E-voting represents a bottom-up part of top-down e-government and, through this, digital transformation. This research explores whether party policies, legal frameworks, and citizens' perceptions resemble E-voting on the national and European levels. To explore this question, several mixed-methods approaches are used. The question of “legalistic opportunity structures” is approached by relying on legal frameworks of European member states, parties' policies derived from their manifestos, and survey data from three Eurobarometer waves. Using a dictionary approach, the research design analyses the constitutions, electoral laws and manifestos of parties running for the European elections, combined with a classic analysis of surveys. Therefore, these sources are analyzed using several mixed methods approaches. The results have broader implications that we need to study in more detail what the digital transformation and the constitutionalization of electronic decision-making entail to develop a digital democracy and link it to a public sphere throughout Europe. Ultimately, it is analyzed whether the EU will push its member states to E-voting and implement E-voting for European elections. This would question the normative basing of democracy and how responsivity is brought into place.
放眼世界的技术乐观主义者认为,电子投票是在民主结构中实施电子政务和数字化的核心。“电子国家”爱沙尼亚的例子证明了这种相关性:自2005年以来,电子投票一直在(法律)实践中,研究可以从这个实验室获得许多数字创新的经验证据。爱沙尼亚是欧盟(EU)成员国规则的例外,这一事实解释了对(可能的)电子参与法律框架的比较方法。由于关注自由民主的宪法预设,虚拟时代的投票程序尚未得到比较。然而,即使在对电子投票的可能实施进行了一代人的激烈辩论之后,我们还没有了解到电子投票在欧洲宪法中存在的程度。由于无处不在的数字化转型和关于民主国家如何数字化的讨论,人们对电子投票的看法很重要。电子投票代表了自上而下的电子政务中自下而上的一部分,并通过它实现了数字化转型。本研究探讨政党政策、法律框架和公民观念是否与国家和欧洲层面的电子投票相似。为了探索这个问题,使用了几种混合方法。“法律机会结构”问题的解决依赖于欧盟成员国的法律框架、政党宣言中衍生的政策,以及来自三次欧洲晴雨表的调查数据。采用词典的方法,研究设计分析了宪法、选举法和竞选欧洲选举的政党宣言,并结合了经典的调查分析。因此,使用几种混合方法对这些来源进行分析。这些结果具有更广泛的影响,我们需要更详细地研究数字化转型和电子决策的宪法化需要什么,以发展数字民主,并将其与整个欧洲的公共领域联系起来。最后,分析欧盟是否会推动其成员国进行电子投票,并在欧洲选举中实施电子投票。这将质疑民主的规范基础,以及如何落实责任。
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引用次数: 0
Syrians of today, Germans of tomorrow: the effect of initial placement on the political interest of Syrian refugees in Germany 今天的叙利亚人,明天的德国人:最初安置对德国境内叙利亚难民政治利益的影响
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1100446
Kamal Kassam, Maria Becker
Syrian nationals are not only the largest refugee group in Germany but also the third largest group of foreigners living in Germany. The naturalization trend among this group has been very pronounced in the last two years and is expected to increase sharply in the coming years. However, little is known about their political interest in German politics.1 Given the importance of “political interest” as an indicator of social integration and future active citizenship, this paper examines the extent to which Syrian refugees are interested in German politics and how local conditions at the time of arrival influence refugees' interest in German politics. We focus on three dimensions of the neighborhood context theory (social networks, economic situation, and political environment) in combination with traditional political participation theory. The empirical strategy relies on the exogenous allocation of refugees across federal states, which can be used to identify the effect of local characteristics on refugees' political interest. We use in our analysis a nationally representative sample in Germany (IAB-BAMF-SOEP-Refugee-Sample). Our findings suggest that ethnic social networks play a significant role in boosting newly arrived refugees' interest in German politics. Moreover, a higher unemployment rate among the foreign population is associated with an increase in political interest among Syrian refugees. We also confirm that a high political interest among the native population in Germany leads to a higher political interest among Syrian refugees. These results show that more attention needs to be paid to the integration of Syrian refugees and underline the need to reassess the efficiency of the distribution policy for Syrian refugees.
叙利亚国民不仅是德国最大的难民群体,也是居住在德国的第三大外国人群体。这一群体的入籍趋势在过去两年非常明显,预计在未来几年将急剧增加。然而,人们对他们对德国政治的政治兴趣知之甚少。1鉴于“政治兴趣”作为社会融合和未来积极公民身份的指标的重要性,本文考察了叙利亚难民对德国政治感兴趣的程度,以及抵达时的地方条件如何影响难民对德国政坛的兴趣。我们结合传统的政治参与理论,重点研究了邻里语境理论的三个维度(社会网络、经济形势和政治环境)。实证策略依赖于联邦各州对难民的外生分配,可以用来确定地方特征对难民政治利益的影响。我们在分析中使用了德国具有全国代表性的样本(IAB BAMF SOEP难民样本)。我们的研究结果表明,种族社交网络在提高新移民对德国政治的兴趣方面发挥着重要作用。此外,外国人口失业率较高与叙利亚难民的政治兴趣增加有关。我们还确认,德国本土人口的高度政治兴趣导致叙利亚难民的政治兴趣更高。这些结果表明,需要更加重视叙利亚难民的融入,并强调需要重新评估叙利亚难民分配政策的效率。
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Frontiers in Political Science
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