Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1110953
Fani Kountouri, A. Kollias
Research on political incivility in social media has primarily been focused on the types and frequency of impolite or uncivil language used to attack politicians. However, there is so far little evidence on the uncivil use of organic targeting tactics. We define organic targeting tactics as the ways through which users can utilize the Twitter tagging conventions (hashtags and mentions) and its “reply” feature to target specific publics and accounts other than those in their followers' list. In the discussion on the study of political incivility on Twitter we introduce organic targeting tactics as another critical element of political incivility which may involve the violation of several political civility norms or essentially alter the intensity of their violation. Based on data from Greek Twitter this paper identifies and explores how users exploited the hashtag, mention, and reply feature of Twitter to target political out- and in-group politicians and publics and wide audiences with uncivil political messages. The dataset includes 101.512 tweets containing the “Syriza_xeftiles” hashtag posted during the period between January 2015 and early June 2019, obtained from the Twitter Search API. The dataset contains only tweets from Twitter user accounts that have posted at least 30 #Syriza_xeftiles tweets during the period under study. Analyses organic targeting tactics were based on an inductive lexicon-based approach. Evidence presented in this paper indicated that Twitter users gradually learned how to weaponize the hashtag, reply, and mention features of Twitter to target more and more regularly a variety of political accounts, publics, and audiences in Greek Twitter with uncivil political narratives. The weaponization of these Twitter features often involved the combination of several political incivility dimensions, which apart from the use of insulting utterances included the use of deception through hashjacking and the discursive dimension, which in effect constituted space violations, interruptions, and discussion prevention. We argue that this practice is indicative of a qualitatively different kind of political incivility because it does not simply aspire to establish ad-hoc political publics where incivility is the norm but also to deliberately expose other political and non-political publics to uncivil political narratives. Therefore, the deliberate use of organic targeting tactics can have far wider implications on affective polarization and ultimately on democratic processes.
{"title":"Polarizing publics in Twitter through organic targeting tactics of political incivility","authors":"Fani Kountouri, A. Kollias","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1110953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1110953","url":null,"abstract":"Research on political incivility in social media has primarily been focused on the types and frequency of impolite or uncivil language used to attack politicians. However, there is so far little evidence on the uncivil use of organic targeting tactics. We define organic targeting tactics as the ways through which users can utilize the Twitter tagging conventions (hashtags and mentions) and its “reply” feature to target specific publics and accounts other than those in their followers' list. In the discussion on the study of political incivility on Twitter we introduce organic targeting tactics as another critical element of political incivility which may involve the violation of several political civility norms or essentially alter the intensity of their violation. Based on data from Greek Twitter this paper identifies and explores how users exploited the hashtag, mention, and reply feature of Twitter to target political out- and in-group politicians and publics and wide audiences with uncivil political messages. The dataset includes 101.512 tweets containing the “Syriza_xeftiles” hashtag posted during the period between January 2015 and early June 2019, obtained from the Twitter Search API. The dataset contains only tweets from Twitter user accounts that have posted at least 30 #Syriza_xeftiles tweets during the period under study. Analyses organic targeting tactics were based on an inductive lexicon-based approach. Evidence presented in this paper indicated that Twitter users gradually learned how to weaponize the hashtag, reply, and mention features of Twitter to target more and more regularly a variety of political accounts, publics, and audiences in Greek Twitter with uncivil political narratives. The weaponization of these Twitter features often involved the combination of several political incivility dimensions, which apart from the use of insulting utterances included the use of deception through hashjacking and the discursive dimension, which in effect constituted space violations, interruptions, and discussion prevention. We argue that this practice is indicative of a qualitatively different kind of political incivility because it does not simply aspire to establish ad-hoc political publics where incivility is the norm but also to deliberately expose other political and non-political publics to uncivil political narratives. Therefore, the deliberate use of organic targeting tactics can have far wider implications on affective polarization and ultimately on democratic processes.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48829588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-13DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.990847
M. Vezzoli, S. Mari, R. Valtorta, C. Volpato
Economic inequality qualifies as a structural characteristic leading to political action, albeit this relationship manifests differently across socioeconomic classes. COVID-19 pandemic has amplified existing economic inequalities in ways that increased social tensions and political unrest around the world. This research investigates the effect of COVID-19 personal impacts on the relationship between perceived economic inequality and individuals' political participation. An online survey was administered to an Italian representative sample of 1,446 people (51% women, mean age of 42.42 years, SD = 12.87). The questionnaire assessed the perceived economic inequality, the personal impacts of COVID-19 (i.e., on finance, mental health, and ability to procure resources), and individuals' involvement in political participation. Moderation analyses were conducted separately for different socioeconomic classes (i.e., lower, middle, and upper classes). Results showed that individuals who perceive greater economic inequality, while controlling for perceived wage gap, are more likely to take action, but only if they belong to the higher class. For lower-class individuals, perceiving greater inequality erodes political action. Interaction effects occurred mainly in the middle class and with COVID-19 impacts on resources procurement, which inhibits political action.
{"title":"The impacts of COVID-19 on the relationship between perceived economic inequality and political action among socioeconomic classes","authors":"M. Vezzoli, S. Mari, R. Valtorta, C. Volpato","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.990847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.990847","url":null,"abstract":"Economic inequality qualifies as a structural characteristic leading to political action, albeit this relationship manifests differently across socioeconomic classes. COVID-19 pandemic has amplified existing economic inequalities in ways that increased social tensions and political unrest around the world. This research investigates the effect of COVID-19 personal impacts on the relationship between perceived economic inequality and individuals' political participation. An online survey was administered to an Italian representative sample of 1,446 people (51% women, mean age of 42.42 years, SD = 12.87). The questionnaire assessed the perceived economic inequality, the personal impacts of COVID-19 (i.e., on finance, mental health, and ability to procure resources), and individuals' involvement in political participation. Moderation analyses were conducted separately for different socioeconomic classes (i.e., lower, middle, and upper classes). Results showed that individuals who perceive greater economic inequality, while controlling for perceived wage gap, are more likely to take action, but only if they belong to the higher class. For lower-class individuals, perceiving greater inequality erodes political action. Interaction effects occurred mainly in the middle class and with COVID-19 impacts on resources procurement, which inhibits political action.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49560952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-09DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1124552
Stefan Manser-Egli
Current integration regimes increasingly require migrants to share constitutional values. Taking Switzerland as a case study, the paper analyzes this integration requirement based on the legal framework, problem-centred interviews among public authorities and street-level bureaucrats, case files and case law. It argues, first, that the requirement re/produces the social imaginary of society as a community of value(s), which in turn legitimizes aggressive integrationism. Second, the values concerned are to a very large extent an empty signifier that can be filled with almost any cultural stuff. This is the case, third, as long as the reference to abstract universal liberal principles is maintained, revealing a distinctly liberal boundary making. In conclusion, the value requirement turns out to be old-fashioned cultural assimilation in a contemporary liberal guise, positing liberal values as an achieved feature of modern societies, shared by all members of the community of value(s).
{"title":"Respecting the values of the constitution: Integration in the community of value(s)","authors":"Stefan Manser-Egli","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1124552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1124552","url":null,"abstract":"Current integration regimes increasingly require migrants to share constitutional values. Taking Switzerland as a case study, the paper analyzes this integration requirement based on the legal framework, problem-centred interviews among public authorities and street-level bureaucrats, case files and case law. It argues, first, that the requirement re/produces the social imaginary of society as a community of value(s), which in turn legitimizes aggressive integrationism. Second, the values concerned are to a very large extent an empty signifier that can be filled with almost any cultural stuff. This is the case, third, as long as the reference to abstract universal liberal principles is maintained, revealing a distinctly liberal boundary making. In conclusion, the value requirement turns out to be old-fashioned cultural assimilation in a contemporary liberal guise, positing liberal values as an achieved feature of modern societies, shared by all members of the community of value(s).","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41497819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.945742
Fiona Sing, A. Carriedo, S. Mackay, T. Tenbensel, B. Swinburn
Background The insidious and pervasive nature of marketing of unhealthy food and beverages has been identified as one of several strategies the unhealthy food and beverage industry uses to exert their influence on population food choices and diet. Regulating the food and beverage industry's marketing practices is one mechanism to mitigate this commercial determinant of health. This paper seeks to understand the main barriers and enablers that governments face when attempting to design an appropriate regulatory system. Methods 14 semi-structured expert interviews were undertaken with participants across different jurisdictions (Ireland, United Kingdom, Chile, Canada, Norway, Portugal and Brazil) who were involved in introducing marketing restrictions; and a purposive documentary analysis was carried out. A thematic analysis of this data was conducted informed by the Health Policy Triangle. Results Multiple common technical and political issues were experienced by governments regarding the form and substance of the policy design regardless of the jurisdictional context. Such issues included: whether to introduce a mandatory approach; what age group to protect; what nutrient classification system to use; how to define “marketing to children”; and what mediums, settings and techniques to cover. The actors opposing regulation challenged the form and substance of each design element. However, having a strong political mandate to introduce regulation; multiple actors working together, including multiple government ministries, academics and civil society actors; and a strong evidence base supporting the policy design helped policymakers navigate the technical and political challenges faced when designing the regulatory approach. Conclusion Despite the different political contexts and actors involved in different jurisdictions internationally, there are many commonalities in the challenges and enabling factors faced by governments. Understanding the technical and political challenges experienced by governments and how these governments overcame those challenges is critical to improve capacity around designing more effective regulations to improve population's diets, and therefore NCDs.
{"title":"Barriers and enablers in designing regulations to restrict the exposure of children to unhealthy food and beverage marketing","authors":"Fiona Sing, A. Carriedo, S. Mackay, T. Tenbensel, B. Swinburn","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.945742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.945742","url":null,"abstract":"Background The insidious and pervasive nature of marketing of unhealthy food and beverages has been identified as one of several strategies the unhealthy food and beverage industry uses to exert their influence on population food choices and diet. Regulating the food and beverage industry's marketing practices is one mechanism to mitigate this commercial determinant of health. This paper seeks to understand the main barriers and enablers that governments face when attempting to design an appropriate regulatory system. Methods 14 semi-structured expert interviews were undertaken with participants across different jurisdictions (Ireland, United Kingdom, Chile, Canada, Norway, Portugal and Brazil) who were involved in introducing marketing restrictions; and a purposive documentary analysis was carried out. A thematic analysis of this data was conducted informed by the Health Policy Triangle. Results Multiple common technical and political issues were experienced by governments regarding the form and substance of the policy design regardless of the jurisdictional context. Such issues included: whether to introduce a mandatory approach; what age group to protect; what nutrient classification system to use; how to define “marketing to children”; and what mediums, settings and techniques to cover. The actors opposing regulation challenged the form and substance of each design element. However, having a strong political mandate to introduce regulation; multiple actors working together, including multiple government ministries, academics and civil society actors; and a strong evidence base supporting the policy design helped policymakers navigate the technical and political challenges faced when designing the regulatory approach. Conclusion Despite the different political contexts and actors involved in different jurisdictions internationally, there are many commonalities in the challenges and enabling factors faced by governments. Understanding the technical and political challenges experienced by governments and how these governments overcame those challenges is critical to improve capacity around designing more effective regulations to improve population's diets, and therefore NCDs.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46586125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1165088
Yuliya Kosyakova, Irena Kogan
{"title":"Corrigendum: Labor market situation of refugees in Europe: The role of individual and contextual factors","authors":"Yuliya Kosyakova, Irena Kogan","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1165088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1165088","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44499436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1045846
Divya Sharma
The article is centrally concerned with mapping out the autonomy of the feminist subject in India using the case study of Kashmir after the abrogation of Article 35A. It argues that the autonomy of the feminist subject in India has been subsumed within various other discourses, due to which the feminist subject of the discourse is still denied the necessary space. The article uses the case study of Jammu and Kashmir and argues that women face triple jeopardy being subjected to multiple counter-discourses to their autonomy. Feminism and autonomy in Kashmir cannot be defined in isolation; gender power relations intersect with the ethnic conflict of partitions as well as the militarization of Kashmir. It accounts for women's positions throughout history, including the ancient monarchical system, which resulted in a syncretic Kasmiriyat tradition, the Dogra regime with its alliances and misalignments with British rule, and the violence of the Indian subcontinent's partition. Based on multiple variables, the article employs a two-pronged approach. The first approach is to carry out the discursive analysis of the autonomy of the feminist subject in India and Jammu and Kashmir. The second approach considers the narrative of Kashmiri women through detailed interviews to determine how they define their autonomy. Using these two approaches, an attempt is made to investigate the implications of the abrogation of Article 35A in terms of conceptualizing a case of autonomous space for Kashmiri women as democratic citizens of India.
{"title":"Alternative discourse for constituting subjecthood of women: A case for an autonomous feminist discourse in Kashmir in India","authors":"Divya Sharma","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1045846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1045846","url":null,"abstract":"The article is centrally concerned with mapping out the autonomy of the feminist subject in India using the case study of Kashmir after the abrogation of Article 35A. It argues that the autonomy of the feminist subject in India has been subsumed within various other discourses, due to which the feminist subject of the discourse is still denied the necessary space. The article uses the case study of Jammu and Kashmir and argues that women face triple jeopardy being subjected to multiple counter-discourses to their autonomy. Feminism and autonomy in Kashmir cannot be defined in isolation; gender power relations intersect with the ethnic conflict of partitions as well as the militarization of Kashmir. It accounts for women's positions throughout history, including the ancient monarchical system, which resulted in a syncretic Kasmiriyat tradition, the Dogra regime with its alliances and misalignments with British rule, and the violence of the Indian subcontinent's partition. Based on multiple variables, the article employs a two-pronged approach. The first approach is to carry out the discursive analysis of the autonomy of the feminist subject in India and Jammu and Kashmir. The second approach considers the narrative of Kashmiri women through detailed interviews to determine how they define their autonomy. Using these two approaches, an attempt is made to investigate the implications of the abrogation of Article 35A in terms of conceptualizing a case of autonomous space for Kashmiri women as democratic citizens of India.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49075702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-14DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2022.1032204
L. Evans, P. M. Buchan, M. Fortnam, M. Honig, Louise Heaps
New approaches to ocean governance for coastal communities are needed. With few exceptions, the status quo does not meet the diverse development aspirations of coastal communities or ensure healthy oceans for current and future generations. The blue economy is expected to grow to USD2.5–3 trillion by 2030, and there is particular interest in its potential to alleviate poverty in Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States, and to support a blue recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper presents a selective, thematic review of the blue economy literature to examine: (i) the opportunities and risks for coastal communities, (ii) the barriers and enablers that shape community engagement, and (iii) the strategies employed by communities and supporting organizations, which can be strengthened to deliver a ‘sustainable' blue economy and improve social justice for coastal communities. Our review finds that under business-as-usual and blue growth, industrial fisheries, large-scale aquaculture, land reclamation, mining, and oil and gas raise red flags for communities and marine ecosystems. Whereas, if managed sustainably, small-scale fisheries, coastal aquaculture, seaweed farming and eco-tourism are the most likely to deliver benefits to communities. Yet, these are also the sectors most vulnerable to negative and cumulative impacts from other sectors. Based on our evaluation of enablers, barriers and strategies, the paper argues that putting coastal communities at the center of a clear vision for an inclusive Sustainable Blue Economy and co-developing a shared and accessible language for communities, practitioners and policy-makers is essential for a more equitable ocean economy, alongside mainstreaming social justice principles and integrated governance that can bridge different scales of action and opportunity.
{"title":"Putting coastal communities at the center of a sustainable blue economy: A review of risks, opportunities, and strategies","authors":"L. Evans, P. M. Buchan, M. Fortnam, M. Honig, Louise Heaps","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2022.1032204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1032204","url":null,"abstract":"New approaches to ocean governance for coastal communities are needed. With few exceptions, the status quo does not meet the diverse development aspirations of coastal communities or ensure healthy oceans for current and future generations. The blue economy is expected to grow to USD2.5–3 trillion by 2030, and there is particular interest in its potential to alleviate poverty in Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States, and to support a blue recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper presents a selective, thematic review of the blue economy literature to examine: (i) the opportunities and risks for coastal communities, (ii) the barriers and enablers that shape community engagement, and (iii) the strategies employed by communities and supporting organizations, which can be strengthened to deliver a ‘sustainable' blue economy and improve social justice for coastal communities. Our review finds that under business-as-usual and blue growth, industrial fisheries, large-scale aquaculture, land reclamation, mining, and oil and gas raise red flags for communities and marine ecosystems. Whereas, if managed sustainably, small-scale fisheries, coastal aquaculture, seaweed farming and eco-tourism are the most likely to deliver benefits to communities. Yet, these are also the sectors most vulnerable to negative and cumulative impacts from other sectors. Based on our evaluation of enablers, barriers and strategies, the paper argues that putting coastal communities at the center of a clear vision for an inclusive Sustainable Blue Economy and co-developing a shared and accessible language for communities, practitioners and policy-makers is essential for a more equitable ocean economy, alongside mainstreaming social justice principles and integrated governance that can bridge different scales of action and opportunity.","PeriodicalId":34431,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46120136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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