Pub Date : 2020-06-03DOI: 10.26577/irilj.2020.v90.i2.04
M. Sarybayev, D. Malbakov
The scientific article is devoted to the issue of interdependence in the energy sector between different regions of the world in the example of EU-EAEU cooperation. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of the energy factor as a connecting and integrating element of regional economic interaction between the EU and the EAEU. Using the theoretical paradigms of realism, liberalism, constructivism, the article analyzes the relationship between the EU and the EAEU in the context of ensuring future stability in the energy sector in Europe related to the ability of the countries of the European Union (EU) and the EAEU to support the interdependence of the energy market. While writing the article, the author studied and summarized the studies of scholars of the realism paradigm, whose writings discussed the influence of economic interdependence on states' intentions to initiate conflicts, as well as neoliberal school followers like R. Keohane and J. Nye who conceptualize interdependence and define it as the existence of interdependence between international actors in various fields of their interaction. Based on the data obtained, it was found that an analysis of energy relations between the EU and the EAEU in recent years confirms the hypothesis that the political consequences of interdependence are not a simple function of growing trade and investment relations. By analyzing the political impact of energy interdependence, one can focus not only on existing or planned pipelines, the development of market conditions, the structure of energy prices, the dynamics of exports and imports, and the extent of interdependence.
{"title":"Problems of interaction and interdependence of the EU and EAEU in the energy sphere","authors":"M. Sarybayev, D. Malbakov","doi":"10.26577/irilj.2020.v90.i2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/irilj.2020.v90.i2.04","url":null,"abstract":"The scientific article is devoted to the issue of interdependence in the energy sector between different regions of the world in the example of EU-EAEU cooperation. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of the energy factor as a connecting and integrating element of regional economic interaction between the EU and the EAEU. Using the theoretical paradigms of realism, liberalism, constructivism, the article analyzes the relationship between the EU and the EAEU in the context of ensuring future stability in the energy sector in Europe related to the ability of the countries of the European Union (EU) and the EAEU to support the interdependence of the energy market. While writing the article, the author studied and summarized the studies of scholars of the realism paradigm, whose writings discussed the influence of economic interdependence on states' intentions to initiate conflicts, as well as neoliberal school followers like R. Keohane and J. Nye who conceptualize interdependence and define it as the existence of interdependence between international actors in various fields of their interaction. Based on the data obtained, it was found that an analysis of energy relations between the EU and the EAEU in recent years confirms the hypothesis that the political consequences of interdependence are not a simple function of growing trade and investment relations. By analyzing the political impact of energy interdependence, one can focus not only on existing or planned pipelines, the development of market conditions, the structure of energy prices, the dynamics of exports and imports, and the extent of interdependence.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77858466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-12DOI: 10.26577/cajsh.2020.v6.i1.03
A. Akkari
This article takes an attempt to review the complexity of rendering military terminology in two languages and its subsequent identification of structure-forming features. The processes of globalization are incredibly intense, the military services of the world powers have to communicate with each other using military terminology in the course of hostilities and in the framework of military cooperation (competitions of military personnel, all kinds of military forums). The armed forces and the army are one of the most important social institutions and apparatuses in many countries. In the zones of local military conflicts, with the assistance of the armed forces, missions and humanitarian convoys are carried out aimed at establishing and maintaining a ceasefire and normal life. That is why, this research focuses on the study of military discourse and its functional components taking into account the increasing demand for developing multilingual vocabulary and speech strategies owing to current international conflicts.
{"title":"Issues of rendering military terminology within the framework of military discourse","authors":"A. Akkari","doi":"10.26577/cajsh.2020.v6.i1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/cajsh.2020.v6.i1.03","url":null,"abstract":"This article takes an attempt to review the complexity of rendering military terminology in two languages and its subsequent identification of structure-forming features. \u0000The processes of globalization are incredibly intense, the military services of the world powers have to communicate with each other using military terminology in the course of hostilities and in the framework of military cooperation (competitions of military personnel, all kinds of military forums). \u0000The armed forces and the army are one of the most important social institutions and apparatuses in many countries. In the zones of local military conflicts, with the assistance of the armed forces, missions and humanitarian convoys are carried out aimed at establishing and maintaining a ceasefire and normal life. That is why, this research focuses on the study of military discourse and its functional components taking into account the increasing demand for developing multilingual vocabulary and speech strategies owing to current international conflicts.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76329300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-21DOI: 10.26577/irilj.2020.v89.i1.04
B. Janusz-Pawletta
THE INTERACTION OF WATER AND SOIL IN INTERNATIONAL LAW The purpose of this scoping is to examine the extent to which international law reflects on the water and soil nexus with special attention to few most relevant issues like pollution, floods, land uses impact-ing water resources as well as climate change impac t on water and soil. Some of international regulations directly regulate issues related to water and soil nexus. Many others, though water and soil are not necessary a primary subject of their regulation, they support the objectives of protection and suitable development of water and soil. The extent to which international law regulates the nexus between soil and water will be assessed in respect to four key issues: 1) scope of treaties defining as geographical and functional application of a treaty, which identifies resource in question like watercourse, groundwater, wetland, soil, land, catchment; 2) substantive norms reflecting right and obligations pertaining to management of the relevant resources; 3) procedural norms offering implementation mechanisms enabling effective implementation of the substantive norms, 4) dispute settlement framing the way to peaceful solution of any dispute among the state parties.
{"title":"The interaction of water and soil in international law","authors":"B. Janusz-Pawletta","doi":"10.26577/irilj.2020.v89.i1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/irilj.2020.v89.i1.04","url":null,"abstract":"THE INTERACTION OF WATER AND SOIL IN INTERNATIONAL LAW The purpose of this scoping is to examine the extent to which international law reflects on the water and soil nexus with special attention to few most relevant issues like pollution, floods, land uses impact-ing water resources as well as climate change impac t on water and soil. Some of international regulations directly regulate issues related to water and soil nexus. Many others, though water and soil are not necessary a primary subject of their regulation, they support the objectives of protection and suitable development of water and soil. The extent to which international law regulates the nexus between soil and water will be assessed in respect to four key issues: 1) scope of treaties defining as geographical and functional application of a treaty, which identifies resource in question like watercourse, groundwater, wetland, soil, land, catchment; 2) substantive norms reflecting right and obligations pertaining to management of the relevant resources; 3) procedural norms offering implementation mechanisms enabling effective implementation of the substantive norms, 4) dispute settlement framing the way to peaceful solution of any dispute among the state parties.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46537501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-21DOI: 10.26577/irilj.2020.v89.i1.02
K. I. Aledwan, A. Al-Nouimat
Iranian-Russian relations have a distinct strategic character, but they have not yet reached the level of strategic alliance, and the two parties in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Caucasus are more than they are different. The main organizer of these relations is temporary interests and common challenges, particularly the Western and American challenge. Therefore, there is always a common concern that both countries are likely to converge with the West at the expense of the other. “The study is important in analyzing the nature of relations between Russia and Iran. Both countries have strategic interests in an area of geo-strategic importance both at regional and international levels. The importance of these strategic relations goes beyond regional relations to the extent of the alliance, which makes the two countries on the road to the formation of a global axis, which gives great importance to understanding the nature and level of the relationship between the two countries. This study aims to study the development of RussianIranian relations and the nature of the factors influencing these relations in the period. The problem of the research is to try to analyze the nature of the Russian-Iranian relations and the controversy it raised over the dimensions of this relationship and its level and in view of the acquisition of this relationship of strategic importance at the international level. The relations between the two countries and areas of cooperation raised many questions to be addressed in this research. The main outcome of the study was that the two sides agree that the Arab Spring has begun to produce “radical Islamists.” Moscow does not favor a Middle East with al-Qaeda in its tracks, and Tehran does not favor radical Salafi control.
{"title":"Russian-Iranian relations in the scope of new geopolitical situation","authors":"K. I. Aledwan, A. Al-Nouimat","doi":"10.26577/irilj.2020.v89.i1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/irilj.2020.v89.i1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Iranian-Russian relations have a distinct strategic character, but they have not yet reached the level of strategic alliance, and the two parties in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Caucasus are more than they are different. The main organizer of these relations is temporary interests and common challenges, particularly the Western and American challenge. Therefore, there is always a common concern that both countries are likely to converge with the West at the expense of the other. “The study is important in analyzing the nature of relations between Russia and Iran. Both countries have strategic interests in an area of geo-strategic importance both at regional and international levels. The importance of these strategic relations goes beyond regional relations to the extent of the alliance, which makes the two countries on the road to the formation of a global axis, which gives great importance to understanding the nature and level of the relationship between the two countries. This study aims to study the development of RussianIranian relations and the nature of the factors influencing these relations in the period. The problem of the research is to try to analyze the nature of the Russian-Iranian relations and the controversy it raised over the dimensions of this relationship and its level and in view of the acquisition of this relationship of strategic importance at the international level. The relations between the two countries and areas of cooperation raised many questions to be addressed in this research. The main outcome of the study was that the two sides agree that the Arab Spring has begun to produce “radical Islamists.” Moscow does not favor a Middle East with al-Qaeda in its tracks, and Tehran does not favor radical Salafi control.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46427633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26577/irilj.2020.v92.i4.05
S. Mukan, E. Saudabekova
This paper describes the concept of “soft power” from the American foreign policy perspective. Nowadays, the concept of “soft power” is increasingly described not only in politics, but also in many other spheres of social life by and large. The International Community is faced with it even in the most ordinary situations, such as: cultural exchange, study abroad, trade, language learning, media as well as social networks, and many others. Today, this concept has become a powerful tool for integrating countries through non-coercion and the use of traditional force. On the contrary, “soft power” has come to be described as the most effective instrument for gaining confidence in the current “balance of power” and the “presence of nuclear weapons”. The United States is the founder and vivid example of the concept “soft power” implementation into the practice. This concept has been most successfully applied in foreign policy by President Barack Obama. Today, International Community is witnessing a dramatic change in foreign policy with the change of the United States administration from Obama to Trump in 2016.
{"title":"The concept of «soft power» in the USA foreign policy: transition from Barack Obama to Donald Trump","authors":"S. Mukan, E. Saudabekova","doi":"10.26577/irilj.2020.v92.i4.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/irilj.2020.v92.i4.05","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes the concept of “soft power” from the American foreign policy perspective. Nowadays, the concept of “soft power” is increasingly described not only in politics, but also in many other spheres of social life by and large. The International Community is faced with it even in the most ordinary situations, such as: cultural exchange, study abroad, trade, language learning, media as well as social networks, and many others. Today, this concept has become a powerful tool for integrating countries through non-coercion and the use of traditional force. On the contrary, “soft power” has come to be described as the most effective instrument for gaining confidence in the current “balance of power” and the “presence of nuclear weapons”. The United States is the founder and vivid example of the concept “soft power” implementation into the practice. This concept has been most successfully applied in foreign policy by President Barack Obama. Today, International Community is witnessing a dramatic change in foreign policy with the change of the United States administration from Obama to Trump in 2016.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73759568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26577/irilj.2020.v92.i4.03
Yang Yeon-hee, Min Ho Kook
This article considers the process of neoliberalism and globalization causing international migration, and the status of migrant workers in their countries of residence around the world, including Korea. According to the results of research, first, globalization guarantees maximum movement of capital, whereas human free movement is suppressing as much as possible. The labor market pursued by neoliberalism has focused on the flexibility of labor. The flexibility of the production system and the flexibility of the labor market have forced workers in many parts of the world into a chaotic state suffering from job insecurity, competition, and performance. Migrant workers are subjected to labor exploitation as they are treated with inequality and discrimination compared to local workers in their countries of residence. Second, under the neoliberalistic economic system, migrant workers are forced to live as wage slaves by the logic of capital’s power, foreign discrimination in residential countries, and the scapegoats of anti-immigration sentiment. Most immigrants are politically, economically, and socially unprotected from their home countries, and are given status as people who will return to their home countries after providing only a certain period of labor. In particular, the guarantee of labor is perfunctory for migrant workers, the de facto workplace cannot be moved, and the migrant workers can be sent out of the country. Third, globalization, driven by deregulation and new technologies based on past laissez-faire ideology, has led to income inequality, in which wealth is concentrated only in certain groups of capitalists. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares freedom of migration as one of the fundamental human rights. The Convention on the Rights of Labor Migrants has not yet been signed by countries that actively host labor migrants. OECD countries call for the elimination of the negative aspects of globalization and neoliberalism through improved international standards and norms and international cooperation. For both sending and receiving countries, migration should be planned and modified in such a way as to minimize negative factors and maximize benefits.
{"title":"Neoliberalism and the problem of migrant workers","authors":"Yang Yeon-hee, Min Ho Kook","doi":"10.26577/irilj.2020.v92.i4.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/irilj.2020.v92.i4.03","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the process of neoliberalism and globalization causing international migration, and the status of migrant workers in their countries of residence around the world, including Korea. According to the results of research, first, globalization guarantees maximum movement of capital, whereas human free movement is suppressing as much as possible. The labor market pursued by neoliberalism has focused on the flexibility of labor. The flexibility of the production system and the flexibility of the labor market have forced workers in many parts of the world into a chaotic state suffering from job insecurity, competition, and performance. Migrant workers are subjected to labor exploitation as they are treated with inequality and discrimination compared to local workers in their countries of residence. Second, under the neoliberalistic economic system, migrant workers are forced to live as wage slaves by the logic of capital’s power, foreign discrimination in residential countries, and the scapegoats of anti-immigration sentiment. Most immigrants are politically, economically, and socially unprotected from their home countries, and are given status as people who will return to their home countries after providing only a certain period of labor. In particular, the guarantee of labor is perfunctory for migrant workers, the de facto workplace cannot be moved, and the migrant workers can be sent out of the country. Third, globalization, driven by deregulation and new technologies based on past laissez-faire ideology, has led to income inequality, in which wealth is concentrated only in certain groups of capitalists. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares freedom of migration as one of the fundamental human rights. The Convention on the Rights of Labor Migrants has not yet been signed by countries that actively host labor migrants. OECD countries call for the elimination of the negative aspects of globalization and neoliberalism through improved international standards and norms and international cooperation. For both sending and receiving countries, migration should be planned and modified in such a way as to minimize negative factors and maximize benefits.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87706091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26577/irilj.2020.v91.i3.01
F. Kukeeva, A. Smailova, S. Samat
{"title":"ROLE OF ISESCO IN MODERN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","authors":"F. Kukeeva, A. Smailova, S. Samat","doi":"10.26577/irilj.2020.v91.i3.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/irilj.2020.v91.i3.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81554554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.02
D. Zhekenov, M. Makisheva, S. Jakubayeva
Abstract. Since the accession to power of the fifth generation of rulers headed by Chinese PresidentXi Jinping, serious changes have taken place in the principle of foreign policy of the People’s Republic ofChina. The principle “not to be a leader in international relations, be in shadow” which had been strictlyobserved of Mao Zedong and Ding Xiaoping, was given to oblivion. China has transferred to new principles,now it is ready to assume responsibility in solving the common human problems on the globallevel sticking to the motto of mutually beneficial peace and politics in order to become “the leader” intheir settlement. These changes are vividly seen in the Chinese “Belt and Road” initiative, rejuvenationof “the Chinese dream” and the initiative of “the common destiny of mankind” which have become themotto of foreign policy of Xi Jinping. At any meeting or summit of the global level (bilateral, multilateral,at the sessions of regional and international organizations), Xi Jinping is constantly bringing up the issueof “the common destiny of mankind”. Due to the fact that they do not manifest any visible expansionisticor empirical sings, they gain more supporters of their initiatives by their attractive proposals in tacklingsuch global problems as international terrorism, global warming, ecology, etc. The article analyses theprinciples of foreign policy of People’s Republic of China by studying the we initiatives focusing on itsmerits and demerits, advantages and threats to other states.Key words: The People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping, Chinese foreign policy, “The common destinyof mankind”, “Chinese dream”.
{"title":"Chinese foreign policy through the prism of «community of common destiny»","authors":"D. Zhekenov, M. Makisheva, S. Jakubayeva","doi":"10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.02","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Since the accession to power of the fifth generation of rulers headed by Chinese PresidentXi Jinping, serious changes have taken place in the principle of foreign policy of the People’s Republic ofChina. The principle “not to be a leader in international relations, be in shadow” which had been strictlyobserved of Mao Zedong and Ding Xiaoping, was given to oblivion. China has transferred to new principles,now it is ready to assume responsibility in solving the common human problems on the globallevel sticking to the motto of mutually beneficial peace and politics in order to become “the leader” intheir settlement. These changes are vividly seen in the Chinese “Belt and Road” initiative, rejuvenationof “the Chinese dream” and the initiative of “the common destiny of mankind” which have become themotto of foreign policy of Xi Jinping. At any meeting or summit of the global level (bilateral, multilateral,at the sessions of regional and international organizations), Xi Jinping is constantly bringing up the issueof “the common destiny of mankind”. Due to the fact that they do not manifest any visible expansionisticor empirical sings, they gain more supporters of their initiatives by their attractive proposals in tacklingsuch global problems as international terrorism, global warming, ecology, etc. The article analyses theprinciples of foreign policy of People’s Republic of China by studying the we initiatives focusing on itsmerits and demerits, advantages and threats to other states.Key words: The People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping, Chinese foreign policy, “The common destinyof mankind”, “Chinese dream”.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89275770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.05
L. Bogatyreva, B. Taitorina, Z. Abdukarimova
Abstract. Special significancein the study of the problems of the implementation of internationallaw into national legislation is acquiredin the context of the implementation of international standardsin the field of juvenile rights. In the modern period, the problem of implementing the norms of theof theUnited Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by General Assembly resolution 44/25,opened for signature in the city of New York on November 20, 1989, and other international treatiesinto the national legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan is being actualized. This article monitors andanalyzes the practical realization of the International Acts on protection the interests and rights of thechild, ratified in the Republic of Kazakhstan, and other documents concern the Juvenile Justice System.The research accomplished in the context of the entire array of the current Law System of the Republicof Kazakhstan, focused on the implementation the international standards for the protection of HumanRights in general and particular in the Rights of the Child. Basing on the Civil Law legislation of the Republicof Kazakhstan,criteria are considered for the legal capacity of minors. The civil procedural capacityof minors is analyzed on the basis of the Civil Procedure Code. The principle of the best safeguardingof children’s rights, the need for its primary consideration in activities related to children, is enshrined incodified and other laws of the Republic of Kazakhstan, in which state policy in the interests of children isrecognized as a priority area of activity of state authorities. In accordance with the aim of the study, theproblem of the implementation in the national legislation of the norms of the United Nations Conventionon the Rights of the Child is analyzed.Key words: minor, rights, convention, implementation, Convention on the Rights of the Child.
{"title":"The implementation of the convention on the rights of the child to legal system of the Republic of Kazakhstan","authors":"L. Bogatyreva, B. Taitorina, Z. Abdukarimova","doi":"10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.05","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Special significancein the study of the problems of the implementation of internationallaw into national legislation is acquiredin the context of the implementation of international standardsin the field of juvenile rights. In the modern period, the problem of implementing the norms of theof theUnited Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by General Assembly resolution 44/25,opened for signature in the city of New York on November 20, 1989, and other international treatiesinto the national legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan is being actualized. This article monitors andanalyzes the practical realization of the International Acts on protection the interests and rights of thechild, ratified in the Republic of Kazakhstan, and other documents concern the Juvenile Justice System.The research accomplished in the context of the entire array of the current Law System of the Republicof Kazakhstan, focused on the implementation the international standards for the protection of HumanRights in general and particular in the Rights of the Child. Basing on the Civil Law legislation of the Republicof Kazakhstan,criteria are considered for the legal capacity of minors. The civil procedural capacityof minors is analyzed on the basis of the Civil Procedure Code. The principle of the best safeguardingof children’s rights, the need for its primary consideration in activities related to children, is enshrined incodified and other laws of the Republic of Kazakhstan, in which state policy in the interests of children isrecognized as a priority area of activity of state authorities. In accordance with the aim of the study, theproblem of the implementation in the national legislation of the norms of the United Nations Conventionon the Rights of the Child is analyzed.Key words: minor, rights, convention, implementation, Convention on the Rights of the Child.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76682192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.04
G. Baikushikova, A. Amrenova
Abstract. Relations between the Russian Federation and the Central Asian countries have alwaysbeen of strategic importance for both sides. The topic of the study is interesting because against thebackground of historical events, in the absence of experience in the conduct of foreign policy only bythe newly independent Central Asian countries and building their own ways of development, it is possibleto trace changes in the conceptual foundations of foreign policy and strategy of the Russian Federationin relation to this region. Despite the twenty-eight years since the collapse of the Soviet Union,there remains a high degree of interdependence between Russia and the Central Asian States. This isdue not only to the large extent of the common state borders, but also to the common economic policypromoted both within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union and on a bilateral basis. Thus, theCentral Asian region is a major supplier of energy resources to Russia, through the territory of which rawmaterials are transported to the countries of the European Union, while Russia exports mineral products,machinery and equipment to the Central Asian countries. However, it is worth noting that, despite theefforts made by the Russian authorities to establish relations with the Central Asian States on a bilateraland multilateral basis, to this day there is no single separately developed concept that would determinethe long-term strategy of the Russian Federation in Central Asia. It is no secret that official conceptualsources are required for the study of relations between countries, but since there is no single documentof the strategy in relation to the Central Asian countries in the Russian Federation, it is necessary to turnto other concepts. Thus, in this article the authors examined the evolution of the conceptual basics offoreign policy and strategy of Russia towards Central Asian countries with which it is possible to identifystages of relationships, the strategic goals of the Russian Federation and the region’s place in Russianforeign policy.Key words: Russian Federation, Central Asia, foreign policy concept.
{"title":"Evolution of conceptual basics of Russian Federation’s foreign policy towards countries of Central Asia","authors":"G. Baikushikova, A. Amrenova","doi":"10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26577/IRILJ.2019.V88.I4.04","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Relations between the Russian Federation and the Central Asian countries have alwaysbeen of strategic importance for both sides. The topic of the study is interesting because against thebackground of historical events, in the absence of experience in the conduct of foreign policy only bythe newly independent Central Asian countries and building their own ways of development, it is possibleto trace changes in the conceptual foundations of foreign policy and strategy of the Russian Federationin relation to this region. Despite the twenty-eight years since the collapse of the Soviet Union,there remains a high degree of interdependence between Russia and the Central Asian States. This isdue not only to the large extent of the common state borders, but also to the common economic policypromoted both within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union and on a bilateral basis. Thus, theCentral Asian region is a major supplier of energy resources to Russia, through the territory of which rawmaterials are transported to the countries of the European Union, while Russia exports mineral products,machinery and equipment to the Central Asian countries. However, it is worth noting that, despite theefforts made by the Russian authorities to establish relations with the Central Asian States on a bilateraland multilateral basis, to this day there is no single separately developed concept that would determinethe long-term strategy of the Russian Federation in Central Asia. It is no secret that official conceptualsources are required for the study of relations between countries, but since there is no single documentof the strategy in relation to the Central Asian countries in the Russian Federation, it is necessary to turnto other concepts. Thus, in this article the authors examined the evolution of the conceptual basics offoreign policy and strategy of Russia towards Central Asian countries with which it is possible to identifystages of relationships, the strategic goals of the Russian Federation and the region’s place in Russianforeign policy.Key words: Russian Federation, Central Asia, foreign policy concept.","PeriodicalId":34621,"journal":{"name":"Halykaralyk katynastar zane halykaralyk kukyk seriasi","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84851849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：