Islamic terrorist groups such as the Islamic State or Boko Haram have made a name for themselves by, among other things, their violent and brutal nature in managing affairs. As such, this article aims to investigate the origin of these practices. This paper investigates the particularities of radical Islamist ideology as illustrated through the prism of author Abu Bakr Naji. Also, the research at hand aims to shed light on the nature of Islamic terrorism and to provide an insight into the ideology behind this movement. Therefore, this paper aims to establish the connection between the theory presented by Abu Bakr Naji and the practical procedures applied by Islamist groups. The author presents Islamist ideology in his work, while illustrating its application through examples. It can be said that he offers instructions, thus creating a manual for putting radical Islamist ideology into practice. This paper aims to explain the actions and modus operandi of terrorist groups, researching and extrapolating from the author mentioned above. At the same time, this paper is meant to illustrate that the practices of Islamist groups are not random, but have a strong theoretical and ideological foundation. From this point of view, the present investigation covers points such as terrorist group violence, loyalty to authority, as well as propaganda and expansion. The following will present the perspective of Islamist terrorist organizations on their approach in practice to achieve their goals. From the conduct of this investigation, the similarity between the theoretical instructions formulated by author Abu Bakr Naji and the practical application conducted by organizations such as the Islamic State and Boko Haram can be seen.
伊斯兰国(Islamic State)或博科圣地(Boko Haram)等伊斯兰恐怖组织因其在管理事务方面的暴力和野蛮性质而出名。因此，本文旨在调查这些实践的起源。本文通过作者阿布·巴克尔·纳吉的视角来考察激进伊斯兰主义意识形态的特殊性。此外，手头的研究旨在阐明伊斯兰恐怖主义的本质，并提供对这一运动背后的意识形态的洞察。因此，本文旨在建立Abu Bakr Naji提出的理论与伊斯兰组织实际应用的程序之间的联系。作者在他的作品中呈现了伊斯兰主义思想，并通过实例说明其应用。可以说，他提供指示，从而创造了将激进伊斯兰主义思想付诸实践的手册。本文旨在通过对上述作者的研究和推断，解释恐怖组织的行动和手法。同时，本文旨在说明伊斯兰教组织的行为并非随机的，而是有很强的理论和思想基础的。从这个角度来看，目前的调查涵盖了恐怖组织暴力，对权威的忠诚，以及宣传和扩张等方面。以下将介绍伊斯兰恐怖组织在实践中实现其目标的方法。从这次调查的进行中可以看出，作者Abu Bakr Naji制定的理论指导与伊斯兰国和博科圣地等组织的实际应用之间的相似性。
{"title":"Theoretical Foundations for Applied Practices within Islamic Terrorist Groups","authors":"Victor-Liviu Miclăuș","doi":"10.58441/psf.v4i1.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v4i1.17","url":null,"abstract":"Islamic terrorist groups such as the Islamic State or Boko Haram have made a name for themselves by, among other things, their violent and brutal nature in managing affairs. As such, this article aims to investigate the origin of these practices. This paper investigates the particularities of radical Islamist ideology as illustrated through the prism of author Abu Bakr Naji. Also, the research at hand aims to shed light on the nature of Islamic terrorism and to provide an insight into the ideology behind this movement. Therefore, this paper aims to establish the connection between the theory presented by Abu Bakr Naji and the practical procedures applied by Islamist groups. The author presents Islamist ideology in his work, while illustrating its application through examples. It can be said that he offers instructions, thus creating a manual for putting radical Islamist ideology into practice. This paper aims to explain the actions and modus operandi of terrorist groups, researching and extrapolating from the author mentioned above. At the same time, this paper is meant to illustrate that the practices of Islamist groups are not random, but have a strong theoretical and ideological foundation. From this point of view, the present investigation covers points such as terrorist group violence, loyalty to authority, as well as propaganda and expansion. The following will present the perspective of Islamist terrorist organizations on their approach in practice to achieve their goals. From the conduct of this investigation, the similarity between the theoretical instructions formulated by author Abu Bakr Naji and the practical application conducted by organizations such as the Islamic State and Boko Haram can be seen.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70971881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The multiple crises facing liberal democracies have given rise to political manifestations designed to annihilate any form of freedom and individuality by exposing the general public to populist danger. The EU refugee crisis of 2016 revealed a dramatic shift in social and political attitudes across the Scandinavian political spectrum, with ideological force catalyzing distinct social action and a change in the dynamics of the social composite. Based on the political and social study of populism and the effects that this ideology and philosophy have on Danish society, our study aims to reveal how the social anxiety of newcomers manifests itself interpersonally and interculturally. At the same time, we will try to determine the argumentative profile of the populist manifestation at the social and political level in order to observe the dynamics of the behavioural influence of the resident population of foreign origin and how populism and illiberalism attract these individuals. Such research is necessary in light of Denmark‘s political and social situation, especially after populist and Eurosceptic movements have consolidated their presence in national and regional political life. Our paper examines how the concepts of inequality and social exclusion have developed in the Danish political context and has a thesis on the interconnection between this development and populism and anti-establishment support in the black and Muslim communities. It is extremely important to investigate how populism influences social behaviour to anticipate possible countermeasures to anti-democratic and anti-liberal movements in the context of the perpetual development of the populist era.
{"title":"Populist Response to the Social Crisis in Denmark – How Iliberal-Authoritarian Populism Can Influence Newcomers?","authors":"Cătălin-Gabriel Done","doi":"10.58441/psf.v4i1.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v4i1.22","url":null,"abstract":"The multiple crises facing liberal democracies have given rise to political manifestations designed to annihilate any form of freedom and individuality by exposing the general public to populist danger. The EU refugee crisis of 2016 revealed a dramatic shift in social and political attitudes across the Scandinavian political spectrum, with ideological force catalyzing distinct social action and a change in the dynamics of the social composite. Based on the political and social study of populism and the effects that this ideology and philosophy have on Danish society, our study aims to reveal how the social anxiety of newcomers manifests itself interpersonally and interculturally. At the same time, we will try to determine the argumentative profile of the populist manifestation at the social and political level in order to observe the dynamics of the behavioural influence of the resident population of foreign origin and how populism and illiberalism attract these individuals. Such research is necessary in light of Denmark‘s political and social situation, especially after populist and Eurosceptic movements have consolidated their presence in national and regional political life. Our paper examines how the concepts of inequality and social exclusion have developed in the Danish political context and has a thesis on the interconnection between this development and populism and anti-establishment support in the black and Muslim communities. It is extremely important to investigate how populism influences social behaviour to anticipate possible countermeasures to anti-democratic and anti-liberal movements in the context of the perpetual development of the populist era.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46725622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When structural adjustment programmes which had dominated the lending conditionality of the leading international financial institutions (the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank) in the 1980s failed to deliver the expected success stories, governance gained traction as a predictor of aid effectiveness. Development discourse and practice began incorporating governance indicators and defining a governance concept in line with the effort to reassess the role of the state in development. This paper examines whether the inclusion of governance in the development discourse of the World Bank in the 1990s reflects cosmopolitan or communitarian ethical norms. Normative international relations theory permits an assessment of the so-called governance turn in World Bank conditionality which interrogates the understanding of the state and of the international community which are put forth. Key World Bank publications from the 1990s are selected for content analysis. The first level of analysis interrogates whether the conceptualization of the state emerging from the documents reflects a communitarian or cosmopolitan approach. The second level of analysis focuses on the universalism-particularism tension in the cosmopolitan-communitarian debate. What emerges from the analysis is a hybrid of cosmopolitan and communitarian sensibilities where the technocratic approach of the World Bank allows operationalizing conditionality and (good) governance in a list of indicators without a consistent normative framework.
{"title":"The Governance Turn in the World Bank Discourse from a Normative IR Lens: Cosmopolitanism or Communitarianism?","authors":"Madalina A Mirea","doi":"10.58441/psf.v4i1.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v4i1.20","url":null,"abstract":"When structural adjustment programmes which had dominated the lending conditionality of the leading international financial institutions (the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank) in the 1980s failed to deliver the expected success stories, governance gained traction as a predictor of aid effectiveness. Development discourse and practice began incorporating governance indicators and defining a governance concept in line with the effort to reassess the role of the state in development. This paper examines whether the inclusion of governance in the development discourse of the World Bank in the 1990s reflects cosmopolitan or communitarian ethical norms. Normative international relations theory permits an assessment of the so-called governance turn in World Bank conditionality which interrogates the understanding of the state and of the international community which are put forth. Key World Bank publications from the 1990s are selected for content analysis. The first level of analysis interrogates whether the conceptualization of the state emerging from the documents reflects a communitarian or cosmopolitan approach. The second level of analysis focuses on the universalism-particularism tension in the cosmopolitan-communitarian debate. What emerges from the analysis is a hybrid of cosmopolitan and communitarian sensibilities where the technocratic approach of the World Bank allows operationalizing conditionality and (good) governance in a list of indicators without a consistent normative framework.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48620470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study was developed within the project “Partnerships for Women’s Leadership and good Governance”, carried out with the financial support of the European Union and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Gender equality is a fundamental principle of the European Union, also enshrined in national law, and one of the policy objectives in the field of research and innovation. For three decades, the situation of researchers in the Republic of Moldova has been influenced by several socio-economic and political challenges, as well as by the insufficiency of smart policies and research programs, which increase both the quality and level of research, as well as the degree of use of their results in the development of the national economy. An important aspect of supporting research and science is the involvement of women and girls in research institutions and centres, universities, etc. through various promotion, information, counselling policies to ensure real gender equality and opportunities.
{"title":"Analysis of Challenges to Ensuring Gender Equality in Science and Research: Recommended Policies for Republic of Moldova","authors":"Mariana Iatco, Victoria Bezviuc","doi":"10.58441/psf.v4i1.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v4i1.19","url":null,"abstract":"The study was developed within the project “Partnerships for Women’s Leadership and good Governance”, carried out with the financial support of the European Union and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Gender equality is a fundamental principle of the European Union, also enshrined in national law, and one of the policy objectives in the field of research and innovation. For three decades, the situation of researchers in the Republic of Moldova has been influenced by several socio-economic and political challenges, as well as by the insufficiency of smart policies and research programs, which increase both the quality and level of research, as well as the degree of use of their results in the development of the national economy. An important aspect of supporting research and science is the involvement of women and girls in research institutions and centres, universities, etc. through various promotion, information, counselling policies to ensure real gender equality and opportunities.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47256585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to explore and argue around the symbolist of the infrastructure in the modeling of an African recognition in global development and sustainability narratives (the African Self), in the context of a broader mobility discourse. The necessity of such an analysis consists in the need for reconfirmation of development projects as narratives of change, but also in the need to decide on which side of the colonial axis the African infrastructure development, the improvement of mobility in Africa and the intrinsic freedoms to “do things in their own ways” are. Moreover, the analysis would deepen and explore new philosophical-political perspectives on development, linked to the right to mobility in Africa or in relation to Africa. Methodologically, the analysis starts with a brief critical analysis of all projects, under lens of post-structuralism, followed by a comparative analysis using a holistic reference on the concepts as development, mobility, space, road, journey.
{"title":"Mirroring the African Self and Mobility in Development Projects","authors":"D. Stoica","doi":"10.58441/psf.v4i1.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v4i1.21","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to explore and argue around the symbolist of the infrastructure in the modeling of an African recognition in global development and sustainability narratives (the African Self), in the context of a broader mobility discourse. The necessity of such an analysis consists in the need for reconfirmation of development projects as narratives of change, but also in the need to decide on which side of the colonial axis the African infrastructure development, the improvement of mobility in Africa and the intrinsic freedoms to “do things in their own ways” are. Moreover, the analysis would deepen and explore new philosophical-political perspectives on development, linked to the right to mobility in Africa or in relation to Africa. Methodologically, the analysis starts with a brief critical analysis of all projects, under lens of post-structuralism, followed by a comparative analysis using a holistic reference on the concepts as development, mobility, space, road, journey.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47569997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU) have had and continue to maintain a long-standing partnership on peace and security, which dates back to the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) at the beginning of the 2000s. However, in 2021, the EU embarked on a different pathway of financing its activities in the field of peace and security by establishing the European Peace Facility (EPF). This new financial instrument allows the EU to directly finance (bypassing the AU) national and sub-regional military initiatives on the African continent, to finance lethal equipment for African armies and expand its scope globally. While the vast majority of current debates and research focus solely on the „train and equip“ provision of the EPF and its implications in the Ukrainian war, the EU engagement in Africa through the instrument mentioned above is scarcely assessed. Therefore, drawing on the theory of interregional security cooperation, this paper considers how establishing the EPF impacts the EU‘s engagement on the African continent in the security field. Empirically assessing the instances in which the EPF has been implemented on the African continent, this paper aims to answer the research question: how does the establishment and implementation of the EPF impact the EU-AU partnership on peace and security? This paper employs a qualitative research design, namely a case study approach of inquiry and process tracing methods. The results of this approach show two distinct tendencies. First, while implementing the EPF in Africa can solve certain operational and technical aspects of the EU engagement on the continent, the EU-AU partnership must be reinforced on the political and strategic levels. Moreover, considering the plethora of international and regional actors involved in managing the security dynamics on the African continent, it is essential to prioritise the political dimension of the EU-AU partnership.
{"title":"The European Peace Facility in action: rethinking EU-Africa partnership on peace and security?","authors":"A. Dinca","doi":"10.58441/psf.v4i1.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v4i1.23","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU) have had and continue to maintain a long-standing partnership on peace and security, which dates back to the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) at the beginning of the 2000s. However, in 2021, the EU embarked on a different pathway of financing its activities in the field of peace and security by establishing the European Peace Facility (EPF). This new financial instrument allows the EU to directly finance (bypassing the AU) national and sub-regional military initiatives on the African continent, to finance lethal equipment for African armies and expand its scope globally. While the vast majority of current debates and research focus solely on the „train and equip“ provision of the EPF and its implications in the Ukrainian war, the EU engagement in Africa through the instrument mentioned above is scarcely assessed. Therefore, drawing on the theory of interregional security cooperation, this paper considers how establishing the EPF impacts the EU‘s engagement on the African continent in the security field. Empirically assessing the instances in which the EPF has been implemented on the African continent, this paper aims to answer the research question: how does the establishment and implementation of the EPF impact the EU-AU partnership on peace and security? This paper employs a qualitative research design, namely a case study approach of inquiry and process tracing methods. The results of this approach show two distinct tendencies. First, while implementing the EPF in Africa can solve certain operational and technical aspects of the EU engagement on the continent, the EU-AU partnership must be reinforced on the political and strategic levels. Moreover, considering the plethora of international and regional actors involved in managing the security dynamics on the African continent, it is essential to prioritise the political dimension of the EU-AU partnership.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43737132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the context of the Liberal International Order crisis amplified bythe Trump Administration’s America First doctrine and a retreat ofmultilateralism, President Macron was emboldened to carry further hisvision for a Sovereign Europe (Europe-Puissance) capable of ensuringits own strategic autonomy and acting as an independent actor onthe international stage. However, President Macron faces the task ofarticulating a coherent way of achieving this goal, especially givingGermany’s reluctance to accept any changes in the postwar defensestatus quo, and East-Central European anxieties regarding a possibleRussian rapprochement pursued by the French president. Early inhis presidency, Macron proposed his Grand Design for a concentricand multi-speed Europe with different stages of integration, anddifferent levels of functioning, a plan which was met with a degree ofunwillingness from East-Central European capitals.
{"title":"France’s Grand Design for Europe and the Elusive Quest for European Sovereignty","authors":"Marius Mitrache","doi":"10.58441/psf.v1i2.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v1i2.12","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of the Liberal International Order crisis amplified bythe Trump Administration’s America First doctrine and a retreat ofmultilateralism, President Macron was emboldened to carry further hisvision for a Sovereign Europe (Europe-Puissance) capable of ensuringits own strategic autonomy and acting as an independent actor onthe international stage. However, President Macron faces the task ofarticulating a coherent way of achieving this goal, especially givingGermany’s reluctance to accept any changes in the postwar defensestatus quo, and East-Central European anxieties regarding a possibleRussian rapprochement pursued by the French president. Early inhis presidency, Macron proposed his Grand Design for a concentricand multi-speed Europe with different stages of integration, anddifferent levels of functioning, a plan which was met with a degree ofunwillingness from East-Central European capitals.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47379246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article approaches the role of ideocratic projects, focusing oncosmocratic and constitutional domination, while looking at the conceptof ideocracy in premodern and especially modern contexts. The article alsoargues for the conceptual usefulness of the term ideocracy in analysingcertain regime types, and, especially when considering totalist dimensions,enabling researchers to go beyond traditional left-right or religious-seculardivides. Whereas cosmocratic domination represented a fundamental traitin premodern ideocracies, modern ideocratic projects have tended to moveto a constitutionalist form of domination. In doing so, ideocracies typicallystay true to their doctrinal core, even as they may end up pursuing a hybridapproach.
{"title":"On Ideocratic Polities and Projects. Theoretical Considerations","authors":"Mihai Murariu","doi":"10.58441/psf.v1i1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v1i1.8","url":null,"abstract":"This article approaches the role of ideocratic projects, focusing oncosmocratic and constitutional domination, while looking at the conceptof ideocracy in premodern and especially modern contexts. The article alsoargues for the conceptual usefulness of the term ideocracy in analysingcertain regime types, and, especially when considering totalist dimensions,enabling researchers to go beyond traditional left-right or religious-seculardivides. Whereas cosmocratic domination represented a fundamental traitin premodern ideocracies, modern ideocratic projects have tended to moveto a constitutionalist form of domination. In doing so, ideocracies typicallystay true to their doctrinal core, even as they may end up pursuing a hybridapproach.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46819133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The phenomenon of corruption is increasingly invoked in the publicagenda of the Republic of Moldova, as a major factor, which distorts thetransformation and the democratic course of the state. Respectively, thenegative dynamics of the tendencies of manifesting corruption facts is asad reality of the functioning of different institutions in the Republic ofMoldova. Corruption in the Republic of Moldova remains a strident problem,highlighted by the prism of different researches, reports and surveys asthe main factor that undermines the economic growth, compromises thedevelopment of democratic values and the tendency to integrate the countryinto the European community. This paper will treat the state public policy inanti-corruption fight and the effect of that policies on democratization ofpolitical process and system.
{"title":"Strengthening the integrity and development of anti-corruption policies in the Republic of Moldova","authors":"N. Putină, Mariana Iatco","doi":"10.58441/psf.v1i1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58441/psf.v1i1.9","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of corruption is increasingly invoked in the publicagenda of the Republic of Moldova, as a major factor, which distorts thetransformation and the democratic course of the state. Respectively, thenegative dynamics of the tendencies of manifesting corruption facts is asad reality of the functioning of different institutions in the Republic ofMoldova. Corruption in the Republic of Moldova remains a strident problem,highlighted by the prism of different researches, reports and surveys asthe main factor that undermines the economic growth, compromises thedevelopment of democratic values and the tendency to integrate the countryinto the European community. This paper will treat the state public policy inanti-corruption fight and the effect of that policies on democratization ofpolitical process and system.","PeriodicalId":34873,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Forum","volume":"101 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41256188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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