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Monuments of Toussaint Louverture at Home and Abroad 国内外杜桑楼纪念碑
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139520
Gelien Matthews
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引用次数: 0
Jamaica in the Age of Revolution 革命时代的牙买加
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139560
F. Ledgister
ONE OF THE MOST INTERESTING, AND MOST valuable, approaches to Western historiography over the past couple of decades has been the definition of the Atlantic Basin as a space with a shared history of interaction. Trevor Burnard’s text presents us with Jamaica’s eighteenth-century history set in a wider Atlantic context. This is of considerable importance as it shows Jamaica not only as a slave society, but also as one deeply embedded in a complex of relations with the North American colonies that became the United States, with Britain, with the slave trade, and the broader Caribbean in the context of British and French imperial contestation. The book is not so much a monograph as a series of connected essays with Jamaica’s position within the network of connections throughout the North Atlantic region. It is, as a result, a richer examination of what political, economic and social factors existed and mattered for understanding Jamaica’s position in the imperial world of the eighteenth century. This is, thus, an analysis of what it meant to be an economy founded on slavery; an economy substantially affected by the eruption of the American Revolution, and the French and Haitian Revolutions. It is also an examination of the prosperity of a ruling class in a fundamentally oppressive, indeed murderous, colony. As Burnard states, in his introduction, “in 1774, the white residents of Jamaica were the richest group of people in the British Empire” (1). Black Jamaicans were, on the other hand, among the most immiserated people on the planet. Mixed-race Jamaicans lived in a condition of uncertainty, free but disempowered, and excluded from participation in the political life of the colony. These themes form a thread within the text, the chapters each illuminating an aspect of what it meant to be a society founded upon a structure of domination, and oppression; a society that founded great wealth on the basis of human suffering. To a degree this is a twice-told tale, but Burnard brings to light aspects of the story that explain how, and why this came to be the case.
在过去的几十年里,西方史学最有趣、最有价值的方法之一是将大西洋盆地定义为一个具有共同互动历史的空间。Trevor Burnard的文本向我们展示了牙买加18世纪的历史,背景是更广阔的大西洋背景。这一点非常重要,因为它表明牙买加不仅是一个奴隶社会,而且是一个深深植根于与北美殖民地的复杂关系中的社会,这些殖民地后来成为美国、英国、奴隶贸易,以及在英法帝国争夺的背景下更广泛的加勒比地区。与其说这本书是一本专著,不如说它是一系列与牙买加在整个北大西洋地区关系网络中的地位相关的文章。因此,这是对存在哪些政治、经济和社会因素的更丰富的考察,这些因素对理解牙买加在18世纪帝国世界中的地位至关重要。因此,这是对建立在奴隶制基础上的经济意味着什么的分析;受到美国革命、法国革命和海地革命爆发严重影响的经济体。这也是对统治阶级在一个从根本上压迫、甚至是杀戮的殖民地中的繁荣的审视。正如伯纳德在引言中所说,“1774年,牙买加的白人居民是大英帝国最富有的一群人”(1)。另一方面,牙买加黑人是这个星球上最贫困的人之一。牙买加混血儿生活在一种不确定的条件下,自由但没有权力,被排斥在殖民地的政治生活之外。这些主题在文本中形成了一条线索,每一章都阐明了一个建立在统治和压迫结构上的社会意味着什么;一个建立在人类苦难基础上的巨大财富的社会。在某种程度上,这是一个反复讲述的故事,但伯纳德揭示了故事的各个方面,解释了为什么会出现这种情况。
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引用次数: 0
The Growing Influence of Facebook in Political Campaigns in the Caribbean Facebook在加勒比海地区政治运动中的影响力日益增强
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139521
Indrani Bachan-Persad
THE ROLE OF MAINSTREAM MEDIA IN ELECTION campaigns has been one of the most studied areas in political communication. Some studies have pointed to their importance in drawing attention to candidates and their tremendous power in determining which news, events, candidates and issues are covered in any given day;1 their agenda effects,2 which predict that elements which are important in the media agenda will become important in the public agenda;3 their framing effects,4 selecting and highlighting some facets of issues and events and making connections so as to promote a particular interpretation, evaluation and solution in order to influence what people think, know and have feelings about;5 and their mediatised effects,6 which indicate that the media shape the processes and discourses of political communication as well as the society in which that communication takes place. However, theorists caution that it is difficult to find clear evidence that the media decisively influence the outcome of elections, though they can easily influence them.7 Over the last decade, social media, especially Facebook, are fast becoming the most popular media for electioneering. They are considered as platforms for political engagement and civic participation of voters.8 Researchers have examined how elections campaigns unfold, how candidates are embedded in communication networks and how they interact among themselves and the public.9 Some studies have investigated the way that politicians utilise social networking sites as political platforms during election campaigns mostly to disseminate information.10 Since Barack Obama’s 2008 election campaign, social networking sites in political contexts have been hailed for their democratic and participatory potential11 and for increasing the public’s engagement with
主流媒体在竞选中的作用一直是政治传播学中研究最多的领域之一。一些研究指出了它们在吸引人们注意候选人方面的重要性,以及它们在决定任何一天报道哪些新闻、事件、候选人和问题方面的巨大力量;1 .它们的议程效应,2 .它们预测媒体议程中重要的因素将在公共议程中变得重要;3 .它们的框架效应,4 .选择和突出问题和事件的某些方面,并建立联系,以促进特定的解释。评估和解决方案,以影响人们的想法,了解和感受;5和它们的中介效应,6表明媒体塑造了政治传播的过程和话语以及传播发生的社会。然而,理论家警告说,很难找到明确的证据证明媒体决定性地影响了选举结果,尽管它们可以很容易地影响选举结果在过去的十年里,社交媒体,尤其是Facebook,正迅速成为最受欢迎的竞选媒体。它们被认为是选民政治参与和公民参与的平台研究人员研究了选举活动是如何展开的,候选人是如何融入通讯网络的,以及他们是如何与自己和公众互动的一些研究调查了政治家在竞选活动中利用社交网站作为政治平台的方式,主要是为了传播信息自从奥巴马2008年竞选总统以来,政治领域的社交网站因其民主和参与的潜力以及增加公众与政治的接触而受到称赞
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引用次数: 0
Colonialism, Cinema and Revolution 殖民主义、电影与革命
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139550
A. Ballas
CINEMA IS NOT ALWAYS REVOLUTIONARY, BUT REVOLUTION is always cinematic. Countless episodes from revolutionary history have been captured on celluloid for decades and populated with the familiar cast of star-studded and star-spangled ‘great men’ elevated in both Hollywood and the Euro-American mythos: Jeff Daniels as Washington, Nick Nolte as Jefferson, Paul Giamotti as Adams, and so on. This is a cinema, in other words, brimming with land speculators, slave-owners, their legal counsels, faux radicals and rapists. In all their alabaster glory, such vaunted and apparently regal figureheads have been celebrated if not outright worshipped on the silver screen over cinema’s longue durée; their powder-wigged visages regularly plastered on promotional posters in multiplexes and monumentalised in digital monochrome on streaming platforms worldwide. In Hollywood in particular, the visual history of the ‘Age of Revolutions’ unfolds as though it were an unbroken, decades-long tracking shot spanning the history of settler colonialism, Western imperialism and its jingoistic march through twentiethand twenty-first-century cinema – shot in both HD and out of the barrel of a gun. Although films based on the so-called Age of Revolutions are anything but scarce in Hollywood and European cinema, it may come as a surprise for many to learn that the Haitian Revolution is conspicuously absent from the big screen historically as today. Slave Revolt on Screen: The Haitian Revolution in Film and Video Games1 is Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall’s meticulous exploration of the visual legacy of the Haitian Revolution in Hollywood and throughout the Western world, offering a corrective to the decades of cinematic and scholarly neglect of the revolution and its historical import.
电影并不总是革命性的,但革命总是电影化的。几十年来,无数革命历史的片段被电影胶片拍摄下来,充斥着好莱坞和欧美神话中明星云集、星光熠熠的“伟人”:杰夫·丹尼尔斯饰演华盛顿,尼克·诺尔特饰演杰斐逊,保罗·贾莫蒂饰演亚当斯等等,奴隶主、他们的法律顾问、假激进分子和强奸犯。在他们所有的雪花石膏般的荣耀中,这些自吹自擂的、表面上是帝王的傀儡,即使不是在银幕上被彻底崇拜,也会在电影的漫长岁月中受到庆祝;他们戴着粉末假发的脸经常贴在多功能影院的宣传海报上,并在全球流媒体平台上以数字单色进行纪念。尤其是在好莱坞,《革命时代》的视觉历史展现得仿佛是一个完整的、长达数十年的追踪镜头,跨越了定居者殖民主义、西方帝国主义及其沙文主义在二十一世纪电影中的历史——用高清和枪管拍摄。尽管基于所谓革命时代的电影在好莱坞和欧洲电影中并不少见,但许多人可能会惊讶地发现,海地革命在历史上与今天一样明显没有出现在大银幕上。银幕上的奴隶革命:电影和电子游戏中的海地革命1是艾丽莎·戈尔茨坦·塞平沃尔对海地革命在好莱坞和整个西方世界的视觉遗产的细致探索,纠正了几十年来电影和学术界对革命及其历史意义的忽视。
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引用次数: 0
A Forgotten Artist in Early Nineteenth-century Trinidad and Tobago 19世纪初特立尼达和多巴哥被遗忘的艺术家
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139518
Randolph Jones
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引用次数: 0
The Slave Master of Trinidad: William Hardin Burnley and the Nineteenth-Century Atlantic World 特立尼达的奴隶主:威廉·哈丁·伯恩利和19世纪的大西洋世界
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139552
F. Ledgister
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引用次数: 0
Tomás Sosa Wangüemert Tomás Sosa Wangüemert先生
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139514
Joilyneth Ferreira
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引用次数: 0
The Caribbean and the Wider World: Commentaries on My Life and Career 加勒比和更广阔的世界:对我的生活和事业的评论
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139562
Diana Thorburn
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引用次数: 0
Editor’s Note 编者按
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2139512
Kim Robinson-Walcott
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引用次数: 0
Reinventing the Self 重塑自我
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/00086495.2022.2105029
N. Butt
BORN IN 1932 IN AN IMPOVERISHED HINDU community of Trinidad, V.S. Naipaul moved to England in 1950, where he spent most of his life. As a writer of Indo-Caribbean origin, Naipaul has an important place in Caribbean literary history, which is haunted by colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism. Despite the fact that Naipaul claims not to adhere to any political principles in his work, his literature tends to become a form of resistance to colonial and postcolonial configurations across national and cultural borders. Scholars like Angus Richmund have criticised Naipaul for being “the mimic man”1 who merely documents colonial anxieties or insecurities in his work, although he may appear to be preoccupied with the predicament of the formerly colonised people in our postmodern world. His anti/heroes do not show an active resistance to the remnants of colonialism, but rather a passive one as they refuse to conform to the fantasies of the West. These fantasies are rooted in cultural othering, which appears to haunt his lonely and solitary characters who as a result tend to possess floating or fragmented identities. According to Min Zhou,
1932年,V.S.奈保尔出生于特立尼达岛一个人迹罕至的HINDU社区,1950年移居英国,在那里度过了大半辈子。奈保尔作为一位印度-加勒比裔作家,在殖民主义、帝国主义和新殖民主义交织的加勒比文学史上占有重要地位。尽管奈保尔声称在他的作品中没有坚持任何政治原则,但他的文学往往成为一种跨越国家和文化边界抵抗殖民和后殖民格局的形式。安格斯·里奇蒙德(Angus Richmund)等学者批评奈保尔是“模仿人”,他只是在作品中记录殖民地的焦虑或不安全感,尽管他似乎专注于我们后现代世界中前殖民地人民的困境。他的反英雄们并没有表现出对殖民主义残余的积极抵抗,而是一种被动的抵抗,因为他们拒绝符合西方的幻想。这些幻想植根于文化差异,这似乎困扰着他孤独和孤独的角色,因此他们往往拥有漂浮或碎片化的身份。据周敏介绍,
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Caribbean Quarterly
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