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Civil Society and Patterns of Security in Central Asia 中亚的公民社会与安全模式
Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10021
Christoph Schuck, A. Vasilache
Since the national independence of the Central Asian countries in the early 1990s, there has been a tension between stability- and transformation-oriented rationalities, goals, and policies. However, the concurrent missions of political stability and societal transformation indicate a clear distinction between state and society. This idea of separating state and society is particularly strong with regard to security issues, but this strict separation is likely to produce contradictory goals and to have dysfunctional consequences, since it prevents the political system from benefitting from the contribution that civil society can make to addressing political and social challenges. Therefore, in this article—which also serves as an introduction to the special issue—we argue that it is necessary to bridge the discourses on security and civil society, with a particular focus on Central Asia.
自20世纪90年代初中亚国家独立以来,以稳定和转型为导向的理性、目标和政策之间一直存在紧张关系。然而,政治稳定和社会转型的共同使命表明了国家与社会之间的明显区别。这种将国家和社会分开的想法在安全问题上尤其强烈,但这种严格的分开很可能产生相互矛盾的目标,并产生功能失调的后果,因为它阻止了政治制度从公民社会为解决政治和社会挑战所能做出的贡献中受益。因此,在这篇文章中,我们认为有必要在安全和公民社会的讨论中架起一座桥梁,并特别关注中亚问题。
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引用次数: 0
Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy Change: Kyrgyzstan’s U-Turns on the U.S. Air Base at Manas Airport 外交政策变化的国内来源:吉尔吉斯斯坦对玛纳斯机场美国空军基地的180度大转弯
Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10018
S. Dzhuraev
Mainstream theories of international relations explain the foreign policies of small states based on the function of external incentives and pressures. This article challenges such explanations and analyzes Kyrgyzstan’s decisions concerning the U.S. air base at Manas between 2005 and 2010, which was a curious case of risk-taking in foreign policy by a small state. Applying a framework of “ideas, interests and institutions,” the article shows how changes in Kyrgyzstan’s foreign policy reflected a shift in the domestic context of policymaking.
主流国际关系理论基于外部激励和压力的作用来解释小国的外交政策。本文对这种解释提出了质疑,并分析了吉尔吉斯斯坦在2005年至2010年间对玛纳斯美国空军基地的决定,这是一个小国在外交政策上冒险的奇怪案例。文章以“观念、利益与制度”为框架,显示吉尔吉斯斯坦外交政策的变化如何反映国内政策制定背景的转变。
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引用次数: 0
State Regulation of Organized Civil Society in Hybrid Regimes: A Systematic Assessment of Cross-National Variations in the Regulation of Civil Society Organizations in Seven Post-Soviet Countries 混合体制下有组织公民社会的国家监管:对七个后苏联国家对公民社会组织监管的跨国差异的系统评估
Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10020
Serik Beimenbetov
How do the post-Soviet countries differ in their regulatory approaches to organized civil society? This study provides a systematic and comprehensive assessment of relative differences and similarities in the regulation of civil society organizations in seven post-Soviet countries: Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, and Ukraine. Empirically, the study offers a regulatory index that makes it possible to map and compare relative differences and similarities between these countries’ regulatory approaches to civil society. The findings show that post-Soviet authoritarian countries do not use similar levels of repression against organized civil society. The study provides an account of how different political configurations explain relative differences in the extent to which post-Soviet authoritarian countries repress their respective civil societies.
后苏联国家对有组织的公民社会的监管方式有何不同?本研究系统、全面地评估了亚美尼亚、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、摩尔多瓦、俄罗斯、塔吉克斯坦和乌克兰这七个后苏联国家对公民社会组织监管的相对异同。从经验上看,该研究提供了一个监管指数,使得绘制和比较这些国家对公民社会的监管方法之间的相对差异和相似之处成为可能。调查结果表明,后苏联专制国家没有对有组织的公民社会使用类似程度的镇压。这项研究解释了不同的政治结构如何解释后苏联专制国家压制各自公民社会程度的相对差异。
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引用次数: 0
Cooperation from Outside: Security Regionalism in Central Asia and Its Limits 外部合作:中亚安全区域主义及其局限性
Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10017
S. Mayer
The degree of institutionalized cooperation on security among three or more of the five Central Asian states remains moderate. Currently, regional security is nurtured in part via frameworks provided by external state and nonstate partners. A rational institutionalist perspective has been invoked, suggesting demand for regional security cooperation. This view also insinuates that it would be reasonable for these five states, because of their limited resources, to rely largely on external cooperation partners instead of being self-organized. This article discusses additional causal factors possibly responsible for the low degree of regionalism. Given varying foreign policy preferences and Kazakhstan’s consistent backing of far-reaching security regionalism, the argument that autocracies generally refrain from deep security cooperation cannot be sustained, nor does the sea change in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy in 2016, which could serve to nurture security regionalism in the future, align well with this argument.
中亚五国中,三个或更多国家在安全领域的机制化合作程度仍不高。目前,地区安全在一定程度上是通过外部国家和非国家伙伴提供的框架来培育的。理性的制度主义观点提出了区域安全合作的需求。这一观点还暗示,由于资源有限,这五个国家在很大程度上依赖外部合作伙伴,而不是自我组织,这是合理的。本文还讨论了其他可能导致地方主义程度低的原因。鉴于不同的外交政策偏好和哈萨克斯坦对深远的安全区域主义的一贯支持,专制国家普遍不愿进行深度安全合作的观点是站不住脚跟的,2016年乌兹别克斯坦外交政策的巨大变化也不符合这一观点,这可能有助于在未来培育安全区域主义。
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引用次数: 1
EU Efforts to Prevent Violent Extremism (PVE) by Engaging Civil Society in Kyrgyzstan 欧盟在吉尔吉斯斯坦通过公民社会参与防止暴力极端主义的努力
Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10019
Chiara Pierobon
Although a number of previous studies have investigated violent extremism in Central Asia, rigorous research concerning the international efforts in preventing this phenomenon in the region is still limited. In response to this gap in the literature, the paper examines the EU’s engagement in preventing violent extremism (PVE) through the involvement of civil society organizations (CSOs) in Kyrgyzstan. In particular, by providing new insights into the EU-funded civil society projects under the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) and its program Strengthening Resilience to Violent Extremism (STRIVE), it deepens our understanding of the security–development nexus and the approach to stability and peace that characterizes EU assistance on the ground. At the same time, by looking at the concrete activities carried out by EU-funded organizations in Kyrgyzstan, this article presents a classification of CSO forms of engagement in PVE that is relevant for the selected country and beyond.
虽然以前有一些研究调查了中亚的暴力极端主义,但关于国际社会在该地区防止这一现象的努力的严谨研究仍然有限。针对文献中的这一空白,本文考察了欧盟在吉尔吉斯斯坦通过民间社会组织(cso)的参与来防止暴力极端主义(PVE)的参与。特别是,通过对《促进稳定与和平文书》(IcSP)及其《加强对暴力极端主义的复原力》(STRIVE)计划下欧盟资助的民间社会项目提供新的见解,它加深了我们对安全与发展关系以及欧盟实地援助所特有的稳定与和平方法的理解。同时,通过观察欧盟资助的组织在吉尔吉斯斯坦开展的具体活动,本文提出了与所选国家和其他国家相关的公民社会组织参与PVE形式的分类。
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引用次数: 1
How Perceptions of the English Language Have Changed in Kazakhstan: A Narrative Analysis 哈萨克斯坦人对英语的看法是如何变化的:一种叙事分析
Pub Date : 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10016
V. Sartor
This study provides an overview of how perceptions of the English language in Kazakhstan have altered over time due to political, economic, social and technological changes. The sociocultural framework includes language commodification and critical pedagogy concerning Indigenous languages; the methodological approach is narrative analysis combined with Bakhtin’s theory of dialogism. Three generational shifts were identified, each reflective of sociocultural changes that have occurred as Kazakhstan has transitioned from Soviet republic to modern Indigenous nation: from the Soviet Era/Soviet Man; to Independent Kazakhstan/Patriots and Outsiders; to Modern Kazakhstan/Young Cosmopolitans. The ongoing popularity of English may eventually threaten the Kazakh language.
这项研究概述了由于政治、经济、社会和技术的变化,哈萨克斯坦对英语的看法是如何随着时间的推移而改变的。社会文化框架包括语言商品化和土著语言批判教学法;方法论是叙事分析与巴赫金的对话理论相结合。确定了三代人的转变,每一次都反映了哈萨克斯坦从苏维埃共和国向现代土著民族过渡时发生的社会文化变化:从苏联时代/苏联人;独立的哈萨克斯坦/爱国者和局外人;到现代哈萨克斯坦/年轻的世界主义者。英语的持续流行可能最终会威胁到哈萨克语。
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引用次数: 1
Central Asian Regionalism or Central Asian Order? Some Reflections 中亚地区主义还是中亚秩序?一些反思
Pub Date : 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10015
F. C. Buranelli
This article reflects on how the concept of regionalism has been used to explain and interpret Central Asian politics since independence. It argues that regionalism, often a norm-laden analytical category based on Eurocentric assumptions, tends to paint the region as “failed” and regional states as incapable of institutionalizing multilateral relations. In its place, the article suggests the concept of order, which is more neutral and—through its focus on the operation of sovereignty, diplomacy, international law, authoritarianism, and great power management—is able to incorporate elements of both the conflict and cooperation that have marked the region’s politics since 1991.
本文反思了自中亚独立以来,区域主义的概念是如何被用来解释和诠释中亚政治的。它认为,地区主义往往是一种基于欧洲中心假设的充满规范的分析范畴,它倾向于将该地区描绘成“失败的”,将该地区的国家描绘成无法将多边关系制度化的国家。取而代之的是,这篇文章提出了一种更加中立的秩序概念,通过其对主权、外交、国际法、威权主义和大国管理的关注,它能够将1991年以来标志着该地区政治的冲突与合作的元素结合起来。
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引用次数: 6
Uchyot and Foucault: Drug Users and Migrants in Post-Soviet Central Asia and Russia 乌奇奥特与福柯:后苏联中亚和俄罗斯的吸毒者和移民
Pub Date : 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10014
R. Turaeva, Muyassar Turaeva
In this paper, we unpack the uchyot (“registration”) system using Foucault’s regime-based approach. Uchyot is a Soviet tool for controlling populations by requiring them to register personal information and then sharing this information with the relevant state institutions. This paper explores how uchyot is used to control drug users in Uzbekistan and Central Asian migrants in Russia. It argues that social and economic pressures, combined with strict policies, push unwanted citizens and migrants to engage in risky behaviors or into the shadows of informality and illegality.
在本文中,我们使用福柯的基于制度的方法来解开uchyot(“注册”)系统。Uchyot是苏联控制人口的工具,要求他们登记个人信息,然后与相关国家机构分享这些信息。本文探讨乌契奥特如何被用来控制乌兹别克斯坦的吸毒者和俄罗斯的中亚移民。报告认为,社会和经济压力,加上严格的政策,迫使不受欢迎的公民和移民从事危险行为或进入非正规和非法的阴影。
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引用次数: 1
Discussing Sinophobia in Kyrgyzstan 讨论吉尔吉斯斯坦的恐华症
Pub Date : 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10001
Aizat Shailoobek Kyzy
This paper investigates how Chinese migrants are perceived by different groups in Kyrgyzstan—and in what domains local people turn to Sinophobia. To date, Kyrgyzstani political leaders have tended to be Sinophilic, whereas bazaar traders and ordinary citizens, fearing large inflows of Chinese migrants, are Sinophobic. The article paints a picture of Chinese migrants’ lives in Bishkek and their negative and positive experiences with local people. It concludes by demonstrating that lay people and radical nationalist groups alike deploy Sinophobic rhetoric in relation to China and Chinese immigrants living in Kyrgyzstan.
本文调查了吉尔吉斯斯坦不同群体如何看待中国移民,以及当地人在哪些领域出现了恐华症。到目前为止,吉尔吉斯斯坦的政治领导人倾向于亲华,而市场商人和普通公民则害怕大量中国移民的流入,他们是仇华的。这篇文章描绘了中国移民在比什凯克的生活,以及他们与当地人的消极和积极的经历。文章的结论是,非专业人士和激进的民族主义团体在谈到中国和居住在吉尔吉斯斯坦的中国移民时,都同样使用了恐华言论。
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引用次数: 3
Hélène Thibault, Transforming Tajikistan: State Building and Islam in Post-Soviet Central Asia (London: I. B. Tauris, 2018). 《塔吉克斯坦转型:后苏联中亚的国家建设与伊斯兰教》(伦敦:i.b. Tauris, 2018)。
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-00703001
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Central Asian Affairs
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