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Madrasa-based Religious Learning: Between Secular State and Competing Fellowships in Kyrgyzstan 以伊斯兰学校为基础的宗教学习:吉尔吉斯斯坦世俗国家与竞争团体之间
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10010
Asel Doolotkeldieva
Kyrgyzstan has experienced a rapid and diverse expansion of religious educational offerings in the past two decades and presents a fascinating regional case study of the development of Islamic education. Based on a rich ethnographic study, this article explores recently developed processes by which madrasa-based knowledge is established and transmitted. In revealing these processes, the article draws attention to political struggles for control over the transmission of religious knowledge between state and non-state actors on the one hand, and religious actors on the other. It further delves into the material and spiritual world of madrasas as perceived by students motivated to gain education and their families. In the final section, it uncovers how different madrasas use religious education, under the varied concept of ‘service to community’, to establish and maintain networks of graduates, which are necessary to the further rooting of Islamic fellowships into society, politics and the economy.
在过去的二十年中,吉尔吉斯斯坦经历了宗教教育产品的快速和多样化的扩展,并呈现了伊斯兰教育发展的迷人区域案例研究。基于一项丰富的民族志研究,本文探讨了最近发展起来的以伊斯兰学校为基础的知识建立和传播的过程。在揭示这些过程时,本文将注意力集中在国家和非国家行为体以及宗教行为体之间为控制宗教知识传播而进行的政治斗争上。它进一步探究了受教育动机的学生和他们的家庭所感知到的伊斯兰学校的物质和精神世界。在最后一部分,它揭示了不同的伊斯兰学校如何利用宗教教育,在不同的“为社区服务”的概念下,建立和维持毕业生的网络,这是进一步扎根于社会,政治和经济的伊斯兰协会所必需的。
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引用次数: 3
Book Discussion 书讨论
Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-00702004
Igor Logvinenko
Corruption as a Last Resort is an impressive study that makes new and important contributions to the scholarship on corruption in Central Asia and across a broader range of low-income countries. The book is a powerful critique of market liberalization policies of the past two decades. McMann’s research points to a strong connection between market reform and the prevalence of corruption, especially in the context of state interventionist legacy and underdeveloped market-enhancing institutions. The connection between market reform and individual behavior that McMann uncovers runs against the expectations of those who have promoted market reforms in transition economies. The argument advanced in the book suggests that instead of reducing the role of the state in the economy, failed market reform created an environment in which individuals caught in difficult economic circumstances turned to petty corruption as their last resort. Reforms increased popular demand for corrupt behavior by state officials. Lacking market opportunities or personal networks, individuals resorted to patronage-based relationships with state officials. Corruption as the Last Resort is an ambitious project that not only introduces a novel theoretical framework, but also marshals impressive evidence (original survey and interview data) to support it. For example, in McMann’s nuanced theory, market reform is especially harmful to the welfare of the poorest citizens when there has been a long history of state involvement in the economy. In other words, reduction in redistributionist policies results in fewer funds directed to the neediest citizens; the people who previously relied the most on government aid. The weak market-enhancing institutions so common in the post-socialist transition context preclude the creation of market alternatives to the state, leaving no alternatives to petty corruption.
《作为最后手段的腐败》是一项令人印象深刻的研究,为研究中亚和更广泛的低收入国家腐败的学术研究做出了新的重要贡献。这本书是对过去20年市场自由化政策的有力批判。麦克曼的研究指出,市场改革与腐败盛行之间有着密切的联系,特别是在国家干预主义遗留问题和不发达的市场强化机构的背景下。麦克曼所揭示的市场改革与个人行为之间的联系,与那些在转型经济体中推动市场改革的人的期望背道而驰。书中提出的论点表明,失败的市场改革非但没有减少国家在经济中的作用,反而创造了一种环境,使陷入经济困境的个人将轻微腐败作为最后的手段。改革增加了民众对国家官员腐败行为的要求。由于缺乏市场机会或人际网络,个人求助于与国家官员建立的庇护关系。作为最后手段的腐败是一个雄心勃勃的项目,它不仅引入了一个新的理论框架,而且还汇集了令人印象深刻的证据(原始调查和访谈数据)来支持它。例如,在麦克曼细致入微的理论中,当国家长期介入经济时,市场改革对最贫困公民的福利尤其有害。换句话说,再分配政策的减少导致用于最贫困公民的资金减少;那些以前最依赖政府援助的人。在社会主义转型后的背景下,软弱的市场促进机制如此普遍,阻碍了市场替代国家的诞生,导致除了轻微的腐败之外别无选择。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding Factors behind Regional Inequality in Education in Kazakhstan 了解哈萨克斯坦地区教育不平等背后的因素
Pub Date : 2020-03-04 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-0701002
A. Kopeyeva
There are significant regional disparities in students’ outcomes in Kazakhstan. Whilst there has been progress in the overall quality of secondary education, large-scale assessments demonstrate a gap in knowledge of several years between certain Southern and Western regions when compared to the top-performing city of Almaty.The author analyzed country data from timss 2015 using the Learning-adjusted years of schooling (lays) measure developed by the World Bank along with an expert survey to understand the factors behind this disparity across the country. The author’s analysis suggests that this situation can be caused by the lack of specific regional education development policies, the language of instruction in school, and the poor socioeconomic development of the region in the first place. There are also indications that students in the disadvantaged regions might be less motivated, which can affect their academic achievement. The author proposes a two-stage policy intervention to improve the chances for good childhood education across regions.
哈萨克斯坦的学生成绩存在显著的地区差异。虽然在中学教育的总体质量方面取得了进展,但大规模评估表明,与表现最好的阿拉木图市相比,某些南部和西部地区在知识方面存在几年的差距。作者利用世界银行制定的经学习调整的受教育年限(layes)指标和一项专家调查分析了2015年3月的各国数据,以了解全国范围内这种差异背后的因素。作者的分析表明,造成这种情况的原因首先是缺乏具体的区域教育发展政策,学校的教学语言,以及该地区的社会经济发展不佳。也有迹象表明,贫困地区的学生可能缺乏动力,这可能会影响他们的学业成绩。作者提出了两阶段的政策干预,以提高地区间良好儿童教育的机会。
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引用次数: 3
The Bureaucratization of Islam in Azerbaijan: State as the Principal Regulator and Interpreter of Religion 阿塞拜疆伊斯兰教的官僚化:国家作为宗教的主要监管者和解释者
Pub Date : 2020-03-04 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-0701001
Kamal Gasimov
This article examines the politics of bureaucratization of Islam that the Azerbaijani government initially implemented in the mid-2000s and which has intensified after 2011. First, the state superimposed its bureaucratic categories on the Muslim communities of the country. Then, it proceeded to transform local religious figures into state employees. Yet, at the same time, the government insists that it does not interfere into theological issues and that all of its bureaucratic initiatives are aimed at ensuring freedom of belief and protecting the public order. However, with time, the process of bureaucratization has shifted from regulation to a direct administrative and ideological intervention into the religious space aimed at creating a state-imagined “orthodoxy” designated as traditional Islam. This article draws on previously untapped primary sources to discuss the different ideological and political aspects of this bureaucratically initiated tradition and its pervasive and transformative influence on the local religious landscape.
本文考察了阿塞拜疆政府最初在2000年代中期实施的伊斯兰教官僚化政治,该政治在2011年之后愈演愈烈。首先,国家将其官僚类别叠加在该国的穆斯林社区上。然后,它开始将当地宗教人士转变为国家雇员。然而,与此同时,政府坚持不干涉神学问题,所有的官僚举措都是为了确保信仰自由和保护公共秩序。然而,随着时间的推移,官僚化的过程已经从管制转变为对宗教空间的直接行政和意识形态干预,旨在创造一种国家想象的“正统”,即传统伊斯兰教。本文利用以前未开发的原始资料来讨论这种官僚发起的传统的不同意识形态和政治方面,以及它对当地宗教景观的普遍和变革影响。
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引用次数: 3
Carried by Migrants– Frictions of Migration and Mobility Patterns in the Conflicting Assemblage of the Russian Private Transport Sector 由移民携带-俄罗斯私人运输部门冲突组合中的移民和流动模式的摩擦
Pub Date : 2019-11-27 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00604003
Tonio Weicker
It is well known that labor migrants from different countries all over the Eurasian Union are the backbone of crucial economy sectors in the Russian Federation as, inter alia, construction, agriculture or trade. This article deals with another less mentioned but similarly significant labor market, which substantially changed its assemblage during the last couple of years, namely commercial urban transport services. In the last two decades, the marshrutka sector underwent major reforms and formalization processes that, on the one hand, brought operators back into the tax net and ensured a certain extension of control to the local transportation departments but, on the other hand, worsened the labor conditions of the transportation workers. Drawing from the empirical evidence of my fieldwork in southern Russia, I describe currently problematized mobility assemblages and embed the actor’s articulations in broader conflicts within the marshrutka business and transportation regulation policy. I further analyze how labor migrants have been forced to accept unfavorable working conditions in the enterprises as a direct result of politically triggered reforms in the marshrutka business. The paper provides insights into the social arena of the marshrutka, which serves as a societal encounter of urban conflicts and transformation mirroring (un-)intended effects of the local transportation reformation attempts.
众所周知,来自欧亚联盟各国的劳工移民是俄罗斯联邦重要经济部门的支柱,特别是建筑、农业或贸易部门。本文涉及另一个较少提及但同样重要的劳动力市场,即商业城市交通服务,它在过去几年中大大改变了其组合。在过去的二十年中,棉花树部门经历了重大的改革和正规化进程,一方面使经营者重新纳入税收网,并确保了对地方运输部门的一定程度的控制,但另一方面使运输工人的劳动条件恶化。根据我在俄罗斯南部实地考察的经验证据,我描述了目前存在问题的流动性组合,并将行动者的表达嵌入到沼泽地带商业和运输监管政策中更广泛的冲突中。我进一步分析了外来务工人员是如何被迫接受企业中不利的工作条件的,这是政治引发的马鲁鲁卡企业改革的直接结果。本文提供了对marshrutka的社会舞台的见解,这是一个城市冲突和转型的社会遭遇,反映了当地交通改革尝试的(非)预期效果。
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引用次数: 0
“Where is Our Honor?” Sports, Masculinity, and Authority in Kazakhstani Islamic Media “大人在哪儿?”哈萨克斯坦伊斯兰媒体中的体育、男子气概和权威
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602006
U. Bigozhin
This paper examines the construction of Islamic authority in Kazakhstani online media. I build on the growing scholarship in Central Asian studies that questions the logocentric nature of Islamic authority, even for scripturalist Muslims. Taking the YouTube channel of Abdughappar Smanov as a case study, I argue that some scripturalist preachers in Kazakhstan construct their Islamic authority by tapping into Soviet, Kazakh, and global currents of masculinity and sport.
本文考察了哈萨克斯坦网络媒体中伊斯兰权威的建构。我的基础是中亚研究中越来越多的学术研究,这些研究质疑伊斯兰权威的逻辑中心性质,甚至对信奉经文的穆斯林来说也是如此。以Abdughappar Smanov的YouTube频道为例,我认为哈萨克斯坦的一些经书传教士通过利用苏联、哈萨克斯坦和全球的男子气概和体育潮流来构建他们的伊斯兰权威。
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引用次数: 2
The Rhetoric of Islamic Debate in Kazakhstani Mass Media 哈萨克大众传媒中伊斯兰辩论的修辞
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602005
Wendell Schwab
There is an ongoing debate in Kazakhstani mass media over what constitutes proper Islamic belief and conduct. This paper examines a running dispute between Zikiriya Zhandarbek, an intellectual based at a university in southern Kazakhstan, and scripturalist Islamic institutions, such as the Kazakhstani Muftiate and the Islamic television channel Asyl Arna. In his tirades against “Salafist” and “untraditional” members of the Muftiate and Asyl Arna, Zhandarbek uses rhetoric inviting identification with domestic traditions and Akhmed Yasawi, a local Sufi saint. Conversely, scripturalists’ rhetoric identifies them as scholars working to revive knowledge of the Qur’an and Islam. However, both parties claim to represent the Kazakh nation, showing the overwhelming importance of nationalist rhetoric in Kazakhstan today.
哈萨克斯坦大众媒体一直在讨论什么是正确的伊斯兰信仰和行为。本文考察了哈萨克斯坦南部一所大学的知识分子Zikiriya Zhandarbek与哈萨克穆夫提特(Kazakhstan Muftiate)和伊斯兰电视频道Asyl Arna等经书伊斯兰机构之间的持续争论。在他对“萨拉菲斯特”和“非传统”穆夫提特和阿西尔·阿纳成员的长篇大论中,赞达尔贝克使用修辞,让人认同国内传统和当地苏菲派圣人艾哈迈德·亚萨维(ahmed Yasawi)。相反,经文学者的修辞将他们视为致力于复兴古兰经和伊斯兰教知识的学者。然而,两党都声称自己代表哈萨克民族,这表明民族主义言论在今天的哈萨克斯坦具有压倒性的重要性。
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引用次数: 4
Islam and Cultural Heritage on Tajik Television 塔吉克电视节目中的伊斯兰教与文化遗产
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602003
Benjamin Gatling
For many members of the Tajik governing elite, Muslim piety remains problematic—a stubborn, socially regressive holdover of anti-modern Tajiks—and Muslim leaders are often thought of merely as anachronistic cultural survivals. This paper interrogates the depiction of Muslim exemplars as they appear on Tajik state television by comparing a 2009 documentary about the life of Imomi Abūḣanifa, the eponymous founder of the Ḣanafī school of jurisprudence, with an exposé about Ėshoni Temur, a local Naqshbandī Sufi pir tried and convicted in 2015 for polygyny and various indeterminate offenses against official notions of Muslim religiosity. This article considers different regimes of Muslim alterity as depicted on state media and argues that the Tajik governing elite alternately renders problematic Islam as innocuous heritage or in need of swift extermination.
对于塔吉克统治精英的许多成员来说,穆斯林的虔诚仍然存在问题——这是一种顽固的、社会倒退的反现代塔吉克人的遗留物——穆斯林领导人通常被认为仅仅是时代错误的文化遗存。本文通过比较2009年一部关于伊米米Abūḣanifa (Ḣanafī法学学派的同名创始人)生平的纪录片,和一部关于Ėshoni Temur的纪录片,对出现在塔吉克斯坦国家电视台上的穆斯林典范的描述进行了质疑。Ėshoni Temur是一名当地的纳克什本·苏非派派教士,于2015年因一夫多妻制和各种不确定的罪行而被审判并定罪,违反了官方对穆斯林宗教信仰的定义。本文考虑了国家媒体所描述的不同的穆斯林另类政权,并认为塔吉克统治精英要么将有问题的伊斯兰教视为无害的遗产,要么将其迅速消灭。
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引用次数: 1
Islamic Media in Soviet Central Asia 苏联中亚的伊斯兰媒体
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602002
E. Tasar
This paper takes stock of “Islamic media” in the ussr by reviewing the kinds of sources that are available for the study of Islam in the Soviet Union, and, more importantly, exploring how social historians can use them. What follows is a detailed discussion of three genres of materials: anti-religious propaganda; correspondence of the official organizations engaged with Islam; and what, for convenience’s sake, I will term Islamic samizdat (popular religious literature and the few available autobiographies of ‘ulama).
本文通过回顾可用于研究苏联伊斯兰教的各种来源,对苏联的“伊斯兰媒体”进行了评估,更重要的是,探讨了社会历史学家如何使用它们。以下是对三种材料类型的详细讨论:反宗教宣传;与伊斯兰教有关的官方组织的通信;为了方便起见,我称之为伊斯兰地下文献(通俗的宗教文献和少数乌拉玛的自传)。
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引用次数: 1
Religion, Power, and Contemporary Art in Central Asia: Visualizing and Performing Islam 中亚的宗教、权力与当代艺术:伊斯兰教的视觉化与表演
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602008
Diana T. Kudaibergenova
This article examines diverse perceptions and discourses of Islam, fundamentalism, spirituality, and culture in the contemporary Central Asian context, revealed through the study of contemporary art and its discussions about these phenomena. While many online sources and social media accounts provide a framework for different types of religiosity—cultural, pious, or fundamental—contemporary art in the region serves as a platform for critiquing religion as a whole. I use the examples of the most famous works by prominent Central Asian contemporary artists, who discuss Tengriism, Islam, and other religious practices in their works, performances, and videos. The diversity of online platforms that transfer discussions of Islam and religion to the digital forums through which third-wave artists promote their works also create space for more pluralistic views of—and discourses on—Islam.
本文通过对当代艺术的研究及其对这些现象的讨论,探讨了当代中亚背景下对伊斯兰教、原教旨主义、灵性和文化的不同看法和话语。虽然许多在线资源和社交媒体账户为不同类型的宗教——文化的、虔诚的或原教旨的——提供了一个框架,但该地区的当代艺术作为一个整体批评宗教的平台。我以中亚当代著名艺术家最著名的作品为例,他们在作品、表演和录像中讨论了腾格里主义、伊斯兰教和其他宗教习俗。在线平台的多样性将伊斯兰教和宗教的讨论转移到数字论坛,第三波艺术家通过这些论坛宣传他们的作品,也为伊斯兰教的更多元化观点和话语创造了空间。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Central Asian Affairs
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