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Tracing the Effects of Soviet Gender and Sexual Politics in Central Asia 追溯苏联性别与性政治在中亚的影响
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10024
F. Aripova
By focusing on gender as an intersection of sexual ideologies and law, and analyzing its role in the transition between the Russian imperial colonial regime and the Bolshevik program of modernization in Central Asia, this article uncovers gendered and homophobic tropes associated with building an Uzbek Soviet and post-Soviet modernity. Coinciding with the women’s liberation campaign, the early criminalization of male same-sex practices in 1926 in the Uzbek Socialist Republic demonstrates a dual burden of Soviet modernity, whereby women’s emancipation came with the erasure of sexual ambivalence in the region and same-sex practices. The construction of a new historical memory that came with the emergence of the independent nation-state excludes women’s voices of the Soviet liberation campaign as well as renouncing its queer prerevolutionary past.
通过关注性别作为性意识形态和法律的交叉点,并分析其在俄罗斯帝国殖民政权和布尔什维克在中亚的现代化计划之间的过渡中所起的作用,本文揭示了与乌兹别克苏维埃和后苏联现代性建设相关的性别和同性恋隐喻。与妇女解放运动相一致的是,1926年乌兹别克社会主义共和国早期将男性同性行为定为犯罪,这表明了苏联现代性的双重负担,即妇女解放伴随着该地区性别矛盾心理的消除和同性行为的消除。随着独立的民族国家的出现,新的历史记忆的构建排除了苏联解放运动中的女性声音,并放弃了其奇怪的前进化历史。
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引用次数: 2
Bargaining with Virginity: Regulating Practices in Post-socialist Kyrgyzstan 与童贞讨价还价:后社会主义吉尔吉斯斯坦的规范实践
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10032
Elena Kim, E. Molchanova, Rizvana Orozalieva
This article explores systems of social control over women’s bodies demonstrated by discourses and practices which regulate women’s virginity in Kyrgyzstan. Emergence of these discourses are shaped by Kyrgyzstan’s continued post-independence nation-building processes and economic instability. In this context, women’s bodies are at the center of political contestation, ethnic nationalism, and collective power. Findings suggest that women have learned to use their bodies in economic struggles as sources of individual resistance. Drawing on in-depth interviews and ethnography of social media, we identify how young Kyrgyz women relate to the issue and its associated practices. We investigate their strategizing mechanisms and analyze how, in the attempts to undermine patriarchal oppression and optimize their opportunities, their coping strategies may actually contribute to perpetuate them.
本文探讨了社会对妇女身体的控制系统,通过话语和实践来规范吉尔吉斯斯坦妇女的童贞。这些话语的出现受到吉尔吉斯斯坦独立后持续的国家建设进程和经济不稳定的影响。在这种背景下,女性的身体处于政治斗争、种族民族主义和集体权力的中心。研究结果表明,女性已经学会在经济斗争中利用自己的身体作为个人抵抗的来源。通过深入访谈和社交媒体的民族志,我们确定了年轻的吉尔吉斯妇女如何与这个问题及其相关的做法有关。我们调查了她们的策略机制,并分析了在试图破坏父权压迫和优化她们的机会的过程中,她们的应对策略实际上如何有助于使父权压迫永久化。
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引用次数: 1
Prevrashenie (Transformation) of Bacha: Cracks and Ghostly Matters in the National/ist Heritage of Central Asia 巴夏的转变:中亚国家遗产中的裂缝和幽灵问题
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-12340020
S. Peshkova, Ruthia Jenrbekova, Maria Vilkovisky
Current attempts by local national/ist governments to impose a rigid binary gender order on local populations are as colonial as the Russian and Soviet colonial attempts to remake Central Asian communities; these efforts are deemed to fail. Bach[ch]a (adolescent feminine male performers), as a gender position and socio-cultural institution not reduced to sexuality, is but one example of such efforts’ futility. By adapting to a changing socio-political context, bacha did not disappear; overtime, this institution prevratilos’ (has transformed) into something else.
目前,地方国家/主义政府试图将严格的二元性别秩序强加给当地人口,这与俄罗斯和苏联殖民试图重塑中亚社区一样具有殖民主义色彩;这些努力被认为是失败的。巴赫[ch]a(青春期女性男性表演者),作为一种性别地位和社会文化制度,没有被简化为性,只是这种努力无效的一个例子。通过适应不断变化的社会政治环境,巴查并没有消失;随着时间的推移,这个机构已经变成了别的东西。
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引用次数: 1
Nastoiashchie Muzhiki and Depleted Masculinity in Kyrgyzstan Nastoiashchie Muzhiki和吉尔吉斯斯坦男性气概的枯竭
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10034
Michele E. Commercio
While demonstrating the intersection of gender, power, and ideology, this article centers on a particular model of masculinity in Kyrgyzstan – depleted masculinity – expressed by polygynous males (i.e., those married to more than one person). I argue that a nastoiashchii muzhik’s (real man’s) sense of masculinity is depleted when one of its crucial attributes (in this case, earning wages) disappears but other crucial attributes (in this case, governing the family and the state) remain. Adverse consequences of Kyrgyzstan’s economic transition laid the roots for the emergence of depleted masculinity among some men in Kyrgyzstan. By analyzing gender stereotypes held by a small subset of polygynous men in Kyrgyzstan, I offer a glimpse into familial and societal roles these men think they should play and familial and societal roles these men think local women should play.
在展示性别、权力和意识形态的交叉点的同时,这篇文章集中在吉尔吉斯斯坦的一种特殊的男子气概模式——耗尽的男子气概——由一夫多妻制的男性(即那些与不止一个人结婚的男性)所表达。我认为,当一个真正的男人的一个关键属性(在这个例子中是挣工资)消失,而其他关键属性(在这个例子中是管理家庭和国家)保留下来时,他的男子气概就会消失。吉尔吉斯斯坦经济转型的不利后果为一些男性阳刚之气枯竭的出现埋下了根源。通过分析吉尔吉斯斯坦一小部分一夫多妻制男性所持有的性别刻板印象,我可以一瞥这些男性认为他们应该扮演的家庭和社会角色,以及这些男性认为当地女性应该扮演的家庭和社会角色。
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引用次数: 0
Down with Bridewealth, Down with the Veil! Soviet Campaign for the Emancipation of Women in Central Asia in Graphics and Textiles between the 1920s and 1930s 揭开新娘的财富,揭开面纱!苏联在20世纪20年代至30年代为中亚妇女在图形和纺织品方面的解放运动
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10031
S. Atanova
Varied visuals (paper-based, textiles, ceramics, etc.) targeted men and women to join the struggle for a new happy life in Soviet Central Asia. I designate these visuals as “Soviet material ideology” and I consider them as a powerful tool in spreading new ideas and practices. In this paper I explore posters and carpets created in the 1920s and 1930s that call for the emancipation of women of Central Asia. Studying of graphic and textile iconography helps to understand how the image of a woman of the “Soviet East” was reproduced and which ideas about women’s emancipation were promoted. The analysis of Soviet visuals, which were a part of everyday life, explores a multidimensional picture of Soviet history and reveals the links between tradition and modernity, national and supranational, top-down and bottom-up narratives. Finally, textiles and graphics reflect Soviet trends pertaining to gender roles in the 1920–1930s. The paper is based on posters from the collection of the department of the Russian State Library and the Mardjani Foundation. It also relies on the examination of carpets from the Museum of Fine Arts of Turkmenistan, the State Museum of Oriental Art, the Russian Museum of Ethnography, the All-Russian Museum of Decorative and Applied Art and private collections.
各种各样的视觉作品(纸质、纺织品、陶瓷等)以男女为目标,号召他们加入苏维埃中亚为新的幸福生活而斗争。我把这些视觉作品称为“苏联物质意识形态”,我认为它们是传播新思想和新实践的有力工具。在这篇论文中,我探索了20世纪20年代和30年代创作的海报和地毯,这些海报和地毯呼吁中亚妇女的解放。对图形和纺织品图像学的研究有助于理解“苏联东部”女性形象是如何再现的,以及哪些关于妇女解放的思想得到了推广。作为日常生活一部分的苏联视觉分析,探索了苏联历史的多维图景,揭示了传统与现代、国家与超国家、自上而下与自下而上叙事之间的联系。最后,纺织品和图形反映了20世纪20 - 30年代苏联关于性别角色的趋势。这篇论文基于俄罗斯国家图书馆和马尔贾尼基金会收藏的海报。它还依赖于对土库曼斯坦美术博物馆、国家东方艺术博物馆、俄罗斯民族志博物馆、全俄装饰与应用艺术博物馆和私人收藏的地毯的检查。
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引用次数: 0
Imagined Women: Bearing, Rearing, and Wearing the Tajik Nation 想象中的妇女:塔吉克民族的生育、养育和穿着
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10033
Shahnoza Nozimova
In contemporary Tajikistan, the onus of national identity’s (re-)production has been disproportionately placed on women. Decisions about female bodies, dress, duties, and the limits of women’s roles in the public and private spaces serve as important differentiating markers and mobilization tools for the competing ideological forces. Using the insights from the scholarship on nation-building and gender, this paper explores the official (government’s) narrative on women in Tajikistan. Based on content analysis of various primary data sources, including official documents, government publications, official speeches, and media sources, I argue that contemporary nation-building has become about tangible lifestyles. Thus, nationhood in Tajikistan has acquired a recognizably gendered character. In this state-promoted imagination, women encapsulate the Tajik nation by performing three significant tasks that continuously reproduce and represent the nation: they bear, rear, and wear the Tajik nation-state.
在当代塔吉克斯坦,国家身份(再)生产的责任被不成比例地放在了妇女身上。关于女性身体、着装、职责以及女性在公共和私人空间中的角色限制的决定,是相互竞争的意识形态力量的重要区分标志和动员工具。本文利用对国家建设和性别的学术见解,探讨了塔吉克斯坦官方(政府)对妇女的叙述。基于对官方文件、政府出版物、官方讲话和媒体等各种原始数据来源的内容分析,我认为当代国家建设已经成为一种有形的生活方式。因此,塔吉克斯坦的国家地位具有明显的性别特征。在这种国家推动的想象中,妇女通过履行三项重要任务来概括塔吉克民族,这些任务不断地繁殖和代表塔吉克民族:她们背负、抚养和穿着塔吉克民族国家。
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引用次数: 0
Gender at the Intersection of Racialization, Inequality, and Disability in Anbar Otin’s Writing 安巴尔·奥廷写作中种族化、不平等和残疾的交叉点上的性别
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10030
Donohon Abdugafurova
Racializing locals has been one of the main characteristics of Russian and Soviet imperial modernity. Anbar Otin (1870–1915) was among the thinkers and writers in Turkistan’s Muslim society engaging with such issues. In Risolai Falsafai Siyohon (The Treatise on the Philosophy of the Blacks) she treats siyohon (blacks) as a color employed as a social metaphor and social position used in reference to the ordinary people of Turkestan, their frustrated hopes, and their pain. In the work, Anbar indicates that the word siyohon (qoralar -blackness) has been used to racialize, discriminate against, and denigrate Turkestan’s peoples. According to Anbar, it also carries a positive connotation as in “inner and physical beauty.” In this paper, I analyze the writing of Anbar in relation to her understanding of racialization, inequality, religion, gender, and disability, situating Anbar’s experience within broader discussions of such topics in the Central Asian context.
将当地人种族化是俄罗斯和苏联帝国现代性的主要特征之一。安巴尔·奥廷(1870-1915)是土耳其穆斯林社会中参与此类问题的思想家和作家之一。在《黑人哲学论著》中,她把黑人作为一种颜色,作为一种社会隐喻和社会地位,用来指代突厥斯坦的普通人,他们失意的希望和痛苦。在作品中,安巴尔指出,siyohon (qoralar -black)这个词被用来种族化、歧视和诋毁突厥斯坦人民。据安巴尔说,它还带有“内在美和外在美”的积极含义。在本文中,我分析了安巴尔的写作与她对种族化、不平等、宗教、性别和残疾的理解,并将安巴尔的经历置于中亚背景下对这些主题的更广泛讨论中。
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引用次数: 0
Online Male Sex Work in Kazakhstan: A Distinct Market? 哈萨克斯坦的在线男性性工作:一个独特的市场?
Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-bja10035
Hélène Thibault
In this article, I explore male sex-work in Kazakhstan and show that unlike male sex work around the world, the Kazakhstani market appears to be overwhelmingly heterosexual. Based on a sample of 200 online advertisements, this paper generates original data by providing an overview of male sex work in Kazakhstan’s two largest cities, Almaty and Nur-Sultan. This data is analyzed through a gender lens that acknowledges a shift in local gender roles and expectations and I argue that a desire for sexual emancipation, which is constrained by conservative views surrounding female sexuality explains this particular phenomenon. More precisely, I suggest that women are likely to have discreet sex with anonymous professionals rather than indulge in casual sex with strangers or acquaintances to maintain their reputation. While most gender research in Central Asia focuses on issues of re-traditionalization, this article investigates women’s sexuality and desires in Kazakhstan outside of the re-traditionalization paradigm.
在这篇文章中,我探讨了哈萨克斯坦的男性性工作,并表明与世界各地的男性性工作不同,哈萨克斯坦市场似乎绝大多数是异性恋。本文以200个网络广告为样本,通过提供哈萨克斯坦两个最大城市阿拉木图和努尔苏丹的男性性工作概况,生成原始数据。这些数据是通过性别视角来分析的,它承认了当地性别角色和期望的转变,我认为,受到围绕女性性行为的保守观点的限制,对性解放的渴望解释了这一特殊现象。更准确地说,我认为女性可能会与匿名的专业人士发生谨慎的性行为,而不是沉迷于与陌生人或熟人的随意性行为来维护自己的声誉。虽然中亚的性别研究大多聚焦于再传统化问题,但本文调查的是哈萨克斯坦女性在再传统化范式之外的性与欲望。
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引用次数: 1
Keeping Receipts: Lessons on Civic Engagement in Autocratic States from Kazakh Advocacy for Xinjiang 保留收据:从哈萨克倡导新疆看专制国家公民参与的教训
Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-12340017
C. Wood
How do civil society actors in authoritarian states use the internet to mobilize and advocate for rights claims? The internet has changed the patterns of political communication for civil society actors, but the range of tactics used in autocracies remains undertheorized. In this paper, I analyze the activities of Atajurt Eriktileri, a group that petitions the Kazakhstani government on behalf of co-ethnics detained in Xinjiang, China. Empirically, I complement five semi-structured interviews with an interpretive analysis of 3,272 petition videos (an original dataset) posted to Atajurt’s YouTube channel. I identify four visual–discursive patterns and three scripts that characterize the petitions, which speak to Atajurt’s strategy of atomized collective action; this approach helps avoid the repression that comes with more traditional forms of mass mobilization. The hypervisibility of Atajurt’s social media presence challenges the dominant literature on civil society and resistance in authoritarian regimes that emphasizes hidden forms of contention.
专制国家的公民社会行动者如何利用互联网动员和倡导权利诉求?互联网已经改变了公民社会参与者的政治交流模式,但专制国家使用的策略范围仍然缺乏理论依据。在本文中,我分析了Atajurt Eriktileri的活动,这是一个代表在中国新疆被拘留的同胞向哈萨克斯坦政府请愿的团体。根据经验,我对发布在Atajurt YouTube频道上的3272个请愿视频(原始数据集)进行了解释性分析,以补充五次半结构化访谈。我确定了请愿书的四种视觉话语模式和三种文字特征,这与阿塔朱特原子化集体行动的策略有关;这种方法有助于避免更传统形式的群众动员所带来的镇压。阿塔朱特在社交媒体上的超高曝光,挑战了威权政权中关于公民社会和抵抗的主流文献,这些文献强调隐藏的争论形式。
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引用次数: 1
The Optics of Leadership: A Comparative Exploration of Uzbek and Tajik Presidential Posing on Instagram 领导的光学:乌兹别克和塔吉克总统在Instagram上摆姿势的比较探索
Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.30965/22142290-12340015
Cordelia Buchanan Ponczek
How might a leader in Central Asia take a selfie? This paper explores the Instagram accounts of the presidents of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – two countries with authoritarian regimes and varying information and communications technology – in order to reach conclusions on the evolving role of social media in governance. Instagram offers a forum where the two presidents can project their personal leadership style, draw attention to official events, potentially interact with (or received interaction from) other accounts, and use national identity images as a part of their leadership role. These activities cater to domestic audiences as well as feed into the dynamics within the wider social media sphere. This paper explores how, even though the style and substance of the two leaders’ posts differs greatly, Instagram use opens a door to posturing for a virtual audience.
中亚的领导人会怎么自拍呢?本文探讨了塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦两国总统的Instagram账户——这两个国家拥有专制政权和不同的信息和通信技术——以得出关于社交媒体在治理中不断演变的作用的结论。Instagram提供了一个论坛,两位总统可以在这里展示他们的个人领导风格,吸引人们对官方活动的关注,可能与其他账户互动(或接受来自其他账户的互动),并将国家身份图像作为他们领导角色的一部分。这些活动既迎合了国内观众,也为更广泛的社交媒体领域提供了动力。本文探讨了尽管两位领导人的帖子风格和内容大不相同,但Instagram的使用为虚拟观众打开了一扇故作姿态的大门。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Central Asian Affairs
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