Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1812895
T. Virtanen
ABSTRACT Virtual performatives constitute conspicuous digital fragments as they appear across modes of computer-mediated communication and social media platforms, irrespective of whether these are text-only or multimodal, and whether reciprocity is expected. Typical instances include typographically signalled, stand-alone predications in the third-person simple present tense which refer to the technology user. For instance, by typing in a performative predication such as *waves*, the user is instantaneously enacting the virtual action of waving. This article examines the form and function of such fragments in light of their use in two modes of recreational online discourse in English: discussion boards and microblogging. The study adds to the knowledge of textual fragments and has implications for the understanding of the intricacies of online discourse.
{"title":"Fragments online: virtual performatives in recreational discourse","authors":"T. Virtanen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1812895","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1812895","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Virtual performatives constitute conspicuous digital fragments as they appear across modes of computer-mediated communication and social media platforms, irrespective of whether these are text-only or multimodal, and whether reciprocity is expected. Typical instances include typographically signalled, stand-alone predications in the third-person simple present tense which refer to the technology user. For instance, by typing in a performative predication such as *waves*, the user is instantaneously enacting the virtual action of waving. This article examines the form and function of such fragments in light of their use in two modes of recreational online discourse in English: discussion boards and microblogging. The study adds to the knowledge of textual fragments and has implications for the understanding of the intricacies of online discourse.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"57 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84659695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1759347
D. Krivochen
ABSTRACT This paper is concerned with the derivation of English sentences in which negation (NEG) surfaces in a matrix clause but is interpreted as if it were in an embedded clause. The cases we are interested in allow NEG to be interpreted as having scope over a quantified subject NP in the embedded clause or over the verbal predicate in the same embedded clause. Syntactic approaches to this phenomenon have proposed a rule of NEG-raising which proceeds upwards in multi-clause structures, very much like a garden-variety movement transformation. Pragma-semantic approaches, in contrast, appeal in general to either a combination of the excluded middle law and a pre-suppositional analysis or scalar implicatures. Here we will argue that while the syntactic treatment of NEG seems to be generally correct, a leftwards/upwards approach to NEG movement does not yield the appropriate semantic representations for the sentences under consideration; rather, we propose a syntactic rule of NEG-lowering to account for the data we examine.
{"title":"NEG lowering into quantifiers","authors":"D. Krivochen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1759347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1759347","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper is concerned with the derivation of English sentences in which negation (NEG) surfaces in a matrix clause but is interpreted as if it were in an embedded clause. The cases we are interested in allow NEG to be interpreted as having scope over a quantified subject NP in the embedded clause or over the verbal predicate in the same embedded clause. Syntactic approaches to this phenomenon have proposed a rule of NEG-raising which proceeds upwards in multi-clause structures, very much like a garden-variety movement transformation. Pragma-semantic approaches, in contrast, appeal in general to either a combination of the excluded middle law and a pre-suppositional analysis or scalar implicatures. Here we will argue that while the syntactic treatment of NEG seems to be generally correct, a leftwards/upwards approach to NEG movement does not yield the appropriate semantic representations for the sentences under consideration; rather, we propose a syntactic rule of NEG-lowering to account for the data we examine.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"26 1","pages":"91 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85606682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1777036
Eva-Maria Bauer, Thomas Hoffmann
ABSTRACT In many theoretical approaches, structures such as Turns out , I was wrong are seen as originally being the result of ellipsis, i.e., the deletion of underlying syntactic material (cf. It turns out , I was wrong.). In contrast to this, Usage-based Construction Grammar advocates a surface-oriented view of syntax and, consequently, eschews the postulation of unexpressed, covert syntactic information. In this paper, we will provide a usage-based explanation as to how such reduced constructions can arise in the first place, namely as online constructs in the working memory. Once reduced structures appear in the input, most approaches concede that they can become conventionalized. In the second part of the paper, we test whether there is any empirical evidence for the conventionalization of the constructions at hand. For this, we draw on one of the largest corpora of spoken English (the UCLA NewsScape Library of International Television News corpus), which yields more than 28,000 relevant tokens. Analysing these data for their distributional frequency, syntactic environment as well as their emotive content (using automatic sentiment analysis), we will show that there is synchronic evidence to suggest that the two structures are two individual, yet taxonomically related constructions.
{"title":"Turns out is not ellipsis? A usage-based construction grammar view on reduced constructions","authors":"Eva-Maria Bauer, Thomas Hoffmann","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1777036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1777036","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In many theoretical approaches, structures such as Turns out , I was wrong are seen as originally being the result of ellipsis, i.e., the deletion of underlying syntactic material (cf. It turns out , I was wrong.). In contrast to this, Usage-based Construction Grammar advocates a surface-oriented view of syntax and, consequently, eschews the postulation of unexpressed, covert syntactic information. In this paper, we will provide a usage-based explanation as to how such reduced constructions can arise in the first place, namely as online constructs in the working memory. Once reduced structures appear in the input, most approaches concede that they can become conventionalized. In the second part of the paper, we test whether there is any empirical evidence for the conventionalization of the constructions at hand. For this, we draw on one of the largest corpora of spoken English (the UCLA NewsScape Library of International Television News corpus), which yields more than 28,000 relevant tokens. Analysing these data for their distributional frequency, syntactic environment as well as their emotive content (using automatic sentiment analysis), we will show that there is synchronic evidence to suggest that the two structures are two individual, yet taxonomically related constructions.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"116 6 1","pages":"240 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84234517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1812365
B. Cappelle
ABSTRACT This paper discusses the English idiom Not on my watch, which is a member of a family of both lexically fixed and constructional idioms, including Not if I can help it, Not as long as I … and, as a more distant member, Not in a million years. I argue that in these expressions, not is technically a negative proform referring to a contextually salient proposition and that, at least across conversational turns, it reverses the polarity of that clause. However, attempts to reconstruct Not on my watch as a full clause (e.g. This will not happen on my watch) do not do justice to the fact that this phrase is felt to be a single unit, as is witnessed, moreover, by its capacity to trigger subject-auxiliary inversion (e.g. Not on my watch will you be harmed). Functionally, not on my watch and its close relatives do not just emphatically deny a proposition but many of them are also used as a pledge not to let something happen.
本文讨论了英语习语Not on my watch，它是一个既有固定词汇又有结构习语的家族成员，包括Not if I can help it, Not as long as I…和Not in a million years，作为一个更远的成员。我认为，在这些表达中，not在技术上是一个否定的形式，指的是一个上下文突出的命题，而且，至少在对话的转折中，它扭转了那个分句的极性。然而，试图将Not on my watch重新构建为一个完整的从句(例如This will Not happen on my watch)并不能公正地对待这个短语被认为是一个单独的单元的事实，而且，它触发主谓倒装的能力也证明了这一点(例如Not on my watch will you be harm)。从功能上讲，not on my watch和它的近亲不仅断然否认一个提议，而且其中许多还被用作不让某事发生的保证。
{"title":"Not on my watch and similar not-fragments: stored forms with pragmatic content","authors":"B. Cappelle","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1812365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1812365","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper discusses the English idiom Not on my watch, which is a member of a family of both lexically fixed and constructional idioms, including Not if I can help it, Not as long as I … and, as a more distant member, Not in a million years. I argue that in these expressions, not is technically a negative proform referring to a contextually salient proposition and that, at least across conversational turns, it reverses the polarity of that clause. However, attempts to reconstruct Not on my watch as a full clause (e.g. This will not happen on my watch) do not do justice to the fact that this phrase is felt to be a single unit, as is witnessed, moreover, by its capacity to trigger subject-auxiliary inversion (e.g. Not on my watch will you be harmed). Functionally, not on my watch and its close relatives do not just emphatically deny a proposition but many of them are also used as a pledge not to let something happen.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"5 1","pages":"217 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86901489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1798178
Ourania Sinopoulou
ABSTRACT This article examines wh-questions with conjunction, i.e. ATB-questions and wh&wh-questions, both of which have been analyzed as elliptical structures in a few different languages. Based on the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of these structures in Greek the article argues against an analysis employing ellipsis. Moreover, it proposes that these complex wh-structures involve multidominance. Specifically, one or more syntactic objects are remerged with Parallel Merge, but they are spelled-out only once, giving rise to discrepancies between meaning and form. According to this approach, ellipsis in wh-questions with coordination can be an epiphenomenon of multidominance.
{"title":"Wh-questions with conjunction in Greek: ellipsis as an epiphenomenon of multidominance","authors":"Ourania Sinopoulou","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1798178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1798178","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines wh-questions with conjunction, i.e. ATB-questions and wh&wh-questions, both of which have been analyzed as elliptical structures in a few different languages. Based on the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of these structures in Greek the article argues against an analysis employing ellipsis. Moreover, it proposes that these complex wh-structures involve multidominance. Specifically, one or more syntactic objects are remerged with Parallel Merge, but they are spelled-out only once, giving rise to discrepancies between meaning and form. According to this approach, ellipsis in wh-questions with coordination can be an epiphenomenon of multidominance.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"34 1","pages":"180 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81045863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1819008
N. Lavidas, Meike Pentrel
Non-sentential, fragmented or elliptical utterances, such as “Now!”, “From Europe.” or “Don’t we?”, are a commonly observed feature of spoken language. The syntactic, semantic and pragmatic analyse...
{"title":"Introduction to thematic issue “Fragments or ellipsis or both? New challenges and new perspectives”","authors":"N. Lavidas, Meike Pentrel","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1819008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1819008","url":null,"abstract":"Non-sentential, fragmented or elliptical utterances, such as “Now!”, “From Europe.” or “Don’t we?”, are a commonly observed feature of spoken language. The syntactic, semantic and pragmatic analyse...","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"68 1","pages":"147 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88078500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1795549
E. Gregoromichelaki, E. Gregoromichelaki, E. Gregoromichelaki, Gregory J. Mills, C. Howes, Arash Eshghi, S. Chatzikyriakidis, Matthew Purver, Ruth Kempson, R. Cann, P. Healey
ABSTRACT In everyday conversation, no notion of “complete sentence” is required for syntactic licensing. However, so-called “fragmentary”, “incomplete”, and abandoned utterances are problematic for standard formalisms. When contextualised, such data show that (a) non-sentential utterances are adequate to underpin agent coordination, while (b) all linguistic dependencies can be systematically distributed across participants and turns. Standard models have problems accounting for such data because their notions of ‘constituency’ and ‘syntactic domain’ are independent of performance considerations. Concomitantly, we argue that no notion of “full proposition” or encoded speech act is necessary for successful interaction: strings, contents, and joint actions emerge in conversation without any single participant having envisaged in advance the outcome of their own or their interlocutors’ actions. Nonetheless, morphosyntactic and semantic licensing mechanisms need to apply incrementally and subsententially. We argue that, while a representational level of abstract syntax, divorced from conceptual structure and physical action, impedes natural accounts of subsentential coordination phenomena, a view of grammar as a “skill” employing domain-general mechanisms, rather than fixed form-meaning mappings, is needed instead. We provide a sketch of a predictive and incremental architecture (Dynamic Syntax) within which underspecification and time-relative update of meanings and utterances constitute the sole concept of “syntax”.
{"title":"Completability vs (In)completeness","authors":"E. Gregoromichelaki, E. Gregoromichelaki, E. Gregoromichelaki, Gregory J. Mills, C. Howes, Arash Eshghi, S. Chatzikyriakidis, Matthew Purver, Ruth Kempson, R. Cann, P. Healey","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1795549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1795549","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In everyday conversation, no notion of “complete sentence” is required for syntactic licensing. However, so-called “fragmentary”, “incomplete”, and abandoned utterances are problematic for standard formalisms. When contextualised, such data show that (a) non-sentential utterances are adequate to underpin agent coordination, while (b) all linguistic dependencies can be systematically distributed across participants and turns. Standard models have problems accounting for such data because their notions of ‘constituency’ and ‘syntactic domain’ are independent of performance considerations. Concomitantly, we argue that no notion of “full proposition” or encoded speech act is necessary for successful interaction: strings, contents, and joint actions emerge in conversation without any single participant having envisaged in advance the outcome of their own or their interlocutors’ actions. Nonetheless, morphosyntactic and semantic licensing mechanisms need to apply incrementally and subsententially. We argue that, while a representational level of abstract syntax, divorced from conceptual structure and physical action, impedes natural accounts of subsentential coordination phenomena, a view of grammar as a “skill” employing domain-general mechanisms, rather than fixed form-meaning mappings, is needed instead. We provide a sketch of a predictive and incremental architecture (Dynamic Syntax) within which underspecification and time-relative update of meanings and utterances constitute the sole concept of “syntax”.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"4 1","pages":"260 - 284"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80233451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1759369
Andrew Weir
ABSTRACT This article considers discourse-initial fragments such as A coffee, please. The article argues against “sententialist” analyses of such fragments which propose that they are elliptical for fully-fledged syntactic structures, but also argues that DP fragments are not strictly “what-you-see-is-what-you-get” either. Rather, a small amount of unpronounced syntactic structure is present in such fragments – a null head, crucially not verbal but rather something more akin to a preposition, which introduces an event argument and assigns a thematic role to the DP fragment. This is argued to account for a number of otherwise mysterious (on the sententialist view) properties of antecedentless fragments, in particular some surprising cases of ungrammatical antecedentless fragments.
{"title":"Antecedentless fragments: a middle road between sententialism and nonsententialism","authors":"Andrew Weir","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1759369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1759369","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article considers discourse-initial fragments such as A coffee, please. The article argues against “sententialist” analyses of such fragments which propose that they are elliptical for fully-fledged syntactic structures, but also argues that DP fragments are not strictly “what-you-see-is-what-you-get” either. Rather, a small amount of unpronounced syntactic structure is present in such fragments – a null head, crucially not verbal but rather something more akin to a preposition, which introduces an event argument and assigns a thematic role to the DP fragment. This is argued to account for a number of otherwise mysterious (on the sententialist view) properties of antecedentless fragments, in particular some surprising cases of ungrammatical antecedentless fragments.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"6 1","pages":"151 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73202000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-04DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1765272
Evelyn Gandón-Chapela
ABSTRACT This paper analyses Post-Auxiliary Ellipsis voice mismatches between the antecedent clause(s) and the ellipsis site(s) in Late Modern English, using the Penn Parsed Corpus of Modern British English (PPCMBE) (1700–1914). This study focuses on two subtypes of Post-Auxiliary Ellipsis, namely VP ellipsis and Pseudogapping. The results show that voice mismatches were possible in Pseudogapping and VP ellipsis in Late Modern English with low frequencies. This fact serves as counterevidence for the claim about the impossibility of finding voice mismatches in Pseudogapping and confirms corpus-based findings for Present-Day English. As for VP ellipsis, corpus-based studies show that voice mismatches are not attested in Present-Day English. Since they occur in Late Modern English with low frequencies, this contrast may be due to the stylistics or register of the corpora analysed.
{"title":"A corpus-based analysis of Post-Auxiliary Ellipsis voice mismatches in Late Modern English","authors":"Evelyn Gandón-Chapela","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1765272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1765272","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses Post-Auxiliary Ellipsis voice mismatches between the antecedent clause(s) and the ellipsis site(s) in Late Modern English, using the Penn Parsed Corpus of Modern British English (PPCMBE) (1700–1914). This study focuses on two subtypes of Post-Auxiliary Ellipsis, namely VP ellipsis and Pseudogapping. The results show that voice mismatches were possible in Pseudogapping and VP ellipsis in Late Modern English with low frequencies. This fact serves as counterevidence for the claim about the impossibility of finding voice mismatches in Pseudogapping and confirms corpus-based findings for Present-Day English. As for VP ellipsis, corpus-based studies show that voice mismatches are not attested in Present-Day English. Since they occur in Late Modern English with low frequencies, this contrast may be due to the stylistics or register of the corpora analysed.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"3 1","pages":"201 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87567166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2020.1744874
Natalia Pericchi, K. Davidse, B. Cornillie, Freek Van de Velde
ABSTRACT This article investigates the textual motivation of clitic doubling in Spanish with a case study of indirect object doubling in 18th, 19th and 20th century Argentinian Spanish. It is generally assumed that doubling originated with preposed and stressed NPs, and increased in frequency till it was obligatory in those contexts. This development and the further spread of doubling have been ascribed mainly to topicality and high accessibility of the indirect object. However, in our data indirect objects may also be doubled when they are not highly accessible, for instance, when they are coded by an indefinite NP that introduces a new discourse referent. To gain a more comprehensive insight, we relate doubling to the interaction between the indirect and the direct object in terms of their accessibility marking. We observe that the gradual, ongoing spread of doubling to definite and indefinite indirect objects, which mark low accessibility, is strongest in contexts where the direct objects are marked for high accessibility, i.e., in contexts with the inverse distribution of the unmarked pattern, in which the indirect object has high and the direct object low accessibility marking. We interpret this surprising finding in terms of informational prominence and degrees of communicative dynamism.
{"title":"A diachronic study of indirect object doubling in Argentinian Spanish","authors":"Natalia Pericchi, K. Davidse, B. Cornillie, Freek Van de Velde","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2020.1744874","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2020.1744874","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates the textual motivation of clitic doubling in Spanish with a case study of indirect object doubling in 18th, 19th and 20th century Argentinian Spanish. It is generally assumed that doubling originated with preposed and stressed NPs, and increased in frequency till it was obligatory in those contexts. This development and the further spread of doubling have been ascribed mainly to topicality and high accessibility of the indirect object. However, in our data indirect objects may also be doubled when they are not highly accessible, for instance, when they are coded by an indefinite NP that introduces a new discourse referent. To gain a more comprehensive insight, we relate doubling to the interaction between the indirect and the direct object in terms of their accessibility marking. We observe that the gradual, ongoing spread of doubling to definite and indefinite indirect objects, which mark low accessibility, is strongest in contexts where the direct objects are marked for high accessibility, i.e., in contexts with the inverse distribution of the unmarked pattern, in which the indirect object has high and the direct object low accessibility marking. We interpret this surprising finding in terms of informational prominence and degrees of communicative dynamism.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"12 1","pages":"45 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89652671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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