Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2022.2131976
Bjarne Ørsnes
ABSTRACT Focus particles such as auch “also”, nur “only” and sogar “even” form a closed word class and do not occur as immediate constituents in German. They usually have to adjoin to an associated focus constituent and are even occasionally referred to as function words. It is quite surprising that the focus particle ausgerechnet “of all X” (Peter kommt ausgerechnet heute “Peter is coming today of all days”) also occurs as an independent utterance as in Peter kommt heute. Ausgerechnet! “Peter is coming today. Of all days!”. The article describes this little studied (colloquial) use of ausgerechnet. It presents a detailed analysis of the focus particle ausgerechnet showing that it is an expressive item in the sense of Christopher Potts. The expressive semantics motivates its use as an utterance in analogy to exclamations with expressives such as the interjection Donnerwetter! “Oh dear!” or the adjective Toll! “great”. The analysis is presented in a construction-based framework and illustrates the need to integrate core and peripheral grammatical phenomena.
焦点词如auch“also”，nur“only”和sogar“even”构成一个封闭的词类，在德语中不作为直接成分出现。它们通常必须与相关的焦点组成部分相连，有时甚至被称为虚词。令人惊讶的是，焦点粒子ausgerechnet“of all X”(Peter kommt ausgerechnet heute“Peter is coming today of all days”)也作为一个独立的话语出现在Peter kommt heute中。Ausgerechnet !“彼得今天要来。天哪!”这篇文章描述了ausgerechnet这个很少被研究的(口语化的)用法。对焦点粒子ausgerechnet进行了详细的分析，表明它是克里斯托弗·波茨意义上的表达项。表达语义促使其作为一种话语使用，类似于感叹词的感叹词，如Donnerwetter!“哦,亲爱的!或者形容词Toll!“伟大的”。分析是在一个基于结构的框架，并说明需要整合核心和外围语法现象。
{"title":"Focus particles as utterances – the case of German ausgerechnet!","authors":"Bjarne Ørsnes","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.2131976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.2131976","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Focus particles such as auch “also”, nur “only” and sogar “even” form a closed word class and do not occur as immediate constituents in German. They usually have to adjoin to an associated focus constituent and are even occasionally referred to as function words. It is quite surprising that the focus particle ausgerechnet “of all X” (Peter kommt ausgerechnet heute “Peter is coming today of all days”) also occurs as an independent utterance as in Peter kommt heute. Ausgerechnet! “Peter is coming today. Of all days!”. The article describes this little studied (colloquial) use of ausgerechnet. It presents a detailed analysis of the focus particle ausgerechnet showing that it is an expressive item in the sense of Christopher Potts. The expressive semantics motivates its use as an utterance in analogy to exclamations with expressives such as the interjection Donnerwetter! “Oh dear!” or the adjective Toll! “great”. The analysis is presented in a construction-based framework and illustrates the need to integrate core and peripheral grammatical phenomena.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"30 1","pages":"133 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80194174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2022.2151229
A. Andersen
ABSTRACT This paper deals with the function of the Italian subjunctive in the sphere of volition. It argues that the subjunctive designates what is called a state-of-affairs (SoA) in this sphere. This argument is substantiated in two parts. The first part is a discussion of the subjunctive in the sphere of volition across the system. In the discussion, it is concluded that the subjunctive designates a SoA where it opposes the proposition-designating indicative. The second part is a corpus-based study of 25 verbs of volition with data from CORIS, a corpus of written Italian. This qualitative study tests the hypothesis that mood alternation in complements of verbs of volition has a decisive semantic impact on the main verb or the complex structure as whole. The data confirms the hypothesis, since the SoA-designating subjunctive is found to prompt a volitional meaning, whereas the proposition-designating indicative prompts a non-volitional meaning. By analyzing certain variants of the Italian subjunctive as SoA-designating, we can better account for, on the one hand, why the subjunctive remains persistent in the sphere of volition compared to other spheres of meaning, where it tends to lose ground to the indicative, and, on the other hand, what mood alternation entails in the sphere of volition.
{"title":"Volition and mood in Italian: a study of the state-of-affairs subjunctive","authors":"A. Andersen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.2151229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.2151229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper deals with the function of the Italian subjunctive in the sphere of volition. It argues that the subjunctive designates what is called a state-of-affairs (SoA) in this sphere. This argument is substantiated in two parts. The first part is a discussion of the subjunctive in the sphere of volition across the system. In the discussion, it is concluded that the subjunctive designates a SoA where it opposes the proposition-designating indicative. The second part is a corpus-based study of 25 verbs of volition with data from CORIS, a corpus of written Italian. This qualitative study tests the hypothesis that mood alternation in complements of verbs of volition has a decisive semantic impact on the main verb or the complex structure as whole. The data confirms the hypothesis, since the SoA-designating subjunctive is found to prompt a volitional meaning, whereas the proposition-designating indicative prompts a non-volitional meaning. By analyzing certain variants of the Italian subjunctive as SoA-designating, we can better account for, on the one hand, why the subjunctive remains persistent in the sphere of volition compared to other spheres of meaning, where it tends to lose ground to the indicative, and, on the other hand, what mood alternation entails in the sphere of volition.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"222 1","pages":"161 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75628965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2022.2134630
M. Oleniak
ABSTRACT This paper describes a manner of expressing similarity through an Old English construction employing the noun gelicnes “likeness” (or its variants) as a comparison marker. The constructions in question are scrutinised with regard to their structure and their semantics, and these turn out to show direct interdependency and interconnectedness. The result is a detailed description of two major structural types of simile in Old English with the gelicnes component, distinguishable by their number of verbalised components, their positioning, and grammatical expression. The uniqueness of this structure is its capability to create similes without an explicitly expressed, but undefined tenor, which is no longer the case in Modern English. A simile with a non-verbalised undefined tenor is closer to metaphor than other poetic comparisons.
{"title":"On an idiosyncratic type of an Old English simile","authors":"M. Oleniak","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.2134630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.2134630","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper describes a manner of expressing similarity through an Old English construction employing the noun gelicnes “likeness” (or its variants) as a comparison marker. The constructions in question are scrutinised with regard to their structure and their semantics, and these turn out to show direct interdependency and interconnectedness. The result is a detailed description of two major structural types of simile in Old English with the gelicnes component, distinguishable by their number of verbalised components, their positioning, and grammatical expression. The uniqueness of this structure is its capability to create similes without an explicitly expressed, but undefined tenor, which is no longer the case in Modern English. A simile with a non-verbalised undefined tenor is closer to metaphor than other poetic comparisons.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"204 1","pages":"235 - 257"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78839520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2022.2081012
Masoumeh Diyanati, H. Rezaei
ABSTRACT This study investigates patterns in metonymical noun-noun compounds in Persian and examines similarities and differences between metonymical compounds in Persian and in English. A detailed analysis of 435 metonymical compounds reveals the following patterns of metonymy-based compounds in Persian: i) metonymical modifier, ii) metonymical head, iii) metonymical head and modifier, iv) compound as a metonymical whole, and v) a whole-part/part-whole metonymic relationship between the components of the compound. The quantitative analysis shows that compounds with a whole-part/part-whole metonymical relationship and compounds with metonymical modifier are by far the most frequent patterns, a result that may be explained by the ease of processing of these two compound types resulting from the transparency of their head element. Comparing patterns of metonymical compounds in Persian with those described in English shows that the first four patterns are observable in both English and Persian whereas the two languages differ to some extent in the last pattern. While Persian compounds with compound-internal metonymic relationships instantiate either whole-part or part-whole metonymies, English compounds with internal metonymic relationship instantiate part-part metonymy as well as whole-part and part-whole metonymies.
{"title":"Metonymical noun-noun nominal compounds in Persian","authors":"Masoumeh Diyanati, H. Rezaei","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.2081012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.2081012","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates patterns in metonymical noun-noun compounds in Persian and examines similarities and differences between metonymical compounds in Persian and in English. A detailed analysis of 435 metonymical compounds reveals the following patterns of metonymy-based compounds in Persian: i) metonymical modifier, ii) metonymical head, iii) metonymical head and modifier, iv) compound as a metonymical whole, and v) a whole-part/part-whole metonymic relationship between the components of the compound. The quantitative analysis shows that compounds with a whole-part/part-whole metonymical relationship and compounds with metonymical modifier are by far the most frequent patterns, a result that may be explained by the ease of processing of these two compound types resulting from the transparency of their head element. Comparing patterns of metonymical compounds in Persian with those described in English shows that the first four patterns are observable in both English and Persian whereas the two languages differ to some extent in the last pattern. While Persian compounds with compound-internal metonymic relationships instantiate either whole-part or part-whole metonymies, English compounds with internal metonymic relationship instantiate part-part metonymy as well as whole-part and part-whole metonymies.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"19 1","pages":"194 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84561704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593
A. Campbell
ABSTRACT This paper explores the syntax and semantics of two grammatical markers of future time in Gã (Niger–Congo, Kwa) – bàá- and àá-. The coexistence of àá- and bàá- over a long period, coupled with their overlapping roles, has led to some inconsistency in their analysis. I show that in modern Gã, bàá- is the most prevalent future marker, with àá- existing much less prominently alongside it. Data from natural speech and elicitation reveal that both markers have modal functions in addition to the temporal function. bàá- can also be used aspectually to mark habits. Due largely to the overwhelming frequency of the temporal function in the discourse data, I maintain that the primary function of bàá- is as a future tense marker. It is therefore not purely a modal. àá- has all but fallen out of use and has a more modal than temporal function. This study uncovers previously unreported non-temporal uses of bàá- and underscores the crucial role played by frequency in the determination of category function.
{"title":"The syntax and semantics of Gã future markers","authors":"A. Campbell","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.1992593","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the syntax and semantics of two grammatical markers of future time in Gã (Niger–Congo, Kwa) – bàá- and àá-. The coexistence of àá- and bàá- over a long period, coupled with their overlapping roles, has led to some inconsistency in their analysis. I show that in modern Gã, bàá- is the most prevalent future marker, with àá- existing much less prominently alongside it. Data from natural speech and elicitation reveal that both markers have modal functions in addition to the temporal function. bàá- can also be used aspectually to mark habits. Due largely to the overwhelming frequency of the temporal function in the discourse data, I maintain that the primary function of bàá- is as a future tense marker. It is therefore not purely a modal. àá- has all but fallen out of use and has a more modal than temporal function. This study uncovers previously unreported non-temporal uses of bàá- and underscores the crucial role played by frequency in the determination of category function.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"62 1","pages":"40 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88129868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2022.2018253
Mutasim Al-Deaibes, Nicole L. Rosen
ABSTRACT Much work on phonetic assimilation in Arabic has focused on the assimilation of the definite article. However, assimilation across morpheme boundaries has been less of a target of study. Our research, based on word-list data comprising 57 words uttered by 12 native speakers of RJA, revealed that F1 and vowel duration were robust acoustic correlates in discriminating voiced from voiceless consonants. Results further showed that morpheme boundaries are important loci of assimilation: /t/ undergoes voicing assimilation when followed by a voiced obstruent at a morpheme boundary, whereas voiced obstruents devoice before /h/ at the morpheme boundary as compared to the word boundary. This morpheme-boundary voicing assimilation is notably different from assimilation across word boundaries.
{"title":"Coda (de)voicing across morpheme boundaries in Rural Jordanian Arabic","authors":"Mutasim Al-Deaibes, Nicole L. Rosen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2022.2018253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2022.2018253","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Much work on phonetic assimilation in Arabic has focused on the assimilation of the definite article. However, assimilation across morpheme boundaries has been less of a target of study. Our research, based on word-list data comprising 57 words uttered by 12 native speakers of RJA, revealed that F1 and vowel duration were robust acoustic correlates in discriminating voiced from voiceless consonants. Results further showed that morpheme boundaries are important loci of assimilation: /t/ undergoes voicing assimilation when followed by a voiced obstruent at a morpheme boundary, whereas voiced obstruents devoice before /h/ at the morpheme boundary as compared to the word boundary. This morpheme-boundary voicing assimilation is notably different from assimilation across word boundaries.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"169 1","pages":"106 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80628612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2021.2022866
C. Horslund, Rasmus Puggaard-Rode, Henrik Jørgensen
ABSTRACT The traditional phoneme analysis of the Danish consonant inventory links onset and coda consonants on the basis of historical alternations and morphologically conditioned alternations within a small subset of the Danish lexicon. This traditional analysis proposes a system resulting in a large number of neutralizations that cannot be dissolved, and in which allophones of the same phoneme lack shared phonetic content. We argue that the system proposed by the traditional analysis is impossible to learn from the language input, which renders the analysis an implausible description of the Danish consonant system. On the basis of theoretical discussions, we offer an alternative phoneme analysis, which we believe to be learnable from the data available in the language input. Our analysis is based on insights from Natural Phonology and Bidirectional Phonetics and Phonology. We propose a system without undissolvable neutralizations, with shared phonetic content between allophones of the same phoneme, and without the need to rely on alternations that children are unlikely to learn in early childhood.
{"title":"A phonetically-based phoneme analysis of the Danish consonant system","authors":"C. Horslund, Rasmus Puggaard-Rode, Henrik Jørgensen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2021.2022866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2021.2022866","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The traditional phoneme analysis of the Danish consonant inventory links onset and coda consonants on the basis of historical alternations and morphologically conditioned alternations within a small subset of the Danish lexicon. This traditional analysis proposes a system resulting in a large number of neutralizations that cannot be dissolved, and in which allophones of the same phoneme lack shared phonetic content. We argue that the system proposed by the traditional analysis is impossible to learn from the language input, which renders the analysis an implausible description of the Danish consonant system. On the basis of theoretical discussions, we offer an alternative phoneme analysis, which we believe to be learnable from the data available in the language input. Our analysis is based on insights from Natural Phonology and Bidirectional Phonetics and Phonology. We propose a system without undissolvable neutralizations, with shared phonetic content between allophones of the same phoneme, and without the need to rely on alternations that children are unlikely to learn in early childhood.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"53 1","pages":"73 - 105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91302386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2021.1987685
Patrik Austin
ABSTRACT This paper introduces a semantically and pragmatically oriented typological generalisation, which is named the orientation principle. It entails that the position of connectives, as defined as a single lexical category including adpositions and conjunctions, provides an explanatory principle for a number of harmonic correlations in crosslinguistic data. A reanalysis of the data guided by this insight is proposed as an alternative to processing approaches.
{"title":"A semantic and pragmatic explanation of harmony","authors":"Patrik Austin","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2021.1987685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2021.1987685","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper introduces a semantically and pragmatically oriented typological generalisation, which is named the orientation principle. It entails that the position of connectives, as defined as a single lexical category including adpositions and conjunctions, provides an explanatory principle for a number of harmonic correlations in crosslinguistic data. A reanalysis of the data guided by this insight is proposed as an alternative to processing approaches.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"46 1","pages":"1 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78493193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-13DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2021.1949677
H. Sigurdsson, J. Weijer
This article describes and discusses an ongoing change of case marking, NOM(inative) > OBL(ique), in certain predicates in Swedish (type “Then you can be I” > “Then you can be me”). This change has gone largely unnoticed hitherto. The discussion is based on a large-scale online survey, conducted in May 2016. It was tested whether the change relates to finiteness or to semantics. The results strongly indicate that the latter is the case. The change is found in predicates that express role semantics but nondetectable in predicates with plain identity readings (type “It is I”). In addition, there are strong indications that the change is closely related to another change that is also taking place in Swedish, NOM > OBL in comparative phrases (type “She is bigger than I” > “She is bigger than me”). The results speak against the hypothesis that OBL is becoming default in Swedish. Instead, it seems that many speakers are reanalyzing role predicates as well as comparative phrases such that they contain a head that is a case assigner, an overt one in comparatives but a silent one in role predicates. The article concludes that Swedish is largely retaining its basic NOM-OBL case system. (Less)
本文描述并讨论了瑞典语中某些谓语中正在发生的大小写标记变化，即NOM(原生)> OBL(独特)(输入“Then you can be I”>“Then you can be me”)。到目前为止，这种变化基本上没有被注意到。这一讨论是基于2016年5月进行的一项大规模在线调查。测试了这种变化是与有限性有关还是与语义有关。研究结果有力地表明后者是正确的。这种变化可以在表达角色语义的谓词中发现，但在具有普通标识读数(类型“It is I”)的谓词中无法检测到。此外，有强烈的迹象表明，这种变化与瑞典语中也发生的另一种变化密切相关，即比较短语中NOM > OBL(类型为“She is bigger than I”>“She is bigger than me”)。研究结果反驳了OBL正在成为瑞典语默认的假设。相反，似乎许多说话者都在重新分析角色谓词和比较级短语，这样它们就包含了一个定格头，在比较级中是一个明显的头，而在角色谓词中是一个沉默的头。文章的结论是，瑞典在很大程度上保留了其基本的NOM-OBL案件制度。(少)
{"title":"Swedish predicative oblique case : default or not?","authors":"H. Sigurdsson, J. Weijer","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2021.1949677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2021.1949677","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes and discusses an ongoing change of case marking, NOM(inative) > OBL(ique), in certain predicates in Swedish (type “Then you can be I” > “Then you can be me”). This change has gone largely unnoticed hitherto. The discussion is based on a large-scale online survey, conducted in May 2016. It was tested whether the change relates to finiteness or to semantics. The results strongly indicate that the latter is the case. The change is found in predicates that express role semantics but nondetectable in predicates with plain identity readings (type “It is I”). In addition, there are strong indications that the change is closely related to another change that is also taking place in Swedish, NOM > OBL in comparative phrases (type “She is bigger than I” > “She is bigger than me”). The results speak against the hypothesis that OBL is becoming default in Swedish. Instead, it seems that many speakers are reanalyzing role predicates as well as comparative phrases such that they contain a head that is a case assigner, an overt one in comparatives but a silent one in role predicates. The article concludes that Swedish is largely retaining its basic NOM-OBL case system. (Less)","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"26 1","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82360016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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