Pub Date : 2018-02-15DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1433352
J. Haynes
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1430289
Michael Koncewicz
James Kutcher’s firing and the veteran’s struggle to regain a menial government job is a story that has largely been excluded from most narratives on the Cold War. Robert Justin Goldstein aims to “revive Kutcher from the dustbin of history” and display the moral depths of the Red Scare. A World War II veteran who lost both of his legs fighting for the US military in Italy, Kutcher was fired from his job at the Veterans Administration in 1948 since he was a Trotskyist and a member of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). In the midst of the federal government’s crackdown on the left, the SWP had been placed on the Attorney General’s List of Subversive of Organizations (AGLSO), creating the legal foundation for a double amputee to lose his job. A Professor Emeritus at Oakland University, Goldstein had previously offered up a short history of Kutcher’s case in his book American Blacklist: The Attorney General’s List of Subversive Organizations (University Press of Kansas, 2008). In his latest book, Goldstein expands on his previous research and produces a detailed biography of the now forgotten Cold War victim, including a carefully researched blow-by-blow account of the nearly decade-long effort to reverse Kutcher’s firing. Aside from a 1953 autobiography (that was reprinted in 1973), very little has been published about Kutcher. Goldstein’s book uncovers an impressive set of previously unpublished materials about Kutcher, leading to a valuable contribution to Cold War scholarship. Through the use of correspondence files from Kutcher’s legal team and numerous FBI records, Goldstein highlights the absurdity of the case and its importance for understanding the postwar era. With Kutcher at the center of his study, Goldstein documents the history of the SWP, its placement on the AGLSO, and its efforts to publicize the plight of its most sympathetic member. Given that the SWP was anti-Stalinist and was openly critical of the Soviet Union, Kutcher and his legal team were able to craft a defense strategy that emphasized the legless veteran’s loyalty, and kept him separate from the Communist Party and its own legal woes. Goldstein shows that renowned civil liberties lawyer Joseph L. Rauh was “very anxious” in the initial stages of the case to not have Kutcher go through the same experience because of what “he saw take place in the CP trial.” Rauh later conceded that an emphasis on Kutcher’s loyalty and his opposition to the Soviet Union would help “get rid of employees who might be loyal to Russia,” creating a compelling legal foundation that in some ways further pitted ideological adversaries on the left. Kutcher still struggled in the courts as the government’s main argument revolved around how revolutionary violence was a core part of his and the SWP’s ideological beliefs. The SWP’s placement on the AGLOSO even almost cost Kutcher and his parents their government housing unit in Newark. Congress passed the Gwinn Act in 1953, which banned
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1437985
Robert M. Zecker
Many scholars have traced the transnational connections that late nineteenth and early twentieth-century migrants forged as they wandered the globe in search of work. What's frequently left out of ...
许多学者追踪了19世纪末和20世纪初移民在全球寻找工作时建立的跨国联系。经常被遗漏的。。。
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1429705
Victoria F. Phillips
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1427390
P. Filardo
The principal subject of this annual bibliography is the English language scholarly literature of United States Communism (supplemented by some articles from serious journals of opinion, obituaries, etc.). Naturally, anticommunism is covered as well. The bibliography is broad in scope, containing many items that are either tangential to U.S. Communism or, deemed to be, in the compiler’s opinion, of close interest to scholars of U.S. Communism. I hope the reader will find this broad, multifaceted approach, with its rich web of scholarly and intellectual associations, enriching and thought provoking. The citations regarding U.S. Communism are mostly either annotated or contain a list of contents. This year, on its centenary, there is also a section on the Russian Revolution, and the section Conference Materials includes the programs of several conferences devoted exclusively to the Russian Revolution. There is also a selection of works about international Communism, Communism in other countries, the majority about their Communist parties, although there is coverage of cultural and other issues. Lastly, there is a selection of C/communist and Marxian theory. Informational annotations are provided where a work’s title does not convey its chronological or geographical scope, key personal or corporate names, subject or relevance. Please send any citations that seem pertinent to Peter Filardo: filardop@gmail.com. For an outstanding cumulative bibliography through 2008, see: John Earl Haynes, American Communism and Anticommunism: A Historian’s Bibliography and Guide to the Literature. It contains over 10,000 entries, most annotated, is extensively topically subdivided, and is particularly strong on anticommunism (http://www.johnearlhaynes.org/ page94.html). NOTE: This will be the last year that the Bibliography will appear in its current format. The non-US communism section will be eliminated, as will the communism-related theory section. The Bibliography will only include works directly about or directly related to US communism. It is hoped this more focused format will make the Bibliography, although lacking the rich web of scholarly and intellectual associations in the Bibliography as currently formatted, that nevertheless the new format will be easier to use and to peruse. Several factors have led me to this decision: The relatively low level of interest in the Bibliography, as demonstrated by the metrics available on the table of contents page for the
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1435054
A. Mahler
During two historically unprecedented events in May–June 1929, communist and trade union organizers and intellectuals from across Latin America came together and discussed how to combat the exploitation of black and indigenous labor in the region. The speeches and debates on the so-called Negro and Indigenous Questions at the founding conference of the Confederation of Latin American Labor Unions in Montevideo and at the First Latin American Communist Conference in Buenos Aires initiated a debate on the complexities of the intersections of race and class in Latin America that continues to resonate today. Although understudied, related scholarship tends to recognize these two conferences for their contributions to an examination of indigenous labor through the interventions of Peruvian philosopher Jos e Carlos Mari ategui. However, it was in this same context where Afro-Cuban union organizer Sandalio Junco, whose work I consider in this essay, presented a little known yet foundational text of black internationalism that provided an analysis of the conditions faced by black workers in the Americas. In this speech, “The Problem of the Negro and the Proletarian Movement,” and his subsequent comments, Sandalio Junco disagreed with Mari ategui’s strict differentiation between black and indigenous experiences and rejected some of the conference participants’ dismissal of the presence of anti-black racism both among the Latin American working classes and in Latin American societies more broadly. In contrast to these positions, Junco drew comparisons between black Latin Americans’ experiences of racialization and those of other racialized populations throughout the hemisphere, such as indigenous peoples, U.S. African Americans, and West Indian migrant workers. Through these comparisons, he significantly theorized the overlap between anti-
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2018.1427389
Clayton Vaughn-Roberson
As Fascism spread from Europe to the Kingdom of Abyssinia, a transnational solidarity movement emerged in Philadelphia's black community. For some, this movement ignited a new racial consciousness ...
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Pub Date : 2017-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2017.1375296
Evan D. McCormick
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Pub Date : 2017-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2017.1375275
J. Munro
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