Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2019.1681200
J. McIlroy, A. Campbell
Prosopography, we argued in an earlier paper, is a useful, ancillary instrument in the historian’s toolbox. Focusing on historical actors, significant and less significant, central or marginal in t...
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Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2019.1710955
P. Filardo
The subject of the annual Bibliography is the English language scholarly literature of U.S. Communism, supplemented by citations from serious non-scholarly journals, journals of opinion, obituaries, etc. The literature “of” Communism includes not only material directly about Communism, but selected materials overlapping with, tangential or adjacent to the subject of U.S. Communism; or otherwise of close interest to scholars of Communism. This broad approach is especially necessary as the “classical” era of Communism (1919-1991) recedes into the past. While research output directly about U.S. Communism per se may have declined, nevertheless, scholarship related to U.S. Communism continues, and has broadened its disciplinary, topical, and theoretical approaches. Anticommunism also receives extensive coverage. Reviews are excluded. Informational annotations are provided where a work’s title does not convey its chronological or geographical scope, key personal or corporate names, subject or relevance. For most edited monographs, and for some single-author monographs, the table of contents and/or the author’s or publisher’s abstract are provided, when available and appropriate. An outstanding cumulative bibliography, through 2008, is John Earl Haynes’ American Communism and Anticommunism: A Historian’s Bibliography and Guide to the Literature. It contains over 10,000 entries, most annotated, is extensively topically subdivided, and is particularly strong on anti-Communism. Researchers are strongly urged to make use of it. (http://www.johnearlhaynes.org/page94.html).
年度书目的主题是美国共产主义的英语学术文献，并辅以严肃的非学术期刊、观点期刊、讣告等的引文。“共产主义的文献”不仅包括直接关于共产主义的材料，还包括与美国共产主义主题重叠、切切或相邻的精选材料；或者与共产主义学者密切相关。随着共产主义的“古典”时代（1919-1991）逐渐过去，这种广泛的方法尤其必要。尽管直接关于美国共产主义本身的研究成果可能有所下降，但与美国共产主义相关的学术研究仍在继续，并拓宽了其学科、主题和理论方法。反共产主义也得到广泛报道。不包括评论。如果作品的标题没有传达其时间或地理范围、关键的个人或公司名称、主题或相关性，则会提供信息性注释。对于大多数编辑过的专著，以及一些单一作者的专著，在适当的情况下，会提供目录和/或作者或出版商的摘要。约翰·厄尔·海恩斯（John Earl Haynes）的《美国共产主义与反共产主义：历史学家书目和文学指南》（American Communism and Anticommunism：A Historian’s bibliography and Guide to the Literature）是截至2008年的一本杰出的累积书目。它包含了超过10000个条目，大多数都有注释，被广泛地细分为主题，并且特别强烈地反对共产主义。强烈要求研究人员利用它(http://www.johnearlhaynes.org/page94.html)。
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Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2020.1758523
M. Levin
The discovery and subsequent publication for the first time in 2017 of Claude McKay’s lost manuscript, Amiable with Big Teeth: A Novel of the Love Affair Between the Communists and the Poor Black Sheep of Harlem, has led to renewed interest in the seminal Harlem Renaissance writer’s life and work. But anyone who has read Amiable with Big Teeth, and the more recently published Romance in Marseille (2020), must acknowledge the remarkably prescient nature of both texts, and their relevance to 21st-century readers. McKay’s narratives deftly weave social reality with political commentary and are filled with rich characters whose stories and struggles invite further reflection. Unlike Amiable with Big Teeth, Romance in Marseille was never a lost text because its two manuscript versions, although unpublished, were known to scholars. This book was written, rewritten, and abandoned by McKay at the height of the Jazz Age, thus preserving almost as if in a time capsule, the complexities of racial & sexual identities, radical politics, and disability in this period. It may simply be a sign of our times but, unusually, when readers open to the first page of the introduction to Romance in Marseille, editors Gary Edward Holcomb and William J. Maxwell (both scholars of African American literature) warn of spoilers: “New readers are advised that this introduction makes details of the plot explicit” (vii). The plot certainly twists as it follows the very few ups and very many downs in the life of Lafala, a West African merchant seaman whose (mis)adventures introduce us to an international cast including Moroccan courtesans, French pimps, and Caribbean Marxists in the Vieux Port of Marseille. Gay and lesbian relationships are an accepted and quotidian aspect of life in the Quayside neighborhood where Lafala and his associates spend most of their days and nights. For the bisexual McKay, love was simply love, perhaps a source of discomfort for the literary agents and editors of the 1930s who continuously refused to publish this story. McKay changed his novel’s title three times before deserting it, settling on Romance in Marseille in an effort to appease those editors and literary agents who had bristled at the overt sexuality in the original title, The Jungle and the Bottoms, and its more explicit successor, Savage Loving. But this book, at heart, is a love story, so the title is apt. Love and the quest for it drives McKay’s narrative. It was North African prostitute Aslima’s humiliating betrayal of Lafala that led him to stow away from Marseille on an ocean liner bound for North America. He was swiftly discovered by the ship’s crew, confined to a cramped toilet where he suffered severe frostbite, an allusion to the horrors of the previous century’s trans-Atlantic slave trade, and was forced into a double leg amputation upon arriving in New York. Showing off the money he had surprisingly won in a lawsuit against the shipping company brought a disabled Lafala back to
克劳德·麦凯（Claude McKay）遗失的手稿《与大牙齿友好：共产主义者与哈莱姆区可怜的黑羊之间的恋爱小说》（Amiable with Big Teeth:A Novel of The Love Affair Between The Communions and The Poor Black Sheep of Harlem）于2017年被发现并首次出版，这让人们对这位具有开创性意义的哈莱姆文艺复兴时期作家的生活和工作重新产生了兴趣。但是，任何读过《与大牙友好》和最近出版的《马赛罗曼史》（2020）的人，都必须认识到这两本书的先见之明，以及它们与21世纪读者的相关性。麦凯的叙事巧妙地将社会现实与政治评论交织在一起，并充满了丰富的人物，他们的故事和斗争值得进一步反思。与《大牙可亲》不同，《马赛罗曼史》从未失传，因为它的两个手稿版本虽然未出版，但为学者所知。这本书是麦凯在爵士时代最鼎盛的时候写的、重写的和放弃的，因此几乎像在时间胶囊中一样保存了这一时期种族和性身份、激进政治和残疾的复杂性。这可能只是我们时代的一个标志，但不同寻常的是，当读者打开《马赛罗曼史》简介的第一页时，编辑Gary Edward Holcomb和William J.Maxwell（都是非裔美国文学学者）警告剧透：“建议新读者，这篇简介会明确情节细节”（vii）。故事情节肯定是曲折的，因为它讲述了西非商船船员拉法拉生活中的一些起起落落，他的（错误的）冒险经历将我们介绍给了国际演员，包括马赛Vieux港的摩洛哥妓女、法国皮条客和加勒比马克思主义者。在Quayside社区，同性恋关系是一种公认的日常生活方式，拉法拉和他的同事们在那里度过了大部分的日日夜夜。对于双性恋的麦凯来说，爱就是爱，这可能是20世纪30年代文学经纪人和编辑感到不适的原因，他们一直拒绝发表这个故事。麦凯在放弃小说之前三次更改了书名，选择了《马赛罗曼史》，以安抚那些对原标题《丛林与底层》及其更明确的继任者《野蛮的爱》中公开的性取向感到愤怒的编辑和文学经纪人。但这本书本质上是一个爱情故事，所以书名很贴切。爱和对爱的追求推动了麦凯的叙事。正是北非妓女阿斯利玛对拉法拉的羞辱性背叛，导致他乘坐开往北美的远洋班轮离开马赛。船员们很快发现了他，他被关在一个狭窄的厕所里，在那里他遭受了严重的冻伤，这是对上个世纪跨大西洋奴隶贸易恐怖的暗示，抵达纽约后被迫截肢。炫耀他在一场针对航运公司的诉讼中意外获胜的钱，将一名残疾的拉法拉带回了马赛，尽管阿斯利玛背信弃义，但他仍试图重新赢得她的感情。还有大金发女郎之间的爱情，一个身材魁梧的白人码头工人，痴迷于
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Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2020.1748874
J. Farr
“Workers’ Education Is Workers’ Power.” This slogan—emblazoned atop the brochure announcing the courses for the Fall term of 1936—captured the political convictions of the Chicago Workers School. Amidst the Great Depression and located in America’s definitive working city, the School proclaimed its “main task,” to equip students with the knowledge “to understand and participate in the class struggle,” based on “the scientific teachings of Marxism-Leninism.” Amid the many courses offered that term on, among other things, political education, revolutionary traditions, and applied dialectics, two more of them—on public speaking and the history of socialist theories—were taught by a pioneer communist and instructor of the School, Eugene Bechtold. In the annals of the American communist movement, virtually nothing is known or written about Bechtold compared to other pioneer communists. And there is scarcely much more known or written about the Chicago Workers School compared to the central Workers School in New York. Paying attention to them, however, as this essay intends to do, further fills out the historical picture of Chicago’s communist politics between the world wars as they (instructor and school) experienced it—labor struggles, protest demonstrations, mass meetings, party reorganizations, recruitment drives, education campaigns, study circles, public lectures, court proceedings, vigilante spies, and a notorious raid on a secret underground convention. But it mainly underscores the enormous and elaborate energies that went into educating communists. Taking Bechtold and the School as its subjects, this essay views Chicago’s communist politics and pedagogy from their respective horizons at a busy middle level, individually in the person of Bechtold, institutionally in the case of the Chicago Workers School.
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Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2020.1752104
A. Newkirk
In July 1950, two federal government informers gave testimony about the American Youth Congress (AYC) at a session of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC). Martha Edminston and her husband John briefly mentioned Lee Lorch, an instructor of mathematics at Penn State College who had been at the forefront of a protest against racial discrimination by white tenants at a privately-owned housing project in New York City where he lived with his family. Four years later, when Lee headed the Fisk University mathematics department in Nashville, Tennessee, he received a summons to appear before HUAC in Dayton, Ohio. At the hearing in Dayton, Lee asked why he was summoned. Committee counselor Frank Tavenner responded Lee had accompanied alleged Communists to an AYC convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in July 1941. After Lee refused to cooperate, HUAC charged him with contempt of Congress. Now largely forgotten, what was the AYC? Practically moribund when Lorch supposedly attended its final conference in 1941, the AYC played a significant role in the Depression-era youth movement and had a reputation as a “party front organization”; this impression persists among historians. The reality was more complex, though. Despite Socialist, Trotskyist, and rightwing accusations that it was a mouthpiece for the Soviet Union, the AYC was an autonomous backer of equal access to educational
1950年7月，两名联邦政府告密者在众议院非美活动委员会(HUAC)的一次会议上就美国青年大会(AYC)作证。玛莎·埃德明斯顿(Martha Edminston)和她的丈夫约翰(John)简要地提到了宾夕法尼亚州立大学(Penn State College)的数学讲师李·洛奇(Lee Lorch)，他和家人住在纽约市的一个私人住宅项目中，他一直站在反对白人租户种族歧视的抗议活动的最前线。四年后，当李在田纳西州纳什维尔领导菲斯克大学数学系时，他收到了俄亥俄州代顿市HUAC的传票。在代顿举行的听证会上，李问他为什么被传唤。委员会顾问弗兰克·塔文纳(Frank Tavenner)回应说，李曾于1941年7月陪同所谓的共产党人参加在宾夕法尼亚州费城举行的AYC大会。李拒绝合作后，HUAC指控他藐视国会。什么是AYC?当Lorch据说在1941年参加其最后一次会议时，AYC实际上已经奄奄一息，它在大萧条时期的青年运动中发挥了重要作用，并以“党的前线组织”而闻名;这种印象在历史学家中一直存在。然而，现实情况要复杂得多。尽管社会主义者，托洛茨基主义者和右翼指责它是苏联的喉舌，但AYC是平等教育机会的自主支持者
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Pub Date : 2020-03-26DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2020.1729080
Andrew Jacobs
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Pub Date : 2020-01-23DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2019.1708661
Victor G. Devinatz
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc countries and “actually existing socialism” circa 1989–1991, the traditional Left workers parties (Labor, Social Democratic and Communist) have ...
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Pub Date : 2020-01-09DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2019.1708663
H. Thorne
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Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2019.1677125
Joshua J. Morris
In the mid-1930s, as communist community activism reached a peak, Birmingham organizer Hosea Hudson was less concerned with organizing communist-led unions as an alternative to AFL and SPA-led unemployment councils than he was with organizing churches and civic groups throughout the city against the social pillars of racism and discrimination. The local Birmingham district Communist Party, USA (CPUSA) functioned much like other Party clubs in cities without a strong industrial working base in that it was simply given orders from larger districts such as Detroit, New York, and Chicago, to get active in “mass organizations.” The way Hudson saw it, however, it was not always so easy to implement such a plan. He found that white Birmingham citizens “didn’t have no mass organization to go to, only into the unions [sic].” Black citizens, however, had their churches, their singing groups, their book clubs, and their local NAACP; many of which had cross membership, which was important to Hudson in terms of reaching out to the black community. Because of the circumstances, Hudson understood that to be an effective political force, American communists needed to direct their attention into organizing workers in a manner that paralleled rallying communities behind specific issues, such as racism. This more community-oriented struggle was unique to non-industrial towns throughout the South such as Birmingham where communists nevertheless had a presence, in addition to other areas where the ethnic tensions of workforces surfaced to be predominant barriers to organizing tactics, such as Detroit, Chicago, New York, as well as the agricultural fields of Texas and California. The community world of American Communism was distinguished from the labor world through its emphasis on local politics, culture, unemployment relief, and ending racial discrimination either a priori to or in tandem with tactics for organizing local workforces. Communist community organizer’s fight against evictions promoted large progressive reform and activism through the lens of grassroots community politics. More importantly, only by examining the individual experiences of communists in their respective communities, removed from the organizational politics of the CPUSA, Communist League of America (CLA), Communist Party (Opposition) (CP(O)) and the Workers’ Party of the United States (WPUS), can we see these varied experiences and how it links grassroots organizers together instead of separating them ideologically.
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Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2019.1682455
Henry Prown
In 1956, the House Un-American Activities Committee subpoenaed playwright Arthur Miller, demanding that he testify about his political history. In the course of his testimony, committee member Gordon H. Scherer posed a question to Miller about his prior affiliation with the marxist literary magazine New Masses. “Do you consider,” he asked, “those things that you have written in the New Masses as an exercise of your literary rights?” From a modern perspective, it may seem strange that a sitting congressional representative would be asking an author whether his artistic production fit under his right to free expression. However, these were different times. “I wouldn’t call it especially an exercise in freedom,” Miller responded, “it was simply an effusion of mind.” An effusion is perhaps the best way to describe the magazine itself, whose influence continued long after its closing. In fact, by the time of Miller’s hearing it had been defunct for nearly a decade. Michael Denning, one of the foremost historians of the Popular Front movement, called the magazine “central” to that movement, and “the national magazine for young radicals” in the 1930s. Its contributors included men and women who were or would become some of the nation’s leading literary lights, including Ernest Hemingway, Upton Sinclair, Langston Hughes, Ralph Ellison, and Dorothy Day. The federal government itself maintained an abiding interest in the magazine, keeping detailed records described by the New York Times as a “555-page content analysis,” which is now partially declassified and available online. This paper’s purpose, too, is to engage in an analysis of the New Masses. In the 1930s, it served not only as a literary hub for the marxist left in America but also as one of its major sources of political commentary. This commentary, which permeated the magazine – from its short stories, to its poetry, to its editorials, to its straight news, provides a fascinating firsthand insight into the thinking of a controversial and often misunderstood group of radicals. Writing for an audience desperate to make sense of an uncertain and chaotic environment, the magazine’s contributors and
1956年，众议院非美活动委员会传唤剧作家阿瑟·米勒，要求他就自己的政治经历作证。在他作证的过程中，委员会成员戈登·h·舍勒(Gordon H. Scherer)向米勒提出了一个关于他之前与马克思主义文学杂志《新群众》(New mass)有联系的问题。“你认为，”他问道，“你在《新弥撒》中所写的那些东西是在行使你的文学权利吗?”从现代的角度来看，现任国会议员会问作家他的艺术作品是否符合他的言论自由权，这似乎很奇怪。然而，这是不同的时代。“我不会特别把它称为自由的练习，”米勒回答说，“它只是心灵的流露。”“溢流”或许是描述这本杂志本身的最佳方式，它的影响力在停刊后仍持续了很长时间。事实上，到米勒听证会的时候，它已经不复存在近十年了。迈克尔·丹宁(Michael Denning)是研究人民阵线运动的最重要的历史学家之一，他称该杂志是该运动的“核心”，是20世纪30年代“年轻激进分子的全国性杂志”。它的撰稿人包括曾经或即将成为美国文坛领军人物的男男女女，包括欧内斯特·海明威、厄普顿·辛克莱、兰斯顿·休斯、拉尔夫·埃里森和多萝西·戴。联邦政府本身也对该杂志保持着持久的兴趣，保留着《纽约时报》所称的“555页内容分析”的详细记录，这些记录现在已经部分解密，可以在网上找到。本文的目的也是对新质量进行分析。在20世纪30年代，它不仅是美国马克思主义左翼的文学中心，也是其主要的政治评论来源之一。从短篇小说到诗歌，再到社论，再到直接新闻，这些评论充斥着杂志，提供了一个引人入胜的第一手见解，让我们得以了解一个有争议的、经常被误解的激进群体的思想。为一群渴望理解不确定和混乱环境的读者写作，杂志的撰稿人和
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