Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2064672
G. Zilberstein, Svetlana Zilberstein, Pier Giorgio Righetti
Abstract This article deals with the documents of the counter-intelligence of the International Brigades (IB) relating to Eric (George Orwell) and Eileen Blair. The documents are divided into six groups: I – scheme of connections between different political groups from counterintelligence of IB point of view; II – a report on the structure of the ILP contingent; III – Eileen and Eric Blair tracking reports; IV – the search protocol of Eileen Blair's room at the Continental Hotel; V – Observation’s Reports; VI – protocol of the search of the room David Crook. The article does not include documents from the interrogations of Georges Kopp and David Crook. We present results of a graphological analysis of handwritten marks in the margins of some documents. The IB counter-intelligence officers were identified who monitored and analyzed intelligence data for the ILP contingent and authorized the search in Blair's room. These officers were Alfredo Hertz and Tebarth Wilhelm. Commander of counterintelligence of IB was Gustav Szinda.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-07DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2090783
M. Dennis
If any period seemed the hour of the American worker, it was the 1930s. The development of industrial unionism and the rise of working-class activism stand as landmarks of this pivotal period. Yet from the perspective of the early 21st century, one might be inclined to question the conventional view which equates industrial workers with the ‘labor question’. This was not only a moment when factory and farm workers questioned capitalism. It was also a period when growing numbers of white-collar employees discovered the existence of class itself. Another way of putting it might be: the 1930s was indeed the moment of the working class, but it was a new class, one that now included those white-collar workers who could no longer shield themselves from the caprices of industrial capitalism. Literary critic Granville Hicks was the most prominent expositor of this development. The tenuous status of middle-class privilege in the United States was never more perceptively investigated than in his 1938 I Like America. This combination of reportage and polemic directly addressed the predicament facing white-collar workers. A graduate of Harvard University and the author of The Great Tradition, a Marxian interpretation of American literature since the Civil War, Hicks joined the Communist Party in 1935,
如果说有哪个时期是属于美国工人的，那就是20世纪30年代。产业工会主义的发展和工人阶级行动主义的兴起是这一关键时期的标志。然而，从21世纪初的角度来看，人们可能倾向于质疑将产业工人等同于“劳工问题”的传统观点。这不仅是工厂和农场工人质疑资本主义的时刻。在这个时期，越来越多的白领员工发现了阶级本身的存在。另一种说法可能是:20世纪30年代确实是工人阶级的时代，但它是一个新的阶级，现在包括那些白领工人，他们不再能够保护自己免受工业资本主义反复无常的影响。文学评论家格兰维尔·希克斯(Granville Hicks)是这一发展最著名的阐释者。在他1938年的《我喜欢美国》一书中，对美国中产阶级特权的脆弱地位进行了前所未有的深入研究。这种报告文学和论战的结合直接反映了白领所面临的困境。希克斯毕业于哈佛大学(Harvard University)，著有《伟大的传统》(the Great Tradition)，该书以马克思主义的方式解读了美国内战以来的文学。
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Pub Date : 2022-06-03DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2078625
J. Mckernan
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Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2060648
Jesus Jaime-Diaz, Joe Bernick
Enrique Buelna’s book, Chicano Communists and The Struggle for Social Justice, dislodges U.S. historical amnesia in respect to the protracted life struggle of labor organizer and communist Ralph Cuar on. The author asserts that if we want to understand our history, we must recognize those who have been in the trenches struggling in the spirit of social justice for the common people. The book helps fill a gap in our historical knowledge about Mexican Americans participation and leadership roles in the Communist Party, in Southern California, particularly, but also regionally and nationally. The book is an invaluable historical contribution in documenting Chicano Communists in the struggle for Civil Rights and in the labor movement. This work is vital in debunking anti-communist propaganda that has persisted for over a century. It challenges the tentacles of the Red Scare by providing a holistic view of what communism meant to Chicano activists, and what their political ideology added to their struggles. It helped remove a smokescreen and openly confronted a culture of fear constantly utilized to diminish and dehumanize not only communists but all who resisted. It invites the reader to understand, through the life of Ralph Cuar on, how political theory turns into community practice through protracted struggle. The book also introduces the reader to many Chicano activists who answered the call to fight for social justice as open communists. The book is organized with a prologue, introduction, five chapters, and conclusion. “Prologue” introduces the book by recalling the events of Jesus Cr uz as he lay in a funeral home in Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico. During the viewing two well-dressed men enter the viewing room, and approach Jes us’ niece to confirm the identity of the deceased. Disrespecting the family, they approached the coffin and photographed the body several times. It was suspected that more than likely they were FBI agents whose unwelcomed presence was to close the case. Buelna uses this example from family memories to explain Jesus’ positionality as a radical activist. He had been a labor and community organizer who had openly challenged the miserable working conditions and treatment of the poor, Mexican Immigrants and Chicanos. The author notes that such courage of consciousness reaped consequences as authorities relentlessly pursued him. What made him a persona grata for government surveillance was his membership in the Communist Party USA (CPUSA). Buelna uses this example to help the reader understand that for any social change to truly occur, power has to be confronted without fear. In Angela Davis: an autobiography, Dr. Angela Davis supports this position. Buelna provides a brief overview of the Mexican American community’s struggle for civil rights, and how the community rose up and rejected inferior schools and discriminatory policies. In Assata: an Autobiography, Shakur takes racism to task for its centric posi"tion in the dehu
恩里克·布尔纳（Enrique Buelna）的书《奇卡诺共产主义者与社会正义斗争》（Chicano Communists and The Struggle for Social Justice）消除了美国对劳工组织者和共产主义者拉尔夫·库恩（Ralph Cuar on）旷日持久的人生斗争的历史遗忘。作者断言，如果我们想了解我们的历史，我们必须认识到那些在战壕中为普通人民争取社会正义的人。这本书有助于填补我们对墨西哥裔美国人在共产党中的参与和领导作用的历史知识空白，特别是在南加州，但也包括地区和全国。这本书在记录奇卡诺共产党人争取民权和劳工运动方面做出了宝贵的历史贡献。这项工作对于揭穿持续了一个多世纪的反共宣传至关重要。它通过提供共产主义对奇卡诺活动家意味着什么以及他们的政治意识形态为他们的斗争增添了什么的全面视角，挑战了红色恐慌的触角。它帮助消除了烟幕弹，并公开面对一种恐惧文化，这种恐惧文化不仅被用来削弱共产主义者，而且被用来削弱所有反抗者的人性。它邀请读者通过拉尔夫·库昂的一生来理解政治理论是如何通过长期斗争转化为社区实践的。这本书还向读者介绍了许多奇卡诺活动家，他们响应号召，以开放的共产主义者的身份为社会正义而战。本书由序言、引言、五章和结语组成。“序言”通过回忆耶稣克鲁兹躺在墨西哥下加利福尼亚州蒂华纳的一家殡仪馆里的事件来介绍这本书。在观看过程中，两名衣着考究的男子进入观看室，走近耶稣的侄女确认死者的身份。他们不尊重这家人，走近棺材，拍了几次尸体的照片。人们怀疑，他们很可能是联邦调查局特工，他们不受欢迎的出现是为了结案。Buelna用这个来自家庭记忆的例子来解释耶稣作为激进活动家的立场。他曾是一名劳工和社区组织者，公开挑战穷人、墨西哥移民和奇卡诺人悲惨的工作条件和待遇。提交人指出，这种意识的勇气在当局无情地追捕他时产生了后果。他之所以成为政府监视的对象，是因为他是美国共产党（CPUSA）的党员。Buelna用这个例子来帮助读者理解，任何社会变革都必须无所畏惧地面对权力。在《安吉拉·戴维斯：自传》中，安吉拉·戴维斯博士支持这一立场。Buelna简要介绍了墨西哥裔美国人社区争取公民权利的斗争，以及该社区如何奋起反抗劣质学校和歧视性政策。在《阿萨塔：自传》中，沙库尔指责种族主义在非人性化有色人种方面的中心地位
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Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2042156
R. M. Cook
{"title":"Of G-Men and Eggheads","authors":"R. M. Cook","doi":"10.1080/14743892.2022.2042156","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2022.2042156","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35150,"journal":{"name":"American Communist History","volume":"21 1","pages":"99 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41517650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2062181
D. Rosenberg
Abstract Phillip Bonosky, writer, steelworker, and union leader was an articulate voice for the Communist Party USA for seven decades. He maintained a detailed journal, likely unique in the American Communist movement. The following article employs the journal as its crucial source. Entries shed light on steel labor and the role of Communists in the labor movement in Western Pennsylvania during the early and mid-40s, which is this article’s framework. Of Lithuanian background, Bonosky was a blast furnace worker and editor of the newspaper of the local Steel Workers Organizing Committee until he was blacklisted from the industry in 1942. He thereafter became a Party organizer in McKeesport, Duquesne, Homestead, Monessen, and Braddock, among others, whose social life and atmosphere receive his painstaking attention. Crucial is his response to “Browderism,” named for Party leader Earl Browder. Bonosky’s promotion of Browder’s premises, featuring the basic amelioration of class conflict under capitalism thus obviating the need for a Communist Party – indicates that many grassroots workers viewed, and in fact, backed the controversial theory.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2062182
D. Rosenberg
Abstract Phillip Bonosky, writer, steelworker, and union leader belonged to the Communist Party USA for 75 years. He maintained a strikingly unique journal documenting his experience. His stance during the early post-World War II anti-Communism, during which he was blacklisted and his sister was persecuted is therein presented. His reflections reveal much about the role of Communists in the labor movement in Western Pennsylvania and Ohio during the mid-40s. As a Party organizer in Canton, Ohio and in Pennsylvania’s McKeesport, Duquesne, Homestead, Monessen, and Braddock, he contributed his efforts to strikes, protests and other work at the grassroots. Central is his response to the demise of “Browderism,” named for Party leader Earl Browder, whom Bonosky had adamantly supported. Bonosky’s devastating self-interrogation of his swallowed-whole acceptance of Browder’s projection of the amelioration of class conflict under capitalism thus obviating the need for a Communist Party – forms one of the journal’s many unique features.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2061252
Jesus Jaime-Diaz, Joe Bernick
Abstract The purpose of this article is to document Lorenzo Torrez’ role as leader in the resurgence of the communist party in Arizona after the Red Scare. Based on first person testimony, secondary sources and archival research Lorenzo Torrez’s story was documented. The article highlights Lorenzo’ Torrez’ 1980 U.S. Senate Campaign against Barry Goldwater in Arizona. Such continued research is needed in order to preserve such history for future generations of activist to learn and draw upon in the cultivation of a heightened social and political consciousness in the spirit of social justice for the common good.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2022.2049668
Harvey E. Klehr, J. Haynes
Abstract Examination of the role of FBI informants in the Communist Party of the United States of America from its formation until the 1970s indicates that FBI recruitment of informants and penetration of the CPUSA was smaller during the Party’s heyday in the 1930s than during its decline after World War II and collapse in the 1960s and 1970s. FBI efforts to recruit informants produced a significant number of valuable assets and stoked Party paranoia.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/14743892.2021.2009316
Robert M. Zecker
Abstract Dissent from white ethnic hostility to blacks, as well as American segregation, was expressed in the pages of left-wing newspapers. Slovak Rovnosť ľudu and Polish Głos Ludowy (“People’s Voice”) demanded “nothing less than full freedom” for blacks, urging readers to embrace anti-lynching campaigns and the FEPC. Anti-integration housing riots were, to Głos Ludowy, manifestations of American fascism. The paper argued anti-black rioters were given “a skull-dugging support from certain sections of the Polish press.” The Communist Slovak paper, Rovnosť ľudu (“People’s Equality”) likewise condemned white mobs attacking black war workers seeking to enter Detroit’s Sojourner Truth Housing Project, and as early as 1937 letter writers to the paper “Condemned Prejudice Against Black Workers.” The same year the paper denounced discriminatory lending practices at the Home Owners Loan Corporation, a prescient exposé of the racially skewed provision of social benefits. After the war both papers declared lynching of black veterans and racial segregation were American-style Hitlerism. Both papers’ commitment to the wartime interracial Popular Front dissented from the more dominant embrace of whiteness. Głos Ludowy long continued its advocacy of racial equality. Extensive coverage was granted to civil-rights campaigns, while every white terrorist attack on activists was unequivocally denounced. The paper called the murder of Florida’s NAACP leader “a shame and blot upon America” that had “the earmarks of genocide.” “A burning concept of equality for the colored races” was articulated.
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