{"title":"Personal Recollections of Durkheim, Mauss, the Family and Others","authors":"Claude N Kennedy","doi":"10.3167/DS.2010.160104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2010.160104","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2010.160104","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I sometimes wonder what Durkheim thought of the weather in Bordeaux. As a native of the northeast of France, where winter temperatures and weather can be harsh, it must have been something of a significant shift to find himself in the much milder coastal climate of Aquitaine. In Ecce Homo, Nietzsche speaks of the importance of climate on intellectual work in his effort to fully incarnate the realm of production of ideas. Dry air and clear skies are required for genius to emerge, we are told, and whether one agrees with Nietzsche's climatic predilections or not, we certainly envision a more complete perspective on intellectual production when we include the most potently material effects on a thinker's life. Ed Tiryakian does not take up this specific element of the context in which Durkheim created the ideas that spawned the discipline of sociology, but much else that one might wish to see included in that analysis, as well as penetrating mobilization of Durkheim's thought in the service of contemporary research, is to be found in this wonderful book. Tiryakian will be well-known to readers of this journal as a one-man institution in Durkheimian studies. He has been reflecting in penetrating fashion on Durkheim's legacy for more than half a century now and he has filled a veritable treasure chest with his insights over the years. This vol ume brings together some of his most compelling and insightful work on and with Durkheim from the past three and a half decades. It promises to be a core interpretive work on the Durkheimian tradition for years to come. The book is divided into three sections. The first endeavours to situate
{"title":"Tiryakian: Durkheimian Journeys","authors":"A. Riley","doi":"10.3167/DS.2010.160109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2010.160109","url":null,"abstract":"I sometimes wonder what Durkheim thought of the weather in Bordeaux. As a native of the northeast of France, where winter temperatures and weather can be harsh, it must have been something of a significant shift to find himself in the much milder coastal climate of Aquitaine. In Ecce Homo, Nietzsche speaks of the importance of climate on intellectual work in his effort to fully incarnate the realm of production of ideas. Dry air and clear skies are required for genius to emerge, we are told, and whether one agrees with Nietzsche's climatic predilections or not, we certainly envision a more complete perspective on intellectual production when we include the most potently material effects on a thinker's life. Ed Tiryakian does not take up this specific element of the context in which Durkheim created the ideas that spawned the discipline of sociology, but much else that one might wish to see included in that analysis, as well as penetrating mobilization of Durkheim's thought in the service of contemporary research, is to be found in this wonderful book. Tiryakian will be well-known to readers of this journal as a one-man institution in Durkheimian studies. He has been reflecting in penetrating fashion on Durkheim's legacy for more than half a century now and he has filled a veritable treasure chest with his insights over the years. This vol ume brings together some of his most compelling and insightful work on and with Durkheim from the past three and a half decades. It promises to be a core interpretive work on the Durkheimian tradition for years to come. The book is divided into three sections. The first endeavours to situate","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay explores a key issue in Durkheim's work, namely the relationship between justice and charity, and argues that the key to this, in turn, is to be found in an analysis of the gift. Beginning with his early lycee lectures and their account of justice and charity in relation to the moral law, it goes on to suggest that throughout his work there is an underlying con cern with the gift even or especially in his concern with the contract. This is evident in his vision of a society based on a 'spontaneous' division of labour, as well as in his critique of the inequalities built into existing soci ety through the institution of inheritance. But the essay also draws on mod ern French discussions of the gift, and their concern with issues of mutuality, reciprocity and recognition. This helps to identify the approach to the gift that underlies Durkheim's sociology, and to bring out its interest and importance.
{"title":"Durkheim's Dream: A Society of Justice and Charity","authors":"Luca Guizzardi","doi":"10.3167/DS.2009.150109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2009.150109","url":null,"abstract":"This essay explores a key issue in Durkheim's work, namely the relationship between justice and charity, and argues that the key to this, in turn, is to be found in an analysis of the gift. Beginning with his early lycee lectures and their account of justice and charity in relation to the moral law, it goes on to suggest that throughout his work there is an underlying con cern with the gift even or especially in his concern with the contract. This is evident in his vision of a society based on a 'spontaneous' division of labour, as well as in his critique of the inequalities built into existing soci ety through the institution of inheritance. But the essay also draws on mod ern French discussions of the gift, and their concern with issues of mutuality, reciprocity and recognition. This helps to identify the approach to the gift that underlies Durkheim's sociology, and to bring out its interest and importance.","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2009.150109","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the cultural turn in Durkheimian reinterpretation, should we now talk about a performative turn? These two collections of work by members of the Yale Center for Cultural Sociology would suggest an affirmative response. Social Performance is arranged as a series of insightful chapters dealing with particular empirical cases (e.g., the Clinton/Lewinsky affair, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa, Willy Brandt's 1970 knee fall at the Warsaw Memorial to the Ghetto Uprising) sandwiched by intro ductory and concluding chapters that stand as major theoretical statements informing the other chapters. I will focus most of my attention on these two theoretical chapters, as they most thoroughly situate themselves with respect to Durkheimian concepts and terminology. The introductory chapter, written by Alexander, constitutes an extensive effort towards the reconciliation of structural and pragmatist theories of cul ture. Alexander's proposition is that performance theory offers some tools for a fresh attempt at this integrative work. First, he delineates an histori cal framework for the construction of theoretical categories. Ritual and per formance differ in that the former is most applicable to simple societies of relatively unsegmented and undifferentiated component parts, while the latter is a more appropriate conceptual tool for more complex, segmented and differentiated societies like those in which we in the West live today. He calls these fused and de-fused societies, respectively. Ritual works more or less flawlessly every time in primitive societies because those societies are already so tightly interconnected; their members are so to speak already on the same page before rituals, and the rituals work well at further invig orating their relationship because members share so much in the way of
{"title":"Towards a New Cultural Sociology","authors":"A. Riley","doi":"10.3167/DS.2009.150112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2009.150112","url":null,"abstract":"After the cultural turn in Durkheimian reinterpretation, should we now talk about a performative turn? These two collections of work by members of the Yale Center for Cultural Sociology would suggest an affirmative response. Social Performance is arranged as a series of insightful chapters dealing with particular empirical cases (e.g., the Clinton/Lewinsky affair, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa, Willy Brandt's 1970 knee fall at the Warsaw Memorial to the Ghetto Uprising) sandwiched by intro ductory and concluding chapters that stand as major theoretical statements informing the other chapters. I will focus most of my attention on these two theoretical chapters, as they most thoroughly situate themselves with respect to Durkheimian concepts and terminology. The introductory chapter, written by Alexander, constitutes an extensive effort towards the reconciliation of structural and pragmatist theories of cul ture. Alexander's proposition is that performance theory offers some tools for a fresh attempt at this integrative work. First, he delineates an histori cal framework for the construction of theoretical categories. Ritual and per formance differ in that the former is most applicable to simple societies of relatively unsegmented and undifferentiated component parts, while the latter is a more appropriate conceptual tool for more complex, segmented and differentiated societies like those in which we in the West live today. He calls these fused and de-fused societies, respectively. Ritual works more or less flawlessly every time in primitive societies because those societies are already so tightly interconnected; their members are so to speak already on the same page before rituals, and the rituals work well at further invig orating their relationship because members share so much in the way of","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2009.150112","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"179 / 218: Mais où donc habitait Durkheim à Bordeaux?","authors":"M. Béra","doi":"10.3167/DS.2009.150110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2009.150110","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2009.150110","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is quite difficult to diagnose the state of mind that France will be in at the end of the war, and accordingly what, at that time, will be the dominant political movement.1 However, if we set aside the inevitable groping in opposite directions that will occur in this critical period, if we confine ourselves to working out the most general lines of what seems is going to be our political and social evolution, here is what appears likeliest: You are wondering whether or not economic issues will be at the fore front of the programmes adopted by the different parties. It is certain that France will have such a need for material reconstruction that an intense, general stimulation of industrial and commercial life is to be expected. It is even to be hoped that initiatives, so often sluggish, of which we had proof on the eve of the war, will at last come out of the state of semi-slumber they have enjoyed, and will be stirred into action by the circumstances themselves, in an all-out effort. We have increasingly become a people of small producers and shopkeep ers, whose whole ambition is to secure a mediocre existence, without risks just as without glory. Such an ideal can no longer serve us. A great nation, and one conscious of its greatness, must have a penchant for great things, and this inclination must mark all its undertakings. But it will not be enough to bolster economic forces: it will be necessary, in addition and above all, to 'organize' them. The problem of their 'organization' will come before all the others in importance. It is a problem, moreover, that did not arise yesterday. It was the French Revolution that posed it; and it dominates the entire history of the nine teenth century. Under the old regime, there was a fully defined economic organization, in harmony with the state of commerce and industry at the time. This is the system of the guilds. Economic enterprises were then an essentially town based affair: the market was town-based; the guilds had the same charac ter. It was a local organization, which met local needs, and as long as it did not try to apply itself by force to economic forms for which it was not made, it performed quite adequately the functions that were its raison d'etre.
{"title":"The Politics of the Future","authors":"E. Durkheim","doi":"10.3167/DS.2009.150102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2009.150102","url":null,"abstract":"It is quite difficult to diagnose the state of mind that France will be in at the end of the war, and accordingly what, at that time, will be the dominant political movement.1 However, if we set aside the inevitable groping in opposite directions that will occur in this critical period, if we confine ourselves to working out the most general lines of what seems is going to be our political and social evolution, here is what appears likeliest: You are wondering whether or not economic issues will be at the fore front of the programmes adopted by the different parties. It is certain that France will have such a need for material reconstruction that an intense, general stimulation of industrial and commercial life is to be expected. It is even to be hoped that initiatives, so often sluggish, of which we had proof on the eve of the war, will at last come out of the state of semi-slumber they have enjoyed, and will be stirred into action by the circumstances themselves, in an all-out effort. We have increasingly become a people of small producers and shopkeep ers, whose whole ambition is to secure a mediocre existence, without risks just as without glory. Such an ideal can no longer serve us. A great nation, and one conscious of its greatness, must have a penchant for great things, and this inclination must mark all its undertakings. But it will not be enough to bolster economic forces: it will be necessary, in addition and above all, to 'organize' them. The problem of their 'organization' will come before all the others in importance. It is a problem, moreover, that did not arise yesterday. It was the French Revolution that posed it; and it dominates the entire history of the nine teenth century. Under the old regime, there was a fully defined economic organization, in harmony with the state of commerce and industry at the time. This is the system of the guilds. Economic enterprises were then an essentially town based affair: the market was town-based; the guilds had the same charac ter. It was a local organization, which met local needs, and as long as it did not try to apply itself by force to economic forms for which it was not made, it performed quite adequately the functions that were its raison d'etre.","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2009.150102","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the spring and summer of 1938 two quite different seminars took place in Paris. One was the very well-known College de Sociologie, which in cluded the participation of Caillois and Bataille see 'Sacred Sociology of the Contemporary World', 2 April 1938, and the session 'Festival', 2 May 1939, in which Caillois indicates the importance of sacred games (in Hol lier 1988: 157-159, 279-303). The other was the Walter Lippman Colloque, 26-30 August 1938 (in Rougier 1939). The former was the significant fore runner of French sociology and philosophy from Derrida to Baudrillard decisively influenced by Marcel Mauss. The latter was the forerunner of what became the world hegemonic system of ideas from the 1980s neo liberalism which took up a position very specifically against Durkheim and Mauss, and all holistic and historicist sociology. Let us recall that in the 1930s Durkheim was widely interpreted as a dangerous corporatist thinker and certainly it is undeniable that Durkheim's main practical proposals called for greater development of professional organizations to enhance social solidarity. By the end of the 1930s a new style of liberalism, one that is now widely recognized as 'neo-liberalism', worked up an alternative to every kind of socialism and state-led social welfare. Foucault suggested the subsequent German post-war 'miracle' was the result of its first application. Taken up by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, neo-liberalism an nounced 'there is no such thing as society' and it soon became clear that a number of sociological terms were needed to describe the new phenom enon: affluent, post-industrial, post-modern, leisure, information, con sumer, the 'risk society'. I discuss this new miraculous but paradoxical society in two ways. The first is the very form its governmentality as an in stitutionalized anti-socialism. The second is the shift of its culture towards
{"title":"The Paradox of Neo-liberalism","authors":"M. Gane","doi":"10.3167/DS.2009.150105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2009.150105","url":null,"abstract":"In the spring and summer of 1938 two quite different seminars took place in Paris. One was the very well-known College de Sociologie, which in cluded the participation of Caillois and Bataille see 'Sacred Sociology of the Contemporary World', 2 April 1938, and the session 'Festival', 2 May 1939, in which Caillois indicates the importance of sacred games (in Hol lier 1988: 157-159, 279-303). The other was the Walter Lippman Colloque, 26-30 August 1938 (in Rougier 1939). The former was the significant fore runner of French sociology and philosophy from Derrida to Baudrillard decisively influenced by Marcel Mauss. The latter was the forerunner of what became the world hegemonic system of ideas from the 1980s neo liberalism which took up a position very specifically against Durkheim and Mauss, and all holistic and historicist sociology. Let us recall that in the 1930s Durkheim was widely interpreted as a dangerous corporatist thinker and certainly it is undeniable that Durkheim's main practical proposals called for greater development of professional organizations to enhance social solidarity. By the end of the 1930s a new style of liberalism, one that is now widely recognized as 'neo-liberalism', worked up an alternative to every kind of socialism and state-led social welfare. Foucault suggested the subsequent German post-war 'miracle' was the result of its first application. Taken up by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, neo-liberalism an nounced 'there is no such thing as society' and it soon became clear that a number of sociological terms were needed to describe the new phenom enon: affluent, post-industrial, post-modern, leisure, information, con sumer, the 'risk society'. I discuss this new miraculous but paradoxical society in two ways. The first is the very form its governmentality as an in stitutionalized anti-socialism. The second is the shift of its culture towards","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2009.150105","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Le Suicide in Poland: Analysis of the Spread and Reception of a Sociological Classic","authors":"A. Sułek","doi":"10.3167/DS.2009.150107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/DS.2009.150107","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35254,"journal":{"name":"Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3167/DS.2009.150107","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69573729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：